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"] EARLY 
: CUTIE OR INIA 
ANNALS 


BEING THAT PART OF THE AUTHOR’S SERIES ON 
THE HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA COVERING THE 
DISCOVERY AND OCCUPATION 1542-1800 


HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT 


NEW YORK 
THE BANGROFT COMPANY 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2021 with funding from 
University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 


https ://archive.org/details/earlycaliforniaa00banc_0O 





es 


Qanret bherten. 


or 


Se 
» 


PREFACH. 


THe past of California, as a whole and in each 


successive phase, furnishes a record not excelled 


either in variety or interest by that of any New World 
province. From the time when it was a mere field 
of cosmographic conjecture, its position, somewhere on 
the way from Mexico to India, being vaguely fixed by 
such bounds as Asia, the north pole, Newfoundland, 
and Florida, it has drawn upon itself a liberal share 


_of the world’s notice. The period of Spanish occupa- 


tion, of spiritual conquest and mission development 
erowing out of Franciscan effort, of quiet pastoral 
life with its lively social monotony, is a fascinating 
subject that in no part of America can be studied 
more advantageously than here. Even the minia- 
ture struggles between church and state, the polit- 
ical controversies of the Mexican régime, the play at 
war and state-craft, are full of interest to the reader 
who can forget the meagre outcome. On the ocean, 
as on a great maritime highway, California was visited 
by explorers and traders from all parts of the world, 
thus escaping much of the tedious isolation of inland 
provinces, to the manifest enlivenment of her annals. 
Over the mountains presently came adventurous path- 
finders, followed by swarms of Anglo-Saxon im- 


©» migrants to seek homes by the Pacific; and their 
°~ Fe 


(iii) 


iv PREFACE. 


experiences on the overland way, with the dissensions 
and filibusterings that followed their coming, from 
the ‘Graham affair’ to the ‘Bear Flag’ revolt, furnish 
matter for a narrative not wanting in dramatic in- 
terest. Then came the conquest, the change of flag, 
and the interregnum of military rule under the 
United States; closely followed by the crowning 
excitement of all, the discovery of gold, an event that 
not only made California famous among the nations, 
but imparted a new interest to the country’s past. 
The gold-mines with their immense yield, the anoma- 
lous social conditions and developments of the ‘flush 
times,’ the committees of vigilance and other strange 
phenomena, for years permitted no relaxation of the 
world’s interest. And then dawned the latest epoch 
_ of industrial progress, of agricultural wealth, of trans- 
continental railways, of great towns on the Pacific; 
an epoch that in a measure places California side by 
side with older states in a career of progressional 
prosperity. 

My resources for writing a history of California are 
shown in the accompanying list of authorities, and in 
Chapter II. of the present volume, where a classifica- 
tion of the authorities is given. Existing printed 
material for such a history is in the aggregate exten- 
sive and valuable. The famous collectors and editors 
of old, such as Hakluyt and Purchas, the standard 
historians of the Spanish Indies, Torquemada and 
Herrera, with Mercator, Ortelius, and all the school 
of cosmographers, aided by such specialists as Vene- 
gas and Cabrera Bueno, published what was known 
and imagined of California in the earliest period of 
its annals. Then the early navigators from the time 





PREFACH. Vv 


of La Pérouse and Vancouver gave much aiten- 
tion to the history of the country they visited; and 
while few of them made the best use of their oppor- 
tunities, vet their narratives may be regarded as 
the most valuable material in print, unless we except 
Palou’s missionary annals. Meanwhile Fleurieu and 
Navarrete, like Forster and Burney, turned their 
attention to the summarizing of early voyages; and 
others, like Forbes and Mofras, gave a more practical 
scope to their researches. Documentary records were 
printed from time to time in Mexico, and even in 
California; articles more or less historical found 
their way into the world’s periodicals, and mention of 
the far-off province appeared in general works on 
Spanish America. Foreign pioneers, following the 
lead of Robinson, described in print the condition and 
prospects of their new home; overland immigrants and 
explorers, like Bidwell and Hastings and Frémont, 
pictured the western coast for the benefit of others to 
follow. The conquest was voluminously recorded in 
documents printed by the government of the United 
States, as well as in such books as those of Colton and 
Cutts, also making California a prominent topic of 
newspaper mention. . From the finding of gold there 
has been no lack of books and pamphlets published 
jn or about the country; while national, state, and 
municipal records in type, with the addition of news- 
papers, have forever abolished the necessity of search- 
ing the unprinted state and county archives. 

Of late there has been manifest commendable 
diligence on the part of early Californians in_his- 
toric research. Many pioneer reminiscences have 
been printed in one form or another, one journal 


vi PREFACE. 


having been devoted for years almost exclusively to 
that labor. A few documents of the older time have 
seen the light, with comments by such men as Taylor 
and Evans, who, like Stillman, have studied the old 
voyages. John T. Doyle, besides publishing several 
historical pamphlets, has edited a reprint of Palou’s 
works. Several men, like Hopkins of San Francisco 
and Williams of Santa Cruz, have brought out small 
collections of California documents. Other memorials 
of the Mexican time have been translated, printed, 
and to some extent utilized in periodicals and legal 
records. Some members of the legal profession, such 
as Dwinelle, have expanded their briefs into formal 
history. Several old narratives or diaries of early 
events, as for instance those of Ide and Sutter, have 
been recently published. Benjamin Hayes has been 
an indefatigable collector of printed items on southern 
California. Lancey has presented in crude form a 
valuable mass of information about the conquest. 
Specialists, like McGlashan on the Donner party, 
have done some faithful work. Particularly active 
have been the local annalists, headed by Hittell, 
Soulé, Hall, and Gilbert, whose efforts have in sev- 
eral instances gone far beyond mere local and personal 
records, and who have obtained some original data 
from old residents and a partial study of documentary 
evidence. And finally there are a few writers, like 
Tuthill and Gleeson, who have given the world popular 
and creditable versions of the country’s general annals. 

The services of the lawyers and legal tribunals in 
years past merit hearty recognition. My corps of 
involuntary legal assistants has been more numerous 
than that of the twenty skilled collaborateurs employed 





PREFACE, vii 


directly by me as elsewhere explained; and though 
they examined but a small part of the archives, yet 
they employed the finest talent in the profession, 
labored for more than twenty years, submitted their 
work to the courts, and collected, I suspect, larger 
fees than I should have been able to pay. The notes 
of these workmen were scattered broadcast, and were 
practically inaccessible in legal briefs, printed argu- 
ments, court reports, and bulky tomes of testimony 
in land and other cases; but I have collected, classi- 
fied, and used them to test, corroborate, or supple- 
ment notes from other sources. This duplication of 
data, and the comments of the profession on the thou- 
sands of documents submitted alternately to partisan 
heat and judicial coolness in the crucible of litigation, 
have not only doubled the value of those papers, but 
have greatly aided me in making proper use of other 
tens of thousands never submitted to sucha test. And 
to documentary evidence of this class should be added 
the testimony of pioneers elicited by interrogators 
who, through personal interests or the subpena, had 
a power over reticent witnesses which I never pos- 
sessed. 


But while much credit is due to investigators of 
the several classes who have preceded me, the path, 
so far as original research on an extended scale is 
concerned, has to this time remained untrodden. No 
writer has even approximately utilized the informa- 
tion extant in print. It has now been collected and 
studied for the first time in its entirety. Yet so much 
further has the investigation been carried, and so com- 
paratively. unimportant is this class of data, that for 


viii PREFACE. 


a large part of the period covered—namely, from 1769 
to 1846—the completeness of my record would not 
be very seriously affected by the destruction of every 
page that has ever been printed. Never has it been 
the fortune of any writer, aspiring to record the 
annals of his country, to have at the same time so 
new a field and so complete a collection of original 
and unused material. I may claim without exaggera- 
tion to have accumulated practically all that exists on 
the subject, not only in print but in manuscript. I 
have copied the public archives, hitherto but very 
superficially consulted; and I have ransacked the 
country for additional hundreds of thousands of orig-. 
inal documents whose very existence was unknown. 
I have also taken statements, varying in size from 
six to two thousand pages each, from many hun- 
dreds of the early inhabitants. For details respecting 
these new sources of information I refer the reader 
to the list and chapter already cited. It is true that 
new documents will be found as the years pass by to 
throw a clearer light on many minor points; but new 
fe whatever new talent and new theories may 
do—will necessitate the reconstruction of few if any of 
these chapters. It is to mea matter of pride that, using 
the term in the limited and only sense in which it can 
ever be properly applied to an extended historical 
work, I have thus been able to exhaust the subject. 

Possibly I have at the same time exhausted the 
patience of my readers; for it is in the History oF 
CauirorniA that I have entered more fully into de- 
tails than in any other part of the general work. The 
plan. originally announced carries me from national 
history into local annals as I leave the south for the 





PREFACE. ix 


north; and among the northern countries of the Pacific 
States California claims the largest space. That this 
treatment is justified by the extent and variety of 
the country’s annals, by its past, present, and pro- 
spective importance in the eyes of the world, will not 
probably be questioned. Yet while the comparative 
prominence of the topic will doubtless be approved, it 
may be that the aggregate space devoted to it will 
seem to some excessive. But such would be the case 
if the space were reduced by one half or two thirds; 
and such a reduction could only be made by a radical 
change in the plan of the work, and a total sacrifice of 
its exhaustive character. A history of California is a 
record of events from year to year, each being given a 
space, from a short paragraph to a long chapter, in 
proportion to its importance. Any considerable re- 
duction in space would make of the work a mere 
chronological table of events that would be intolerably 
tedious, or a record of selected illustrative events 
which would not be history. That the happenings to 
be chronicled are not so startling as some of the des- 
tiny-deciding events of the world’s history, is a state 
of things for which the writer 1s not responsible; and 
while from a certain point of view it might justify him 
in not writing of California at all, it can by no means 
excuse him, having once undertaken the task, from 
telling the whole story. The custom has been in 
writing the annals of this and other countries to dwell 
at length on one event or epoch recorded in a book or 
document the writer happens to have seen, and to 
omit—for want of space!—twenty others equally im- 
portant which have escaped his research, a happy 
means of condensation not at my command. 


x PREFACE. 


There will be found in these volumes no long-drawn 
narratives or descriptions. In no part of this series 
has my system of condensation been more strictly 
‘ appled. I am firm in the belief that the record is 
worth preserving, and for its completeness I expect 
in time the appreciation and approbation of all true 
Californians. Unless I am greatly in error respect- 
ing what I have written, no intelligent reader desiring 
information on any particular event of early Cali- 
fornian history—information on the founding or early 
annals of any mission or town; on the development 
of any political, social, industrial, or religious institu- 
tion; on the occurrences of any year or period; on the 
life and character of any official or friar or prominent 
citizen or early pioneer; on the visit and narrative of 
any voyager; on the adventures and composition 
of any immigrant party; on any book or class of books 
about California; or on any one or any group of the 
incidents that make up this work—will accuse me of - 
having written at too great length on that particular 
topic. And I trust the system of classification will 
enable the reader to select without inconvenience or 
confusion such portions as may suit his taste. 

To government officials of nation, state, and coun- 
ties, who have afforded me and my agents free access 
to the public archives, often going beyond their official 
obligations to facilitate my investigations, most hearty 
acknowledgments are due. I am no less indebted to 
Archbishop Alemany of San Francisco and Bishop 
Mora of Los Angeles and Monterey, by whose au- 
thority the parochial archives have been placed at my 
disposal; and to the curates, who with few exceptions 
have done much more in appreciation of my work 


PREFACE. xi 


than simply to comply with the requests of their su- 
periors. Acknowledgments are also due to Father 
Romo and his Franciscan associates at Santa Bar- 
bara for permitting me to copy their unrivalled col- 
lection of documents, the real archivo de misiones. 
Nor must I forget the representatives of native Cali- 
fornian and early pioneer families, duly mentioned by 
name elsewhere in this history, who have generously 
and patriotically given me not only their personal 
reminiscences, but the priceless treasures of their 
family archives, without which documents the early 
annals of their country could never have been written. 
Lastly there are the strong, intelligent, and energetic 
men of Anglo-Saxon origin, conspicuous among the 
world’s latter-day builders of empire, who have laid 
the foundations of the fullest and fairest civilization 
in this last of temperate climes—to these for informa- 
tion furnished, with a heart full of admiration and 
trust, I tender my grateful thanks. 








CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. 


CHAPTER I. 


INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 

PAGB 
History of the North Mexican States, 1520 to 1769—Cortés on the Pacific 
Coast—His Plans—Obstacles—Nufio de Guzman in Sinaloa—Hur- 
tado, Becerra, and Jimenez—Cortés in California—Diego de Guz- 
man—Cabeza de Vaca—Niza—Ulloa—Coronado—Diaz—Alarcon— 
Alvarado—Mixton War—Nueva Galicia—Nueva Vizcaya—Mission 
Work to 1600—Conquest of New Mexico—Coast Voyages—Seven- 
teenth Century Annals—Mission Districts of Nueva Vizcaya—Tepe- 
huanes and Tarahumares—Jesuits and Franciscans—Revolt in New 
Mexico—Sinaloa and Sonora—Kino in Pimerfa—Vizcaino—Gulf 
Expeditions—Occupation of Baja California—Highteenth Century 
Annals of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California, to 

the @xpalston Of thew csuite 1 1767... eames shoe aso eee es tote 1 


CHAPTER II. 
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY, 


List of Authorities—A Catalogue of California Books—Taylor’s List— 
Proposed Classification—Periods of History—Sixteen Hundred Titles 
before 1848—Printed Material—Epoch of Discovery to 1769—Cos- 
mographies and Voyage Collections—Spanish Epoch 1769-1824— 
Books of Visitors—Books, Periodicals, and Documents—The Mexican 
Period, 1824-1846—Voyages—Overland Narratives—First Prints of 
California—-Works of Mexican Authors—Government Documents— 
Histories—Local Annals—One Thousand Titles of Manuscripts— 
Archives, Public, Mission, and Private—Vallejo and Larkin—Docu- 
mentary Titles--Scattered Correspondence—Dictations of Natives 
and Pioneers—Value of Reminiscences—After the Gold Discovery— 
Manuscripts—Books Printed in and about California.............. 34 


( xiii ) 





| 
i 


_ 


xiv 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER ITI. 
THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


1542-1768. 


Origin of the Name—Conjectures—Sergas of Esplandian—Mr Hale’s 


Discovery—Later Variations of tne Name—Who First Saw Alta 
California?—Ulloa, Alarcon, Diaz—Five Expeditions—Voyaye of 
Juan Rodr'sguez Cabrillo, 1542-3—Exploration from San Diego to 
Point Concepcion—Ferrelo in the North—Voyage of Sir Francis 
Drake, 1579—New Albion—Drake did not Discover San Francisco 
Bay—Maps—The Philippine Ships—Galli’s Voyage, 1584—Cape 
Mendocino—Voyage of Sebastian Rodriguez de Cermefion, 1595— 
The Old San Francisco—Explorations of Sebastian Vizcaino, 1602-3 
—Map—Discovery of Monterey—Aguilar’s Northern Limit—Cabrera 
Bueno’s Work, 1734—Spanish Chart, 1742—The Northern Mystery 
and \Marly Mapas. ./.:.'. s+ + sesamin tee ees attains sa «lA mxtel = oiane es 


CHAPTER IV. 


MOTIVES AND PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 
1767-1770. 


State of the Spanish Colonies—Accidrntal Awakening from Apathy— 


Revival of Old Motives—Fear of the Russians—Visitador José de 
Galvez on the Peninsula—Character and Authority of the Man— 
Condition of Affairs in Lower California—Instructions and Plans of 
Galvez for the Occupation of San Diego and Monterey—A Fourfold 
Expedition by Sea and Land—Vessels, Troops, and Supplies—Por- 
tola, Rivera, and Serra—Plans for the Conquista Espiritual—Galvez 
Consults the Padre Presidente—Sacred Forced Loans—Active Prep- 
arations—Sailing of the Fleet from La Paz and Cape San Lucas— 
March of the Army from the Northern Frontier—Loss of the ‘San 


Joné’—Tidings of Success.5.4)saaepeeritetew sss 6's oie ails a a's cin sis ease 
CHAPTER V. 
OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO—EXPEDITIONS BY SEA AND LAND. 
1769. 


Voyage of Perez in the ‘San Antonio’—Arrival in San Diego Bay—A 


Miracle—Discovery of Santa Cruz Island—Waiting for the Capi- 
tana—Voyage of Vila in the ‘San Carlos’-—Fages and his Catalan 
Volunteers—Instructions by Galvez—A Scurvy-stricken Crew—A 
Pest-house at San Diego—Arrival of Rivera y Moncada—Crespi’s 
Diary—Camp and Hospital Moved to North San Diego—Coming of 
Portolé and Junipero Serra—Reunion of the Four Expeditions— 
Thanksgiving to Saint Joseph—The ‘San Antonio’ Sent to San 
Blas—Portola Sets out for Monterey—Founding of San Diego Mis- 
sion—A Battle with the Natives—A Mission without Converts..... 


PAGE 


64 


110 


CONTENTS. xv 


CHAPTER VI, 
FIRST EXPEDITION FROM SAN DIEGO TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO; 
1769. 

PAGE 
Portolé Marches from San Diego—His Company—Crespi’s Journal—Note 
on Geography and Nomenclature—Table of Names and Distances— 
First Baptism in California—Earthquakes in the Los Angeles Region 
—An Hospitable People and Large Villages on the Santa Barbara 
Channel—Across the Sierra and down the Salinas River—Unsuc- 
cessful Search for Monterey—Causes of the Error—Northward 
along the Coast—In Sight of Port San Francisco under Point Reyes 
—Confusion in Names—Mystery Cleared—Exploration of the Penin- 
’ sula—Discovery of a New and Nameless Bay—Return of the Expe- 

dition to Monterey and San Diego..............006- rE ae Ee 140 


CHAPTER VII. 


OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY—FOUNDING OF SAN cARLOS, SAN ANTONIO, 
AND SAN GABRIEL. 


Affairs at San Diego—A Disheartened Governor—California to be Aban- 
doned—Rivera’s Trip to the South—Prayer Answered—Arrival of 
the ‘San Antonio’—Discovery of Monterey—In Camp on Carmelo 
Bay—Founding of the Presidio and Mission of San Carlos—Despatches 
Sent South by Land and Sea—Portola Leaves Fages in Command— 
Reception of the News in Mexico—Ten Padres Sent to California— 
Palou’s Memorial—Mission Work in the North—Arrival of the New 
Padres—Stations Assigned—Founding of San Antonio—Transfer of 
San Carlos to Carmelo Bay—Events at San Diego—Desertions—Re- 
tirement of Parron and Gomez—Establishing of San Gabriel—Out- 
PAG CS WY SOMONE S016 o.c 4 cst om. «,<.< 81415 6/6 Se enealeues Sirhan ls <p law aids ol se ave 164 


CHAPTER VIII. 
PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS, 
1772-1773. 


Events of 1772—Search for the Port of San Francisco—Crespi’s Diary— 
First Exploration of Santa Clara, Alameda, and Contra Costa Coun- 
ties—Fages Discovers San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and San 
Joaquin River—Relief Sent South—Hard Times at Monterey— 
Living on Bear-meat—Fages and Serra Go South—Founding of San 
Luis Obispo—Events at San Diego—A Quarrel between Command- 
ant and President—Serra Goes to Mexico—Cession of Lower Cali- 
fornian Missions to Dominicans—New Padres for the Northern 
Establishments—Palou’s Journey to San Diego and Monterey in 
esd Oa eee Sa eg ae re Pro ri RNAI ERE ea ee 183 





XVi 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER IX. 
FIRST ANNUAL REPORT; SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 
1773. 


Palou’s Report of December, and Serra’s in May—Condition of Cali- 


fornia at Close of the First Historical Period—Names Applied— 
Presidio and Five Missions—Baptisms, Marriages, and Deaths— 
Gentiles Friendly—Pre-pastoral Californian Architecture— Palisade 
Enclosures—Agriculture and Stock-raising—New Presidio Regula- 
tions of September 1772—Father Junipero in Mexico—Memorial of 
March—Memorial of April—San Blas Establishment Saved—Action 
of the Junta—Aids and Reforms—Reglamento—EHighty Soldiers for 
California—Ways and Means—Serra’s Report—Provisional Instruc- 
tions to Fages—Fiscal’s Report—Condition of Pious Fund—Final 
Action of the Junta—Rivera Appointed to Succeed Fages—Instruc- 
tions—Preparations of Rivera and Anza—Serra Homeward Bound.. 


CHAPTER X. 
RECORD OF EVENTS. 


1774. 


Want in the Missions—Anza’s First Expedition—The Overland Route 


from Sonora—Return of Padre Junipero—Rivera Assumes the Com- 
mand—Departure of Fages—Exploring Voyage of Perez to the 
Northern Coast—San Diego Mission Moved from Cosoy to Nipa- 
guay—Coming of Soldiers and their Families—Third Exploration of 
San Francisco Bay—A Mission Site Selected—First Drive on the 
Beach to the Cliff and Seal Rocks—Troubles between the Francis- 
cans and Governor Barri in the Peninsula—Much Ado about Noth- 
ing—Felipe de Neve Appointed Governor to Succeed Barri—Second 
Annual Report on Mission Progress 


eoeceoereerereecececeoseeoe eee e ee eee ee 


CHAPTER XI. 
NORTHERN EXPLORATION AND SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


1775. 


A. California-bound Fleet—Franciscan Chaplains—Voyage of Quiros in 


the ‘San Antonio’—Voyage of Ayala in the ‘San Carlos’—Voyage 
of Heceta and Bodega y Cuadra to the Northern Coasts—Discovery 
of Trinidad Bay—Discovery of Bodega Bay—Death of Juan Perez— 
Exploration of San Francisco Bay by Ayala—Trip of Heceta and 
Palou to San Francisco by Land—Preparations for New Missions— 
Attempted Founding of San Juan Capistrano—Midnight Destruction 
of San Diego Mission—Martyrdom of Padre Jaume—A Night of 
Terror—Alarm at San Antonio 


Ce ee} 


PAGE 


198 


CONTENTS. XVii 


CHAPTER XII. 
EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GAROES. 
1775-1776. ee 


Anza and his Colony—Preparations in Mexico and Sonora—Two Hundred 
Immigrants—Original Authorities—March to the Rio Colorado— 
Missionaries Left—Itinerary+Map—A Tedious March to San Ga- 
briel—Anza Goes to the Relief of San Diego—Rivera Excommuni- 
cated—Anza Brings his Force to Monterey—His Illness—Rivera 
Comes North and Anza Goes South—A Quarrel—Rivera versus Anza 
and the Friars—Strange Actions of the Commandant—His March 
Southward—Insanity or Jealousy—Anza’s Return to the Colorado 
and to Sonora—Explorations by Garcés—Up the Colorado—Across 
the Mojave Desert—Into Tulare Valley—A Remarkable Journey— 
Donngiez eu EACH Adio. ey em oss omen eee se ai a ccd el sess 257 


CHAPTER XIII. 


FOUNDING OF THE PRESIDIO AND MISSION OF SAN FRANCISCO. 
1776-1777. 

Anza’s Exploration of the Peninsula of San Francisco—Itinerary—The 
Camp on Mountain Lake—Survey of the Peninsula—Arroyo de los 
Dolores—Trip to the Great River—Blunders of Font in Correcting 
Crespi—Return to Monterey—Orders for the Foundation—A Hit at 
the Padres—Arrival of the Transport Vessels—Moraga Leads the 
Colony to the Peninsula—Camp on Lake Dolores—Coming of the 
‘San Carlos’—The Presidio Founded—New Exploration of Round 
Bay and Rio de San Francisco—Flight of the Natives—Formal Dedi- 
cation of the Mission—Discussion of Date, Location, and Name— 
Early Progress—Annals of 1777—Visits of Governor and President 
ATTEN OPTINALICAATA Ge aici aig tia c Bic,= «= 0 2 » alee MmeMn Oia = wltta: sia. i 0(d's ahaia'se es 279 


CHAPTER XIV. 


MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 
1776-1777. 

Indian Affright at Monterey—Fire at San Luis Obispo—Affairs at San 
Diego—Rivera and Serra—Reéstablishment of the Mission—The 
Lost Registers—Founding of San Juan Capistrano—Father Serra 
Attacked—Founding of Santa Clara—Change of Capital of the Cali- 
fornias—Governor Neve Comes to Monterey—Rivera as Lieutenant- 
governor at Loreto—Provincias Internas—Governor’s Reports— 
Precautions against Captain Cook—Movements of Vessels—Neve’s 
Plans for Channel Establishments—Plans for Grain Supply—Experi- 
mental Pueblo—Founding of San José—Indian Troubles in the 
South—A Soldier Killed—Four Chieftains Shot—The First Public 
PimemiettOu 10) CAMOTiiae go. cs <4 saa 5 ad « UREN seine > VOLS We iets gen 298 





xviii CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XV. 
A DECADE COMPLETED—PRESIDENT SERRA VERSUS GOVERNOR NEVE. 
1778-1780. 


A Period of Preparation—Schemes for the Future—Government Re- 


forms—Pueblos—Channel Establishments—Neve Wants to Resign 
and is Made Colonel—Sacrament of Confirmation—Episcopal Powers 
Conferred on Padre Serra—Tour of the Missions—Quarrel with 
Neve—Kcclesiastic Prerogative and Secular Authority—A_ Friar’s 
Sharp Practice—Serious Charges by the Governor—Movements of 
Vessels—Arrival of Arteaga and Bodega from a Northern Voyage— 
The First Manila Galleon at Monterey—Local Events and Progress 
—Presidio Buildings 


eeceeteteeoeeveeeoeeeweeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee eens e 


CHAPTER XVI. 


PAGE 


317 


A NEW REGLAMENTO—COLONISTS AND RECRUITS—LOS ANGELES FOUNDED. 


1781. 


Neve’s Reglamento in Force—Inspectors of Presidios—Supply System— 


Habilitado—The Santa Barbara Channel to be Occupied—Coloniza- 
tion System—Mission Extension—Preparations for New Establish- 
ments—Rivera’s Recruiting in Sonora and Sinaloa—Plans for the 
March—Coming of Rivera via the Colorado, and of Zufiiga via Lo- 
reto—Arrival at San Gabriel—Founding of Los Angeles—Neve’s 
Instructions—Names of the Original Settlers—Karly Progress— 
Final Distribution of Lands in 1786—Map of Survey—San José 
Distribution in 1783—Map—Local Items—Laying the Corner-stone 
of the Church at Santa Clara—Movements of Vessels and Mission- 


CHAPTER XVII. 
PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO, 
1780-1782. 


Preliminary Résumé—Reports of Garcés and Anza—Palma in Mexico— 


( 


Arricivita’s Chronicle—Yumas Clamorous for Miss‘onaries—Orders 
of General Croix—Padres Garceés and Diaz on the Colorado—No 
Gifts for the Indians—Disgust of the Yumas— Mission-pueblos 
Founded—A New System—Powers of Friars Curtailed—Franciscan 
Criticism—A Dangerous Experiment—Founding of Concepcion and 
San Pedro y San Pablo—Names of the Colonists—Spanish Oppres- 
sion—Forebodings of Disaster—Massacre of July 17, 1781—Four 
Martyrs—Fifty Victims—Death of Rivera—Fruitless Efforts to 
Punish the Yumas—Captives Ransomed—Expeditions of Fages, 
Fueros, Romeu, and Neve 





CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


FOUNDING OF SAN BUENAVENTURA AND SANTA BARBARA PRESIDIO— 


FAGES GOVERNOR. 


1782. ° PAGE 


Ready to Begin—Missionaries Expected—Neve’s Instructions to Ortega— 


Precautions against Disaster—Indian Policy—Radical Changes in 
Mission System—San Buenaventura Established—Presidio of Santa 
Barbara—Visit of Fages—Arrival of the Transports—News from 
Mexico—No Mission Supplies—No Priests—Viceroy and Guardian— 
Six Friars Refuse to Serve—Control of Temporalities--False Charges 
against Neve—Changes in Missionaries—Fages Appointed Gov- 
ernor—Neve Inspector General—Instructions—Fugitive Neophytes 
—Local Events—Death of Mariano Carrillo— Death of Juan 


CHAPTER XIX. 


RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 
1783-1790. 


Uneventful Decade—Statistics of Progress—Missions, Presidios, and 
Pueblos—Population, Padres, and Neophytes—Pedro Fages Brings 
his Family to California—Doia Eulalia—A Jealous Catalan—A Mon- 
terey Court Scandal—Fages and Soler—Inspection of Presidios— 
Soler’s Proposed Reforms—Troubles with Habilitados—Governor 
and Franciscans—A Never Ending Controversy—General Reports of 
Palou and Lasuen—Charges and Counter Charges—F ranking Privi- 
lege—Cruelty to Natives—Chaplain Service—Patronato—Prices for 
Mission Products—Inventories—License to Retire—Natives on 
Horseback—Mission Escorts—Native Convicts and Laborers....... 


CHAPTER XX. 


RULE OF FAGES, DEATH OF SERRA, AND MISSION PROGRESS. 
1783-1790. 


President Serra’s Last Tours—IlIness and Death—Burial and Funeral 


Honors—His Life and Character—Succession of Palou and Lasuen— 
Mugartegui as Vice-president—Confirmation—Notice of Palou’s His; 
torical Works—Vida de Junfpero—Noticias de California—Map— 
Proposed Erection of the Missions into a Custodia—New Missions— 
Founding of Santa Barbara—Innovations Defeated—Five Years’ 
Progress—Mission of La Purfsima Concepcion Founded—EHarly 


Ania Wise iis Sap eow bk sei tMe ee EE Sas Pe geedl ts wtala eae arate 





372 


387 


No 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XXI. 


RULE OF FAGES; FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 
1783-1790. 


PAGE 


Fears of Foreigners—lIsolation of California—War Contributions 
against England—Visit of the French Voyager La Pérouse—His 
Instructions—An Hospitable Reception—The Strangers at San Car- 
los—Fate of the Expedition—Observations on the Country and the 


| Mission System—Commerce—The Salt-trade—The Fur-trade—Va- 


at 


sadre’s Project—A Failure—The Manila Galleon—Current Prices— 
Arrival of Transport Vessels—Northern Voyages of Martinez and 
Elisa—General Washington’s Ship the ‘Columbia’—The Chigoes— 
Ex-governor Neve and the Provincias Internas................e0. . 


CHAPTER XXII. 


RULE OF FAGES; LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 
1783-1790. 


Plan of Local Annals—San Diego Presidial District—Presidio Officials— 


Alférez José Velasquez—Force and Population—Buildings—Garrison 
Life—Indian Affairs—Explorations—San Diego Mission—Juan Fi- 
gueroa—Rioboo—Material and Spiritual Progress—San Juan Capis- 
trano—Gregorio Amurrio--Pablo Mugartegui—San Gabriel—Pueblo 
of Los Angeles—Settlers—Félix as Comisionado—Presidio of Santa 
Barbara—Plan of Buildings—A Volcano—Soldiers Killed While 
Prospecting for Mines—San Buenaventura—Presidio of Monterey— 
Official Changes—Surgeon Davila—San Carlos—Noriega—San An- 
tonio— San Luis Obispo—José Cavaller—Presidio of San Francisco— 
Lieutenants Moraga and Gonzalez—Lasso de la Vega—Presidio 
Chapel—The Mission—Francisco Paiou—Map of the Bay—Santa 
Clara—New Church—Murguia—Pueblo de San José—Vallejo as 
SPOMUSIONAGO . ..s..1 22+ 0s von cane 1 LR een eyes 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


RULE OF ROMEU. 
1791-1792. 


Resignation of Pedro Fages—Transfer of the Office at Loreto—Instructions 


to the New Governor—Last Acts of Fages—Life and Character— 
Arrival of Romeu—Failing Health—Journey to Monterey—Policy 
with the Friars—Romeu’s Death—Visit of Malaspina in the ‘Descu- 
bierta’ and ‘Atrevida’—The First American in California—Prepara- 
tions for New Missions—Lasuen’s Efforts—EKstablishing of Santa 
Cruz—Annals of First Decade—Indian Troubles—Statistics—Church 


426 


450 


CONTENTS. xxi. 


PAGE 
Dedicated — Flouring Mill — Misfortune —Quarrelsome Padres — 
Alonso Isidro Salazar—Baldomero Lopez—Manuel Fernandez— 
Founding and Early Annals of Soledad Mission—Immoral Friars— 
Widen aD Statistical... vies etek eocld eee wea ates odode Soe eve 481 


CHAPTER XXIV. 
RULE OF ARRILLAGA—VANCOUVER’S VISITS. 
1792-1794. 


Council at Monterey to Appoint a Temporary Governor—Arrillaga’s 
Accession—Arrival at Monterey—California Separated from Provin- 
cias Internas—Arrillaga’s Policy and Acts—The Jordan Colony— 
Maritime Affairs and Foreign Relations—Northern Explorations— 
Spanish Policy—The Nootka Question—Voyage of the ‘Sutil’ and 
‘Mexicana’—Boundary Commission—Vancouver’s First Visit—Re- 
ception at San Francisco, Santa Clara, and Monterey—English 

- Deserters—The Governor in a Dilemma—Precautions against Foreign 
Vessels—Revilla Gigedo’s Report—Attempted Occupation of Bo- 
dega—Vancouver’s Second Visit—A Disgusted Englishman—Sus- 
picions of Arrillaga—Hospitalities in the South—End of the Nootka 
Settlement—Vancouver’s Last Visit—His Observations on Cali- 
POT es seus ot 3% Sb bess ceed cue un onsteilals @ eis Sia bia eh wis, Sralane & x \vloie'h 501 


| CHAPTER XXV. 
RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIRS, 
1794-1800. 


Diego de Borica—Arrival at Loreto—Branciforte Viceroy—Borica’s Jour- 
ney to Monterey—Arrillaga’s Instructions—Charms of California— 
Résumé of Events in Borica’s Term of Office—Coast Defences— 
Promised Reénforcements—French War Contribution—Foreign Ves- 
sels—Precautions—The ‘Phcenix’—Broughton’s Visit—The ‘Otter’ 
of Boston—A Yankee Triek—Arrival of Alberni and the Catalan 
Volunteers— Engineer Cérdoba’s Surveys—War with England— 
Coasting Vessels—War Contribution—Distribution of Forces—Map 
of California—The ‘Eliza’—The ‘ Betsy’—War with Russia—Indian 
Affairs—Minor Hostilities—Campaigns of Amador, Castro, and Mo- 
PRS ere his aie es STs ile + 6'< aie vie PARTUM ante ste gic a oss sde'o 3 o's 530 


CHAPTER XXVI. 
RULE OF BORICA—EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 
1794-1800. 


Search for Mission Sites—Exploration of the Alameda—San Benito—Las 
Pozas—Encino—Palé—Lasuen’s Report—Foundation of Mission San 
José at the Alameda—Local Annals to 1800—Mission San Juan 





xxii CONTENTS.. 

PAGE 
Bautista at Popeloutchom—Harthquake—Mission San Miguel at 
Vahiia—Padre Antonio de la Concepcion Horra—Mission San Fer- 
nando on Reyes’ Rancho, or Achois Comihavit—Mission San Luis 
Rey at Tacayme—A New Pueblo—Preliminary Correspondence— 
Search for a Site—Reports of Alberni,and Cérdoba—San Francisco 
and Alameda Rejected in Favor of Santa Cruz—Arrival of Colo- 
nists—Founding of the Villa de Branciforte—Protest of the Fran- 
ciscans—Plan to Open Communication with New Mexico—Colorado 
DLOCUS GO ODOTA... cee eeeran s SROIT MEME aS sce sis es sles dese ele ses - 550 


CHAPTER XXVII. 
MISSION PROGRESS. 
1791-1800. 


Arrival and Departure of Padres—General Statistical View—The Presi- 
dent—Episcopal Powers—The Inquisition—Revilla Gigedo’s Report 
—Views of Salazar—Carmelite Monastery—Pious Fund Hacienda—, 
Controversies—The Old Questions Discussed Anew—Reduction in 
Number of Friars—Retirement—Travelling Expenses—Chaplain 
Duty—Guards—Runaway Neophytes—Mission Alcaldes—Indians 

on Horseback—Local Quarrels—Charges of Concepcion de Horra— 
Investigation—Borica’s Fifteen Questions—Replies of Comandantes 
and Friars—President Lasuen’s Report—The Missionaries Acquitted 
—lHcclesiastical Miscellany -. . 0.1 Gee eosin 0 sec ecnecceccseosn 575 


CHAPTER XXVIII. 
PUEBLOS, COLONIZATION, AND LANDS—INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 
1791-1800. 


Pueblo Progress—Statistics—J ordan’s Proposed Colony—Reports of Gov- 
ernment—Marriage Encouraged—Inns—Views of Salazar, Sefian, 
and Costans6—Women Wanted—Convicts—Foundlings—Tenure of 
Lands—Pueblo and Mission Sites—Chronological Statement, 1773- 
90—Presidial Pueblos—Provisional Grants—Land-titles at End of 
Century—Labor—Indian Laborers—Sailors—Artisan Instructors— 
Manufacturers— Mining— Agriculture—Flax and Hemp—Stock- 
POISING 5 ade ds 6 od shccee's 2 SOR ared 6 Vo ee 55 oes 88 evssées 600 


CHAPTER XXIX. 


INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 
1791-1800. 


Conmmerce—Trade of the Transports—Otter-skins—Projects of Marquez, 
Mamaneli, Inciarte, Ponce, Mendez, and Ovineta—Provincial Fi- 
nances—Habilitados—Factor and Commissary—Complicated Ac- 
counts—Supplies and Revenues—Taxes—Tobacco Monopoly—Tithes 


CONTENTS. xxiii 

PAGE 
—Military Force and Distribution—Civil Government—Proposed 
Separation of the Californias—Administration of Justice—A Cause 
Célébre—Execution of Rosas—Official Care of Morals—Use of Li- 
quors—Gambling—Education—Borica’s Efforts—The First Schools 

Mie OLON MAS LECBie sa, aw sign cate abc eets ami nin Wd >. fayom Ware'ees' se weeg 624 


CHAPTER XXX. 
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—SOUTHERN DISTRICT. 
1791-1800. ' 


San Diego Presidio—Lieutenants Zufiga and Grajera—Military Force— 
Population—Rancho del Rey—Finances—Presidio Buildings—Van- 
couver’s Description—Fort at Point Guijarros—Indian Affairs—Pre- 
cautions against Foreigners—Arrivals of Vessels—Mission San Diego 
—Torrens and Mariner—Statistics—San Luis Rey—San Juan Capis- 
trano—Fuster—Buildings—Pueblo de Los Angeles—Private Ranchos 
—San Gabriel—Oramas—San Fernando—Presidioof Santa Barbara— 
Officers, Forces, and Population—Buildings and Industries—Local 
Events—First Execution in California—The ‘Phenix’—A Quick- 
silver Mine—Warlike Preparations—Death of Ortega—Mission of 
Santa Barbara—Paterna—Rancherias of the Channel—New Church 
—San Buenaventura—La Purisima Concepcion—Arroita........... 645 


CHAPTER XXXTI. 
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 
1791-1800. 


Montery Presidio—Military Force and Inhabitants—Officers—Leon Par- 
rilla—Hermenegildo Sal—Perez Fernandez—Presidio Buildings—- 
Battery—Rancho del Rey—Private Ranchos—Industries—Company 
Accounts—Indian Affairs-—San Carlos Mission—Missionary Changes 
—Pascual Martinez de Arenaza—Statistics of Agriculture, Live- 
stock, and Population—Vancouver’s Description—A New Stone 
Church—A Wife-murder—San Antonio de Padua de Los Robles— 
Miguel Pieras—Benito Catalan—San Luis Obispo—Miguel Giribet— 
Bartolome Gili-—Indian, Proubles. .. 0. coo. nace teste wees cr EME 677 


CHAPTER XXXII. 
LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—SAN FRANCISCO JURISDICTION. 
1791-1800. 
San Francisco Officials—Military Force—Population—Finance—Presidio 
Buildings—Plan—Castillo de San Joaquin at Fort Point—Cérdoba’s 
Report—Ravages of Elements—Repairs—Battery of Yerba Buena 


at Black Point—Vancouver’s Visits—Captain Brown—Mines Dis- 
covered—-Alberni’s Company—Wreck of the ‘San Carlos’—The 





xxiv CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
‘Eliza’—Rancho del Rey—Mission versus Presidio—Indian A ffairs— 
Runaway Neophytes—Amador’s Campaigns—Padre’s Cruelty—San 
Francisco Mission—Fathers Cambon, Espi, Danti, Garcia, and Fer- 
nandez—Buildings, Statistics, Industries—Pueblo of San José— 
Inhabitants and Officials—Statistics—Hemp Culture—Local Events 
—Proposed Removal—Boundary Dispute—Santa Clara—Pefia and 
Noboa—Population, Agriculture, Buildings, and Manufactures..... 692 


CHAPTER XXXITI. 
CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. 
1800. 


End of a Decade and Century—Borica’s Policy and Character—Indus- 
trial Revival—Fruitless Efforts—Governor’s Relations with Friars, 
Soldiers, Neophytes, and Settlers—Efforts for Promotion—A Knight 
of Santiago—Family Relations—Leave of Absence, Departure, and 
Death—Arrillaga and Alberni in Command—List of Secondary Au- 
thorities on Karly California History—List of Inhabitants of Cali- 
Sornis frdm1769°t0 1800: . os os rdaes Bte Wie! Siwistscase. d< tela s' Es viata 726 





AUTHORITIES QUOTED 


IN THE 


HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. 


| There are more than one thousand titles of works actually consulted in these volumes, and many 
of them named in foot-notes, which do not appear in this list. The catalogue is, however, complete down 
to the discovery of gold in 1848, and practically so down to 1856. The omissions of later date are 
general works of reference, cyclopedias, etc.; speeches, addresses, orations, not directly historical in their 
nature; publications emanating from or relating to various California institutions, associations, com- 
panies, orders, churches, banks, courts, schools, etc.; legal briefs, county and municipal regulations, law 
text-books, briefs, and miscellaneous public docwments; works of fiction and science; newspapers, and 
other similar classes. These works in the aggregate have afforded me much information ; indeed there is 
hardly a Californian book, pamphlet, or paper in my Library which is not in a certain sense historical ; 
but space does not permit a full catalogue, and I am obliged to restrict the list with few exceptions to 
material that bears directly on history. See chapter ii. of this volume for a classification of the works 
here named. ] 


- 


Aa (Pieter van der), Naaukeurige Versameling. Leyden, 17°27. 30 vols. 
Abbey (James), A Trip across the Plains in 1850. New Albany, 1850. 
Abbott (John 8. C.), Christopher Carson. New York, 1876. 

Abell (Alexander), Copy of agreement on behalf of U. S. in relation to island 
of Santa Cruz [32d Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 87]. Washington, 
1852. 

Abella (Ramon), Correspondencia del Misionero. MSS. in various archives. 

Abella (Ramon), Diario de un Registro de los Rios Grandes, 1811. MS. 

Abella (Ramon), Noticia de una Batalla entre Cristianos y Gentiles, 1807. MS. 

brego (José), Asuntos de la Tesoreria. MSS. in various archives. 

Abrego (José), Cartas sobre la Colonia de 1834. MS. 

Abrego (José), Relation. MS. 

Acosta (Josef de), Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias. Sevilla, 1590. 

Act of Congress Creating the Office of Shipping Commissioner. 8. F. 1873. 

Actas de Elecciones. MS. In Archivo de California. 

Adam (George), Dreadful Sufferings and Thrilling Adventures of an Over- 
land Party of Emigrants to California. St Louis, 1850. 

Addresses. See Speeches. 

Adventures (The) of a Captain’s Wife...to California in 1850, New York, 

etc., 1877. 

Aimard (Gustave), The Gold Seekers. Philadelphia, n.d. 

Alaman (Liicas), Censo de California, 1832. MS. 

Alaman (Liicas), Historia de Méjico. Mexico, 1849-52. 5 vols. 

Alaman (Lucas), Sucesos de California en 1831. MS. 

Alameda, Abstract of Title, lots 17-20, survey of Jones. San Francisco, 1873, 

. Alameda, Argus, Encinal, Messenger, Post, etc. ; 

Alameda County, Historical Atlas. San Francisco, 1878, atlas folio, 

Esst. Cau., Vou. I. 8 (xxv) 


xxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Albany (Or.) Register. 

Albatross (The ship), Log of a Voyage to the N. W. Coast, 1809-12. MS. 

Albatross and Lydia, Comunicaciones relativas. 1816. 18. 

Alberni (Pedro), Comunicaciones del Teniente Coronel, 1796-1800. MSS. 
[In different archives. } 

Alberni (Pedro), Parecer sobre el sitio de Branciforte, 1796. MS. 

Album Mexicano. Mexico, 1849 et seq. 

Alcedo (Antonio de), Diccionario Geografico Histérico de las Indias Occiden- 
tales. Madrid, 1786-9. 5 vols. 

Alexander (B. 8.), G. H. Mendell, and G. Davidson, Report on Treinen of 
San Joaquin. Washington, 1874. 

Alexander (J. H.), Memoir on the Routes of Communication between Atlantic 
and Pacific. Washington, 1849. 

Alger (Horatio, Jr.), The Young Adventurer. Boston, 1878; The Young 
Miner. Boston, 1879. 

Allsopp (J. P. C.), Leaves from my Log-book. MS. 

Allsopp (Robert), California and its Gold Mines. London, 1853. 

All the Way Round. London, etc. (1875). 

Almanacs. A great number, only a few of which are named in this list as 
follows: Alta California. S. F., 1868 et seq.; California Merchants and 
Miners. S. F., 1857 et seq.; California Miners. 8. F., 1864; California 
Pictorial. S. F., 1858 et seq.; California State. S. F., 1854; Califor- 
nischer Volkskalender. S. F., 1858; Carrie and Damon’s California, 
8. F., 1856; Jacoby (Philo), Almanack fiir Cal. S. F., 1865 et seq.; 
Knight(Wm. H.), Handbook for Pacific States. 8. F., 1862 et seq.; Langley 
(Henry G.), Pacific Coast. 8. F., 1868 et seq.; /d., State. S. F.,1863; /d., 
State Register. S. F., 1857 et seq.; San Francisco. S. F., 1859, etc. 

Alric (Henry J. A.), Dix Ans de Résidence d’un Missionnaire dans les deux 
Californies. Mexico, 1866. 

Altimira (José), Diario de la Expedicion, 1823. MS. 

Altimira (José), Journal of a Mission-founding Expedition, 1823. In Hutch- 
ings’ Cal. Mag., v. 58, 115. 

Alturas, Modoc Independent. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Campafia de Las Flores, 1838. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta Confidencial, 7 de Nov. 1836. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata la Campaiia de S. Fernando, 
Enero 1837. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata los sucesos de Los Angeles, 
Feb. 1837. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Cartas Relaciones, Revolucion de 1844-5. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Comunicaciones al Ayuntamiento de Los Angeles, 
Enero 1837. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C...Coronel de la Milicia Civica, etc. [Despacho 
de Capitan 4 favor de J. J. Vallejo.] Monterey, 12 Dic. 1836. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C... Gobernador Interino del Estado Libre de 
Alta Cal. 4 sus Habitantes, Monterey, Mayo 10, 1837. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Gobernador Constitucional, ete. [Suprimiendo los 
Empleos de Administradores de Misiones.] Monterey, 1 Mayo, 1840, 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Historia de California. MS. 1876. 5 vols. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones al Prefecto Castro. 1840. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que debe observar el Visitador. 
1840. MS. | 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que deberd observar el Visitador 
Hartnell. 1839. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Manifiesto del Gobt-, 10 Mayo, 1837. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Oficios Varios y Cartas Particulares. MSS. Very 
numerous in different public and private archives. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gefe Politico 21 Nov. 1838. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gobernador Interino, 9 Julio, 
1837, MS... . 





; 
‘ 
F 
| 


My AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Xxvil 


Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gobernador sobre Destierro de Ex: 
trangeros. 1840 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Primitivo Descubrimiento de Oro en Cal., 1841. MS. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Reglamento de ex-misiones. Monterey, 1843. 

Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Reglamento Provisional para Administradores de 
Misiones, 1839. MS. 

Alvarado and Castro, Esposicion contra Micheltorena, 1845. MS. 

Alviso (Valentin), Documentos para la Historia de California MS., 1817-50, 
1817-50. 

Alviso (José Antonio), Campajia de Natividad, 1846. MS. 

Amador (José Maria), Memorias sobre la Hist. de Cal. MS. 

Amador (Pedro), Diario de la Expedicion para fundar la Mision de 8. José, 
1797.> MS. 

Amador (Pedro), Expedicion contra los gentiles Sacalanes, 1796. MS. 

Amador (Pedro), Expediente de Servicios, 1765-91. MS. 

Amador (Pedro), Papeles del Sargento. MSS. In various archives. 

Amador (Pedro), Prevenciones al Cabo de la Escolta de 8. José, 1797. MS. 

Amador (Pedro), Reconocimiento desde Sta Cruz hasta S. Francisco, 1795. MS. 

Amador (Pedro), Salida contra Indios Gentiles, 1800. MS. 

Amador County, History. Oakland, 1881. folio. 

Amelia Sherwood. Richmond, 1850. 

America, Descripcion, 1710. MS. 

America, or an Exact Description of the West Indies. London, 1655. 

American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings. Worcester, 1820 et seq. 

American Educational Monthly. New York, 1864 et seq. 

American and Foreign Christian Union. New York, 1851 et seq. 

American Geographical and Statistical Society. New York, 1850 et seq. 

American Quarterly Register and Magazine. Philadelphia, 1845 et seq. 

American Quarterly Review. Philadelphia, 1827 et seq. 

American Review. Philadelphia, 1811 et seq. 

American State Papers. Boston, 1817-19. 12 vols.; Washington, 1832-4; 
1858-61. folio. 39 vols. 

Americans at Sea. In Niles’ Register, xvili. 417. 

Ames (John G.), Report on Mission Indians of California. Washington, 1873. 

Amesti (José), Cartas de un Comerciante Espafiol. MSS. In different 
archives. 


Amigo del Pueblo. Mexico, 1827 et seq. 


Amulet (The), A tale of Spanish California. London, 1865. 

Anaheim, Gazette, Review, etc. 

Anaheim, Its People and its Products. New York, 1869. 

Anderson (Alexander. C.), Northwest Coast History. MS. 

Anderson (Alexander D.), The Silver and Gold of the Southwest, etc. St 
Louis, 1877; The Silver Country, etc. New York, 1877. 

Anderson (David C.), Statement of Theatrical Events. MS. 

Anderson (Mary E.), Scenes in the Hawaiian Islands and California, Boston 
[1865]. 

Annals of Congress. [lst to 18th Congress.] Washington, 1834-56. 42 vols. 

Annual of Scientific Discovery. Boston, 1850-67. 1870-1. 19 vols. 

Anquetil, Universal History. London, 1800. 9 vols. 

Ansted (David T.), The Gold-seeker’s Manual. New York, 1849. 

Anthony (E. M.), Siskiyou County Reminiscences. MS. 


Antioch, Ledger. 

Anza (Juan Bautista), Descubrimiento de Sonora 4 California, 1774. MS. 

Anza (Juan Bautista), Diario de una expedicion desde Sonora 4 8. Francisco, 
Cal., 1775-6. MS. N, 

Apalategui y Torres, Averiguacion en Sonora del Re. de Los Angeles, 
1835. MS. 

Apalditegui y Torres, Causa seguida contra los conspiradores, 1835. MS. 

Apodaca (Virey), Cartas. MSS. In the archives. | 

Apostdlicos Afanes de la Compaiiia de Jesus. Barcelona, 1754. 


oF 


xxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Apponyi (Flora Haines), Libraries of California. San Francisco, 1878. 

Arab, Log-book, 1821-5. MS. 

Arancel de Precios, 1782. MS. 

Arancel de Precios, 1788. MS. 

Arce (Francisco), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Arce (Francisco), Memorias Histéricas y Documentos Originales. MS, 

Archbald (John), Why ‘California.’ In Overland Monthly, ii. 434. 

Archer (L.), Speech on Assembly Bill No. 182. n.pl., n.d. 

Archivo del Arzobispado de San Francisco. MS. 5 vols. 

Archivo de California. MS. 273 vols. and a great mass of loose papers. 
Documents preserved in the U. S. Surveyor-general’s office at San Fran- 
cisco. Copies in my Collection. Divided as follows: Prov. St. Pap.; 
Prov. Rec.; Dept. St. Pap.; Dept. Rec.; Leg. Rec.; State Pap.; Sup. 
Govt. St. Pap.; Actas de Elecciones; Brands and Marks; and Unbound 
Doc., q. v. for full sub-titles and further subdivisions. 

Archivo de las Misiones. MS. 2 vols. 

Archivo del Obispado de Monterey y Los Angeles. MS. 

Archivo de Santa Barbara. MS. 11 vols. 

Archuleta (Florentino), Comunicaciones Pedagégicas. MS. In the archives, 

Arco Iris. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq. folio. 

Areche, Parecer 14 de Jun. 1773. MS.; also in Palou, Not., i. 572. 

Areche, Respuesta 30 de Jun., 1773. MS. 

Argelo, Calaveras Mountaineer. 

Argiiello (Gervasio), Escritos de un Habilitado General y Diputado. MSS. In 
public and private archives. 

Argiiello (Gervasio), Observaciones, 1816. MS. 

Argiiello(José), Relacion de lo que declararon los gentiles Sacalanes, 1797. MS. 

Argiiello (José), Relacion que formé sobre Indios huidos de 8. Francisco, 
17oiee GS, 

Argiiello (José), Cartas de un Gobernador de las Californias. MSS. In the 
different archives. 

Argiiello (José), Informe sobre Rancho del Rey en 8. Francisco, 1798. MS. 

Argiiello (José), Instruccion que ha de observar el teniente Luis Argiiello en 
S. Francisco, 1806. MS. 

Argiiello (José), Respuesta 4 las quince Preguntas sobre abusos de Misioneros, 

Biel 798. : 

Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Cartas del Comandante y Gobernador. MSS. In 
the different archives. 

Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Hoja de Servicios hasta 1828. MS. 

Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia del: Comandante y Prefecto. MSS. 
Archives, passim. 

Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia Particular. MS. 

Arman (H. M. Van), The Public Lands of California. San Francisco, 1876. 

Armona (Matias), Carta de 1770. In Doc. Hist. Mex. serie iv., tom. ii. p. 156. 

Armstrong (William), ’49 Experiences. MS. 

Arnaz (José), Recuerdos de Un Comerciante. MS. 

Arrangoiz (Francisco de Paula), Méjico desde 1808 hasta 1867. Madrid, 
1871-2. 4 vols. 

Arricivita (J. D.), Crénica Serdfica y Apostélica. Mexico, 1792. folio. 

Arrillaga (Basilio José), Recopilacion de Leyes, etc. Mexico, 1838-50. 16 vols. 

Arri laga (José Joaquin), Borrador de Carta 4 Vancouver, 1793. MS. 

Arriliaga (José Joaquin), Correspondencia del Gobernador. MS. Archives, 

assim. 

awtiees (José Joaquin), Hojas de Servicio, 1791-8. MS. 

Arrillaga (José J oaquin), Informe sobre el estado de Indios, Misiones, etc., 
1804. MS. 

Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Informe al Virey sobre Defensas, 1793. MS. 

Arrillaga (José Joaquin). Papel de Puntos para conocimiento del Gobernador, 
1794. MS. 

Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Preceptos Generales para Comandantes, 1806, MS. 


ay AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxix 


Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Relacion del estado que guardan los Presidios y 

Pueblos, 1806. MS. 

Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Testamento, 1814. MS. 

Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), Cartas del Misionero. MS. In mission and 
secular archives. 

Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), Grammar of the Mutsun Language. New York, 
1861; also original MS. 

Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), A Vocabulary or Phrase Book of the Mutsun 
Language. New York, 1861; also original MS. 

Arteaga (Ignacio), Tercera Exploracion, 1779. MS. 

Ascension (Antonio de la), Descubrimiento de California, 12 Oct. 1620. In 
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., tom. viii. 

Ashburner (William), Report upon the “App.” Gold Quartz Mine. San 
Francisco, 1866. 

Ashland (Or.), Tidings. 

Ashley (D. R.), Documents for the History of California. MS. 

Ashley (D. R.), Records kept during journey made by members of California 
Association from Monroe, Mich., to Cal., 1849. MS. 

Asia y Constante, Tratado de Capitulacion de los Navios, 1825. MS. 

"rR, Sessions of 1846. In U. S. vs. Bolton, App. Brief U. S. Sup. 

ourt 

Associations. See Institutions. 

Astoria, Astorian. 

Atanasio, Causa Criminal contra el Indio. Abril 26, 1831. MS. 

Atlantic Monthly. Boston, 1858 et seq. 

Atlantic and Pacific R. R. Co. Act granting lands. New York, 1866; Cir- 
cular. New York, 1855; and other documents. 

Atleta (El). Mexico, 1829 et seq. 

Auburn, Placer Herald, Stars and Stripes, Union Advocate, etc. 

Auger (Edouard), Voyage en Californie, 1852-3. Paris, 1854. 

Austin (Nev.), Reese River Reveille. 

Australian Newspapers in Mechanics’ Library of San Francisco and elsewhere. 

Autobiografia Autografica de los Padres Misioneros, 1817. MS. 

Averett (T. H.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. March 27, 1850, to admit Cali- 
fornia. Washington, 1850. 

Averill (Charles E.), Life in California. Boston. n.d. 

Avery (Benjamin Parke), Californian Pictures. New York, 1878. 

Avila (Antonio), y otros, Papeles tocantes 4 su sedicion, 1832. MS. 

Avila (Juan), Notas Californianas. MS. * 

Avila (Maria Inocenta), Cosas de California. MS. 

Avila (Miguel), Documentos para la Historia de California, MS, 

Avila de Rios (Catarina), Recuerdos. . MS. 

Ayala (Tadeo Ortiz), Resimen de la Estadistica del Imp. Mex. Mexico, 1822. 

Ayers (F. H.), Personal Adventures, MS. 

Ayuntamientos, Decreto de las Cértes, 23 de Mayo, 1812. In Mexico, Leyes 
Vigentes, 1829. 

Azanza (Virey), Ordenes. MS. In the archives. 

Azanza (Virey), ), Ynstruccion, 1800. MS. 


Bacon (L. H.), Memoir of Early Times. MS. 

Baird (Spencer F.), Fish and Fisheries [45th Cong., 2d. Sess., Sen. Mis. Doc. 
49]. Washington, 1877. 

Baker (E. D.), Speech before California Senate Feb. lst and 2d. 1854. San 
Francisco, 1854; also other speeches. 

Baker City (Or.), Herald. 

Bakersfield, Kern County Californian, Kern County Courier, Kern County 
Gazette, Southern Californian, etc. 

Baldridge (William), The Days of ’46. MS. 

Baldwin (R. S.), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 27, 1850, Admission of Califor- 
nia, etc. Washington, 1850. 


XXX AUTHORITISE QUOTED, 


Ball (N. B.), Sketch by a Pioneer. MS. 

Ballenstedt (C. W. T.), Beschreibung meiner Reise nach den Goldminen, 
Californiens. Schéningen, 1851. 

Ballou (John), The Lady of the West. Cincinnati, 1855, 

Ballou (William T.), Adventures. MS. 

Baltimore (Md.), Patriot, Sun. 

Bancroft (A. L.), Diary ofa J ourney to Oregon. MS. 

Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of the Pacific States of North America, 
San Francisco, 1882 et seq. 28 vols.; Native Races of the Pacific States. 
New York, 1875. 5vols.; Popular Tribunals, San Francisco. 2 vols., etc. ; 

Bancroft (Hubert Howe), Personal Observations in California, 1874. MS. 

Bancroft Library, MS. Scrap-books, containing classified notes used in writing 
Bancroft’s works. 

Bancroft Library, Newspaper scraps classified under the following headings: 
Academy of Sciences; Amusements and Celebrations; Art; Authors; 
Banks and Banking; Bibliography; Biography; Births, Deaths, etc. ; 
Charitable Institutions; Chinese; Climate; Constitutional Convention; 
-Counties; Crimes and Society; Earthquakes; Education and Schools; 
Fares and Freights; Fisheries; Floods; Fruit-raising; Indians; J ournalism; 
Kearneyism and the Workingmen’ s Party; Lands; Legal; Libraries; Luin- 
ber Question; Manufactures; Military Affairs; Mineral Springs; Mining 
Stocks; Miscellaneous; Modoc War; New Charter; Oil and Petroleum; 
Pioneer Celebrations; Politics; Population and Colonization; Railroads; 
Religion; Resources; Revenue and Taxation; Roads and Routes; Ship- 
ping and Navigation; Silver Remonetization; State Fairs; Stock-raising; 
Stories and Legends; Telegraphs; Trade and Commerce; Trips across the 
Continent and Voyages by Sea; United States Mails; Water Supply. 
68 vols. 4to. 

Bandini (Juan), Acusaciones contra Angel Ramirez, 1834-7. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Apuntes Politicos, 1832. MS. 

Bandini José), Carta Histdérica y ‘Descriptiva de California, 1828. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Carta Particular 4 Vallejo sobre cosas politicas. 12 Dic., 
1836. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Carta 4 Vallejo sobre Revoluciones. 3 Dic., 1836. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Contestacion 4 la Alocucion de Victoria, 1831. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Correspondencia Particular y Oficial. MSS. A large num- 
ber of documents in private and public archives, in addition to those 
specially named in this list. 

Bandini (Juan), El Diputado de la Alta California 4 sus Comitentes. 6 Agosto, 
1833. Mexico, 1833. 

Bandini (Juan), Discurso ante el Ayunt. de Los Angeles. 27 Mayo, 1837. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Historia de Alta California. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Informacion del Visitador de Aduana, 1835. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Manifiesto 4 la Diputacion sobre ramos de Hacienda Terri- 
torial, 1832. MS. 

Bandini (Juan), Proyecto de Misiones, 1846. MS. 

Bandini (J Hep Sucesos del Sur, Mayo-Agosto, 1837. MS. 

Banfield (J. A.), Historical Sketch of Yolo County. In Woodland Yolo 
Democrat, July 6, 1876. 

Banker’s Magazine and Statistical Register. Baltimore, etc., 1846 et seq. 

Banks. See Institutions. 

Baranof (Alexander), Shizneopissanie. St Petersburg, 1835. 

Barber (John W.), and Henry Howe. History of Western States and Terri- 
tories. Cincinnati, 1867. 

Barnard (Helen M.), The Chorpenning Claim. n.pl., n.d. 

Barnes (Demas), From the Atlantic to the Pacific Overland. New York, 1866. 

Barnes (G. A.), Oregon and California. , 

Barri (Felipe), Oficios del Gobr- de la Baja California, MS. In Prov. St. 
Pap. passim. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxi 


Barrow (John), The Life, Voyages, and Exploits of Admiral Sir Francis Drake. 
London, 1843. 

Barrow (William), The General; or Twelve Nights in a Hunter’s Camp. Bos- 
ton, 1869. ; 

Barry (W. J.), Up and Down. London, 1879. 

Barry (T. A.), and B. A. Patten, Men and Memories of San Francisco, San 
Francisco, 1873. 

Barstow (Alfred), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Barstow (D. P.), Recollections of 1849-51. MS. 

Barstow (George), Introductory Address. San Francisco, 1859; other ad- 
dresses. 

Bartlett (John Russell), Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in 
Texas, New Mexico, California, etc. New York, 1854. 2 vols. 

Bartlett, (John Russell), Report on the Boundary Line between the U. 8. and 
Mexico. [32d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 41.] Washington, 1851. 

Bartlett (Washington), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Barton (James R.), Statement of an Early Settler. MS. 

Barton (Stephen), Early History of Visalia. Scrap-book. 

Basellandschaftlichen Zeitung, 1868. 

Bates (D. B.), Four Years on the Pacific Coast. Boston, 1858; Boston, 1860. 

Bates (H. W.), Illustrated Travels. London, n.d. 

Bates (J. C.), Report of the Proceedings...Will and Testament of Horace 
Hawes. San Francisco, 1872. 

Battle Mountain (Nev.), Messenger. 

Bauer (John A.), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Bausman (William), Early California. San Francisco, 1872. 

Baxley (H. Willis), What I saw on the Western Coast. New York, 1865. 

Beadle (J. H.), The Undeveloped West. Philadelphia [1873]; Western Wilds. 
Cincinnati, 1879. 

Beadle’s Monthly. New York, 1865 et seq. 

Beale (E. F.), Wagon Road from Fort Defiance to the Colorado River. [35th 
Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 124.] 

Bean (Edwin F.), see Directories, Nevada County, Cal., 1867. 

Bear Flag Papers, 1846. MS. 

Beard (Henry), Argument. John Roland...Land Claim, ‘‘La Puente.” 
Washington, 1866. 

Beckwith (EK. G.), Report of Exploration of a Route for the Pacific Rail- 
road near the 38th and 39th Parallels [33d Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 
129]. Washington [1854]. 

Bee (F. A.), Opening Argument...Chinese Immigration. 8S. F., 1876. 

Bee (Henry J.), Recollections of California from 1830. MS. 

Beechey (F. W.), Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, etc., in 1825-8. 
London, 1831, 2 vols.; Philadelphia, 1832. 

Beechey (F. W.), Zodlogy of Voyage. See Richardson (J.) et al. 

Beers (George A.), Vasquez. New York, 1875. 

Belcher (Edward), Narrative of a Voyage round the World in 1836-42. 
London, 18438. 2 vols. 

Belden (David), Speech in Sen. of Cal. Feb. 9, 1866, against the Repeal of 
the Specific Contract Act. Sacramento, 1866. 

Belden (Josiah), Historical Statement. MS. 

Belden (Josiah), Letters of a Pioneer of 1841. MS. 

Belfast (Me.), Republican Journal. 

Bell (A. D.), Arguments in favor of Immigration. San Francisco, 1870. 

Bell (Horace), Reminiscences of a Ranger. L. Angeles, 1881; also scrap book. 

Bell (J. C.), Obituary Address on Death of. Sacramento, 1860. 

Bell (W. A.), New Tracks in North America. London, 1870. 

Belleville (Ill.), Advocate. 

Bellows (Henry W.), In Memory of Thos. Starr King. Discourse, May 1, 
1864. San Francisco, 1864. 

Belmont (Nev.), Courier. 


xxxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Benham (Calhoun), Testimony in behalf of the U. S. vs. Sutter. ‘‘New 
Helvetia.” San Francisco, 1861. 

Benicia, Chronicle, New Era, Pacific Churchman, Tribune, etc. 

Benicia, Official Documents in Relation to Land Titles. Suisun, 1867. 

Bennett (H. C.), Chinese Labor. A Lecture. San Francisco, 1870. 

Bennett (Henry), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., May 27, 1850, on Admission of 
California. Washington, 1850. 

Bennett (Nathaniel), The Queue Case. n.pl., n.d. 

Bentley (William R.), Pleasant Paths of the Pacific Northwest. San Fran- 
cisco, 1882. 

Benton (J. A.), The California Pilgrim. Sacramento, 1853. 

Benton (Thomas H.), Abridgment of Debates in Congress, 1759-1856. New 
York, 1857-63. 16 vols.; Defence of Frémont. In Niles’ Register, lxxi. 
173; Speech in U. 8. Senate, July, 1848. In Cong. Globe, 1847-8, App. 
977; Speech in U. S. Senate, Jan. 15, 1849, on Adjudication of Land 
Titles, etc., in New Mexico and California. Washington, 1849; Thirty 
Years’ View. New York, 1854. 2 vols. 

Berenger (J. P.), Collection de Tous les Voyages faits autour du Monde. 
Paris, 1788-9. 9 vols. 

Berkeley, Advocate, Berkeleyan. 

Berkeley Quarterly. San Francisco, 1880-1. 2 vols. 

Bermudez (J. M.), Verdadera Causa de la Revolucion. Toluca, 1831. 

Bernal (Juan), Memoria de un Californio. MS. 

Berreyesa (Antonio), Relacion de sus Recuerdos. MS. 

Berreyesa and Carrillo, Quarrel at Sonoma, 1846. MS. 

Berry (George), The Gold of California. London, 1849. 

Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral del Comisario General de Indias. 28 de 
Agosto, 1816. MS. : 

Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral. 6 de Mayo, 1816. MS. 

Betagh (William), A Voyage round the World. London, 1728; London, 
1757; also in Pinkerton’s Voyages, vol. xvi.; Harris’ Col., vol. i. 

Beyer (Moritz), Das Auswanderungsbuch. Leipzig, 1846. 

Biart (Lucien), My Rambles in the New World. London, 1877. 

Bidleman (H. J.), see Directories, Sacramento, 1861-2. 

Bidwell (John), California in 1841-8. MS. 

Bidwell (John), Journey to California. n. pl. [1842]. 

Bigelow (John), Les Etats-Unis D’Amérique. Paris, 1863; Memoir of the 
Life and Public Services of John C. Frémont. New York, 1856. 

Biggs, Butte County Register, Silver Bend Reporter. 

Bigler (Henry W.), Diary of a Mormon in California. MS. 

Bigler (John), Address at a Meeting of Citizens of Santa Clara County. n.pl. 
[1855]; Scrap Book, 1850-2; Speech at Sacramento July 9, 1867. Sacrae 
mento, 1867; and other speeches. 

Bigly (Cantell A.), Aurifodina. New York, 1849, 

Billings (Frederick), Address, Sept. 23, 1854. San Francisco, 1854. 

Bilson (B.), The Hunters of Kentucky, etc. New York, 1847. 

Biographical Sketches in S. José Pioneer, 1878-83. 

Bird (Isabella L.), Lady’s Life in the Rocky Mountains. New York, 1879-81. 

Birnie (Robert), Personal Adventures. MS. 

Black (George), Report on the Middle Yuba Canal. San Francisco, 1864. 

Black (J. 8.), Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Supreme Court 
of the United States. Washington, 1863, 

Blaeu (or Jansz), America. (Atlas Maior). Amstelaedami, 1662. 

Blagdon (Francis William). The Modern Geographer. London, n.d. 5 vols. 

Blake (William P.), Geological Reconnaissance in California. New York, 
1858. 4to; The Production of the Precious Metals... New York, etc. 
1869. 

Blanchet (F. N.), Historical Sketches of the Catholic Church in Oregon. 
Portland, 1878. 

Bledsoe (A. J.), History of Del Norte County. Eureka, 1881. 


a ee ae oo 





AUTHORITIES QUOTED. » XXxiii 

Bliss (William R.), Paradise in the Pacific. New York, 1878. 

Bluxome (Isaac), Vigilance Committee, by ‘33 Secretary.’ MS. 

Bnai Brith. Various pamphlets of different lodges of the Society. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Comento de la Navegacion, 1775. MS.. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Navegacion y Descubrimiento, 1779. MS. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Segunda Salida, 1779. MS. 

Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Viage de 1775. MS. 

Bodie, Chronicle, Free Press, Morning News, Standard, etc. 

Boggs (William M.), Reminiscences from 1846. MS. 

Boggs (William M.), Trip across the Plains in 1846. In Calistoga Tribune, 
1871; Napa Register, 1872. 

Bojorges (Juan), Recuerdos sobre la Historia de California, MS. 

Bolcof (José), Cartas de un Ruso. MS. 

Bonilla (José Mariano), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Bonilla (Mariano), Varias Cartas, 1834-47. MS. Archives, passim. 

Bonner (T. D.), Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth. N. Y., 1858. 

Bonnycastle (R. H.), Spanish America. London, 1818. 2 vols. 

Bonwick (James), The Mormons and the Silver Mines. London, 1872. 

Booth (Newton), Address, Aug. 8, 1868. San Francisco, 1868; also various 
addresses and letters. 

Borbon, Parecer del Fiscal sobre el Proyecto de abrir Comunicacion entre 
California y N. Mexico, 1801. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Castigos que han de sufrir los Indios, 1797. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Correspondencia del Sr Gobernador, 1794-1800. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Informe sobre comunicacion con N. Mexico, 1796. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Informe de Nuevas Misiones, 1796. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Instruccion de dirigir la fundacion de Branciforte, 1797. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Instruccion para la escolta de S. Juan Bautista, 1797. MS. 

Borica (Diego), Proyecto sobre Division de Californias, 1796. MS. 

Boronda (José Canuto), Notas de California. MS. 

Boronda (José L.), Apuntes Histéricos. MS. 

Borthwick (J. D.), Three Years in California. London, 1857. 

Boscana (Gerénimo), Chinigchinich. New York, 1846. With Robinson (Alf.) 
Life in Cal. 

Boscana (Gerdénimo), Escritos Sueltos del Padre. MSS. 

Boston (Mass. ), Advertiser, Commercial Bulletin, Journal, Post, Traveller, etc. 

Boston in the Northwest, Solid Men of. MS. 

Botello (Narciso), Anales del Sur. MS. 

Botello (Narciso), Comunicaciones Sueltas de un Angelino. MS. 

Botica General de los Remedios Esperimentados. Sonoma, 1838. 

Botta (P. E.), Observations sur les Habitans de la Californie. In Nouv. An. 
Voy., lii. 156. 

Botta (P. E.), Osservazioni sugli Abitanti della California, In Duhaut Cilly, 

 Viag. 

Botts (C. T.), Address, Speech, etc. 

Bouchacourt (Ch.), Notice Industrielle sur la Californie. Lyon, 1849. 

Bouchard Affair, Testimonio de Prisioneros acerca de Insurgentes, 1818. MS. 

Bound Home, or the Gold Hunter’s Manual. New York, 1852. 

Bowen (Asa M.), Statement on San Pascual, 1846. MS. 

Bowers (Stephen), Santa Rosa Island. In Smithsonian Report, 1877. 

Bowie (Aug. J.). Hydraulic Miming in California. San Francisco, 1878. _ 

Bowie (Richard I.), Speech in U. 8S. H. of Rep., June 6, 1850, on the Califor- 
nian Question. Washington, 1850. 

Bowles (Samuel), Across the Continent. Springfield, 1866; Our New West, 
Hartford, etc., 1869; The Pacific Railroad. Boston, 1869. 

Boyer (Lanson), From the Orient to the Occident. New York, 1878. 

Boynton (J. S.), Statement of a Pioneer. MS, 

Brace (Charles Loring), The New West. New York, 1869. 

Brackett (Albert G.), History of the U. S. Cavalry. New York, 1865. 

Brackett (Albert G.), Indian War in California and Nevada, 1866-7. MS. 


Xxxiv é AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Brackett (Albert G.), List of Officers of California Battalion, 1846-7. MS. 
Brackett (Albert G.), Sketch of 1st Regiinent New York Volunteers. MS. 
Brackett (Albert G.), Sketch of the Mormon Battalion. MS. 

Branciforte (villa de), Dictémen del fiscal sobre fundacion, 1797. MS 

Branciforte (villa de), El Discretorio de S. Fernando al‘Virey, 1797. MS. 

Branciforte (villa de), Informe del Real Tribunal sobre la fundacion, 1795. MS. 

Branciforte peach: Autorizacion para la fundacion de Nuevas Misiones, 
1796. S 

Branciforte (Virey), 4 Borica sobre Baterias de S. Francisco, 1795. MS. 

Branciforte (Virey), Instruccion, 1794-7. MS. 

Branciforte (Virey), Varios Oficios, 1794-8. MS. 

Brands and Marks. MS. 1 vol. In Archivo de California. 

Bray (Kdmund), Memoir of a Trip to California, 1844. MS. 

Breck, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., March 25, 1850, on the Message of the 
President relating to California. Washington, 1850. 

Breen (John), Pioneer Memoirs. MS. 

Breen (Patrick), Diary of one of the Donner Party, 1846. MS. 

Brereton (R. M.), Report on Messrs Bensley and Co.’s Canal Project, etc. 
San Francisco, 1872; other reports. 

Brewerton (George D.), A Ride from Los Angeles to New Mexico. In Har- 
per’s Magazine. 1853. vol. vii. 

Bribery, or the California Senatorial Election. San Francisco, 1868. 

Briefe aus den Vereinigten Staaten. Leipzig, 1853. 2 vols. 

Briefs of California Supreme Court and other courts, more than 5,000 in num- 
ber, about 1,000 of which contain items of historical evidence, and over 
100 of which are cited in my notes by the names of the cases. Not 
named in this list. ‘ 

Briggs (C. P.), Narrative of 1846. In Napa Reporter, Aug. 31, 1872. 

Bristow (E. L.), Rencounters with Indians, etc. MS. 

Brock (Joseph M.), Recollections of 49. MS. 

Brockett (L. P.), Our Western Empire. Philadelphia, etc., 1881. 

Brodie (S. H.), Statement of Legal Matters. MS. 

Brooklyn, Vidette. 

Brooklyn (The) Mormons in California. From a newspaper. 

Brooks (B. 8.), Alcalde Grants in the City of San Francisco. In Pioneer, 
vol. i. 129. 

Brooks (Charles Wolcott), Chinese in California. S. F., 1877; Early Migra- 
tions of Ancient Western Nations. 8S. F., 1876; Early Migrations, Origin 
of Chinese Race. S. F., 1876; Japanese Wrecks. S. F. 1876. News- 
paper Reports of Papers on Origin of the Japanese Race. Scraps. 

Brooks (H. 8.), The California Mountaineer, San Francisco, 1861. 

Brooks (J. Tyrwhitt), Four Months among the Gold-finders. London, 1849; 
New York, 1849; Paris, 1849; Vier maanden onder de Goudzoekers in 
Opper-Californie. Amsterdam, 1849; Vier Monate unter Goldfindern in 
Ober Kalifornien. Leipzig, 1849; Ziirich, 1849. 

Brooks (James), A Seven Months’ Run. New York, 1872. 

Brooks (N. C.), A Complete History of the Mexican War. Phil., 1849. 

Brooks (R. S.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June 14, 1854, on Pacific Railroad. 
Washington, 1854. 

Bross (William), "Address on Resources of “San West. Jan. 25, 1866. New 
York, 1866. 

Brown (Charles), Early Events in California. MS. 

Brown (Elam), An old Pioneer. In San José Pioneer, Jan. 26, 1878. 

Brown (H. 8.), Early Days of California. MS. 

Browne (J. Ross), Address to the Territorial Pioneers of California. In S. F. 
News Letter, Sept. 11, 1875; Hubert H. Bancroft and his Literary Under- 
takings. In Overland Monthly; Lower Cal. See Taylor; Relacion de los 
Debates de la Convencion de California, Set. y Oct., 1849, Nueva York, 
1851; Report of Debates in Convention of California. Sep t. and Oct., 
1849, Washington, 1850; Report upon the Mineral Baararee of the States 





AUTHORITIES QUOTED. XXXV 


and Territories West of the Rocky Mountains. Washington, 1867; Wash- 
ington 1868; San Francisco, 1868; Reports upon the Mineral Resources 
of the United States. Washington, 1867; Resources of the Pacific 
Slope, etc., San Francisco, 1869. 

Bryant (Edwin), Voyage en Californie, etc. Paris, n.d.; What I saw in 
California. New York, 1848; New York, 1849. 

Bryant aes Cullen), History of the United States. New York, 1876-81. 
4 vols. 

Bucareli (Virey), Comunicaciones al Com. Gen. y Gobr. de Cal., 1772-9. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion al Comandante de Cal8-, 1773. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion del Virey. 17 Agosto, 1773. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion del Virey. 30 Set., 1774. MS. 

Bucareli (Virey), Providencias del Virey. 26 Mayo, 1773. MS. 

Buchanan (James), Instructions of the Secretary of State to Thos. O. Larkin 
as Confidential Agent of the U. 8., 1845. MS. 

Buchanan (James), Instructions to Vorhies, Oct. 7. 1848. In Cal. and N., 
Mex., Mess. and Doc. 1850. p. 6. . 

Buelna (Antonio), Cartas de un Vecino de S. José. MS. 

Buelna (Felix), Narracion sobre Tiempos Pasados. MS. 

Buffalo (N. Y.), Courier. 

Buffum (E. Gould), Six Months in the Gold Mines. Philadelphia, 1850; 
London, 1850. 

Burnett (Peter H.), Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer. N. Y., 1880. 

Burnett (Peter H.), Recollections of the Past. MS. 2 vols. 

Burney (James), Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea, 
or Pacific Ocean. London, 1803-17. 4to. 5 vols. 

Burns (Aaron), Statement of Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Burr (H. T.), Chart showing Age, etc., of Officers of State and Members of 
Legislature, 1865-6. Sacramento, 1866. 

Burris (Davis), Narrative. MS. 

Barton (John), Official and Private Letters. MS. 

Burton (Mrs M. A.), Biographical Sketch. MS. 

Burton (Richard F.), City of the Saints, ete. London, 1861; N. Y., 1862. 

Burton (Robert), The English Hero. London, 1687; London, 1710. 

Bushnell (Horace), Characteristics and Prospects of California. San Fran- 
cisco, 1858; Movement for a University in California, etc. San Fran- 
cisco, 1857. 

Bustamante (Anastasio), Escritos del Sr Presidente tocante 4 California, 
1830-2. MS. ges 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Apuntes para la Historia del Gobierno del General 
Santa Anna. Mexico, 1841-3. MS. 3 vols.; also print. Mexico, 1845. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Cuadro Histérico de la Revolucion Mexicana. 
Mexico, 1823-7. 5 vols.; Mexico, 1832-46. 6 vols. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Diario de lo especialmente ocurrido en Mexico, 
Sept. de 1841 4 Junio de 1843. Mexico, 1841-3. MS. 4to. 4 vols. 
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Gabinete Mexicano. Mexico, 1839-41. MS. 4 

vols.; also print. Mexico, 1842. 2 vols. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Invasion de Mexico de los Anglo-Americanos. MS. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Medidas para la Pacificacion de la América Mex- 
icana. MS. 1820. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo 6 sea Historia dé 

- la Invasion de los Anglo-Americanos en Mexico. Mexico, 1847. 2 vols. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Suplemento 4 Los Tres Siglos de Cavo. Jalapa, 
1870. 

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Voz de la Patria, Continuacion. Mexico, 1837-9. 
MS. 9 vols. 

Butler (A. W.), Resources of Monterey County. San Francisco, 1875. 


C (S.), Descripcion Topografica de Misiones, 1845, In Revista Cientif, i. 327. 
Caballero (José de), Estadistica del Estado Libre de Senora y Sinaloa. MS, 


Xxxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Cabot (Juan), Expedicion al Valle de los Tulares, 1814. MS, 

Cabot (Juan and Pedro), Cartas de dos Frailes. MS. 

Cabrera Bueno (Joseph Gonzalez), Navegacion Especvlativa. Manila, 1734. 
folio. 

Cabrillo (Juan Rodriguez), Relacion 6 Diario. In Florida, Col. Doc., 173; also 
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 165. (Probably by Juan Paez. ) 

Cahuenga, Capitulacion de 13 de Enero, 1847. MS. 

Caldwell (George Alfred), Speech in U.S. H. of Rep. June 7, 1850, on the 
California and Territorial Questions. Washington, 1850. 

California, 1799, in Viagero Universal, xxvi. 

California Academy of Sciences, Proceedings of the. S. F., 1858 et seq. 

California Agriculturist. San José, 1871 et seq. 4to. 

California, All about California. San Francisco, 1870; Id., 1873 and Supple- 
ment; Id., 1875 and Supplement. 

California, Amount collected from customs. [3lst Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 72.] Washington, 1849. 

California Anthropographic Chart, 1861 et seq. 

California, Appeal in Behalf of the Church, Sept. 1849. New York, 1849. 

California, Arrival of the Steamer. Festival in Celebration of the 25th 
Anniversary, I’eb. 28, 1874. San Francisco, 1874. 

California as it is. San Francisco, 1882. 

California Associated Pioneers of the Territorial Days of Cal. in New York. 
Reunion 1875. New York, 1875. 

California Bible Society, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1850, et seq. 

California, Biographical Sketches of the Delegates to Convention to frame 
New Constitution. 1878. San Francisco, 1878. 

California Characters and Mining Scenes and Sketches. San Francisco, n.d. 

California Claims. See Frémont. 

California Colored Citizens, Proceedings of Annual Conventions. San Fran- 
cisco, 1856 et seq. 

California, Compiled Laws by S. Garfielde and F. A. Snyder, 1850-3. 
Benicia, 1853. 

California, Constitution, San Francisco, 1849; also in Spanish. 

California, Correspondence relative to the Indian disturbances. [84th Cong., 
Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 26.] Washington, 1855. 

California, Correspondence and Reports of the Mexican Government, 1843-4. 
n.pl., n.d. 

California Culturist. San Francisco, 1858-60. 3 vols. 

California se declara Independiente de Mexico. Nov. 7, 1836. (Monterey, 
1836.) 

California, Emigrants’ Guide to. London, 1849, 

California, Establecimiento y Progresos de las Misiones de la Antigua Cal- 
ifornia. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv., tom. iv. 

California, Establishment of Mint and Light-houses. [3lst Cong., 1st Sess., 
H. Ex. Doc. 47.] Washington, 1850. 

California, Fresh Water Tide Lands. San Francisco, 1869. 

California Geological Survey. Philadelphia, etc., 1864; San Francisco, etc., 
1867. 

California, Gids naar. Amsterdam, 1849. 

California Gold Regions, With a full account of the Mineral Resources, 
etc., New York (1849). ; 

California Grape Culture. Report of Commissioners, San Francisco, 1862. 

California, Hardy Impeachment. Sacramento, 1862. 

California Homographic Chart, 1861 et seq. 

California, Illustrated Hand-Book. London, 1870. 

California Indians. Report relative to the Colonization of. [83d Cong., 2d 
Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 41.] 

California, Industrial Interests of. San Francisco, 1862. 

California Insurance Commissioners. Annual Reports. S. F., 1868 et seq. 

California, Irrigation in San Joaquin and Tulare Plains. Sacramento, 1873, 


—— 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. XXXvii 


California, Its Gold and its Inhabitants. London, 1856. 2 vols. 

California, Its Past History; Its Present Position, etc. London, 1850. 

California, Journals of Assembly and Senate, Ist to 24th sessions, 1850-81; 
with Appendices—103 volumes in all—containing all public documents 
printed by the state, which are cited in my notes by their titles and dates, 
the title consisting of ‘California’ followed by one of the following head- 
ings: Act; Adjutant-general’s Report; Agricultural, Mining, and Mechan- 
ical Arts College, Reports; Assembly, Rules; Attorney-general, Reports; 
Bank Commissioners, Reports; Bribery Investigating Committee; Citizen’s 
Hand Book; Common Schools, Acts, etc.; Corporations; Deaf, Dumb, and 
Biind Institute; Educational Directory; Electors; Fees and Salaries; 
Fisheries; Inaugural Addresses of Governors; Insane Asylum Reports; 
Insurance Commissioners; Land Acts; Laws; Memorials; Messages of 
Govemors; Militia; Mines and Mining; Pioneer Silk Growers; Political 
Code Amendments; Public Lands; Revenue Laws; Sacramento River 
Drainage District; Sacramento Valley Irrigation and Navigation Canal; 
School Law; Secretary of State, Reports; Senate and Assembly Bills; 
Senate Standing and Joint Rules; Special Messages of Governors; State 
Agricultural Society, Transactions; State Board of Agriculture; State 
Board of Health; State Board of Equalization; State Canital Commis- 
sioners; State Controller, Annual Reports; State Documents; State Geo- 
logist, Reports; State Harbor Commissioners; State Library, Reports; 
State Mineralogist, Annual Revorts; State Prison, Reports; State Reform 
School, Reports; State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Reports; 
State Teachers’ Association; State Teachers’ Institute; State Treasurer, 
Reports; Surveyor-general, Reports; Swamp and Overflowed Lands; Tide 
Lands; Transportation; Woman’s Suffrage. 

California, Journal cf Education. San José, 1876 et seq. 

California Labor Exchange. [Various publications. } 

California Land Commission. Correspondence [82d Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 131]; copy of Instructions [Id., Sen. Ex. Doc., 26]; list of cases in 
Hotman’s Reports. 

California Land ‘iitles, Copies of in U. S. Surveyor-general’s Office, 1833-5. 

California Land Tiiles. Memarks of Messrs. Phelps and Sargent in U. 8. H. 
of Rep., June 10, 1862. Washington, 1862. 

California, Last Night of the Session of the Legislature. Sacramento, 1854. 

California Law Journal and Literary Review. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. 

California, Legislative Sketches. Scraps, 1857. 

California Legislature. Directory; Sketch Book, etc. 

California, Leyes [statutes in Spanish!. Sacramento, 1859-68. 17 vols. 

California Magazine and Mountaineer. San Irancisco, 1864. 

California Mail Bag. San Francisco, 1871 et seq. 

California Medical Gazette. San Francisco, 1868 et seq. 

California Medical Society, Transactions. Sacramento, 1857 et seq. 

California, Memorial of Legislature to Congress on Dangers of Chinese Immi- 
gration. San Francisco, 1862. 


’ California Mercantile Journal, 1860. San Francisco, 1860. 


California, Message transmitting constitution. [8lst Cong., lst Sess., H. Ex., 
Doc. 39.] Washington, 1849. 

California Nautical Magazine. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. 

California, New Constitution. San Francisco, 1879. 

California, Northern California, Scott and Klamath Rivers. Yreka, 1856. 

California Northern Railroad, Engineers’ Report of Surveys, 1859. Sacra- 
mento, 1859; other reports. 

California, Notes on. iNew York, 1850. 

California, Noticias. See Sales. . 

California Pacific Railroad Company, Articles and By-laws. Vallejc, 1868; 
various reports. 

California Pioneers (Society of), Anniversaries; Constitution and By-laws; 
Grand Excursion; Inaugural Cercmonies; Oration and Poem; Reports, etc. 


XXX Vili AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


California Pioneers, Copy of Archives. MS.;. Portraits in Library of the 
Society; Scrap-book. 

California Pioneers, Sketches of Fifty. MS. 

California Prison Commission, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1866 et seq. 

California, Project for Middle Class Colonies. n.pl., n.d. 

California, Public Lands of. San Francisco, 1876. 

California, Relief of Settlers in. [40th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Mis. Doc. 26.] 

California, Reports of Cases in Supreme Court. San Francisco, etc., 1851- 
81. 58 vols. 

Niele Round Valley Indian Reservation. [43d Cong., Ist. Sess., H. Ex. 

oc. 118.] 

California Statistical Chart. Sacramento, Jan. 1, 1855. 

California Statutes, lst to 24th Sess. Sacramento, etc., 1850-81. 24 vols. 

California Supreme Court Briefs. San Francisco, etc., 1852 et seq. See also 
Briefs. 

California, Tarif de Douanes de la Californie, 1851. Paris, 1851. 4to. 

California Teacher. San Francisco, 1863 et seq. 

California Text Book. San Francisco, 1852. 

California Volunteers, Correspondence Relative to the Discharge. [389th 
Cong., Ist. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 188.] Washington, 1865 et seq. 

California Wine, Wool, and Stock Journal. San Francisco, 1863 et seq. 

California Workingmen’s Party, An Epitome of its Rise and Progress. San 
Francisco, 1878. 

California and New Mexico, Message and Documents, 1848. [30th Cong., 2d 
Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1.] Washington, 1848. 

California and New Mexico, Message and Documents, 1850. [8lst Cong., Ist 
Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17.] Washington, 1849. 

Californian (The). San Francisco, 1580 et seq. 

Californian. See Monterey Californian. 

Californias, Reglamento Provisional. 1773. MS. 

Californias, ‘Junta de Fomento,’ q. v. 

Californie, Histoire Chrétienne. Plancy, 1851. 

Californie, Ses Ressources Générales, etc. San Francisco, 1869. 

Californien, Ausfuhrliche Mittheilungen iiber. San Francisco, 1870. 

Californien, Authentische Nachrichten iiber. Bremen, 1849. 

Californien, Rathgeber fiir Auswanderer nach. Bremen, 1849. 

Californien und Seine Goldminen Mittheilungen aus der Geographie. Kreuz- 
nach, 1849. 

Californien sein Minen-Bergbau, etc. Cassel, 1867. 

Calistoga, Calistogan, Free Press, Independent Calistogan, Tribune. 

Calleja (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob?. de Cal., 1813-16. MS. 

Sere Pee Respuesta del Guardian al Virey sobre Proyectos de Cal., 
1797. : 


Calvary Presbyterian Church, Historical Sketch. San Francisco, 1869; 
Manual, etc. 

Calvo (Charles), Recueil Complet des Traités de Amérique Latine. Paris, 
1862-9. 16 vols. 

Camden (William), Annales Rervm Anglicarvm et Hibernicarvm, etc. Lon- 
dini, 1615-27. 2 vols. 

Campaign of Los Angeles, 1847. In Monterey, Californian. Jan. 28, 1847. 

Campbeil, A Concise History of Spanish America. London, 1741. 

Campbell (J. F.), My Circular Notes. London, 1876. 2 vols. 

Campbell (J. H.), Speechin U.S. H. of Rep., Apr. 8, 1862, on Railroad to the 
Pacific. April, 1862. Washington, 1862. 

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Ruina de la Nueva Espafia. Cadiz, 1811. 

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), El Telégrafo Mexicano. Cadiz, 1813, et seq. 

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Verdad Sabida. Cadiz, 1811. 

Cafiizares (José), Diario de 1769. MS. 

Capron (KE. §.), History of California. Boston, 1854. 

Carcaba (Manuel), Informe del Habilitado General, 1797. MS. 


. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxix 


Carcaba (Manuel), Oficios del Habilitado General. MS. 

Cardona (Nicolds), Memorial sobre sus descubrimientos, etc., en la California, 
In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., tom. ix. 42; Relacion del descubri- 
miento de California. In Id., tom. ix. 30. 

Carmany (John H.), A Review of the Year 1866. San Francisco, 1867. 

Carr (lizra 8.), The Patrons of Husbandry, etc. San Francisco, 1875. 

Carr (John F.) See Anaheim, its People and its Products. 

Carriger (Nicholas), Autobiography. MS. 

Carrillo (Anastasio) Muchas Cartas del Comandante de Sta Barbara, etc. MS, 

Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Cartas del Diputado de Alta Cal., 1831-2. MS. 

Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Cartas al General Vallejo. Dic. 1836. MS. 

Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Correspondencia Miscelanea. MS. 

Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Discurso al tomar el mando politico en Los Angeles, 
6 Dic. 18387. 8. 

Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Exposicion sobre el Fondo Piadoso, Mexico, 1831, 

Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Pedimento de Reos, 1814. MS. 

Carrillo (Domingo), Cartas Sueltas. MS. 

Carrillo (Domingo), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Carrillo (Joaquin), Escritos en varios Archivos. MS. 

Carrillo (José), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Carrillo (José Antonio), Accion de 8S. Pedro contra los Americanos, 1846. MS. 

ae (J a Antonio), Comunicaciones Varias del Diputado y Mayor Gene- 
Tal. 4.2 . 

Carrillo (Julio), Narrative. MS. 

Carrillo (Mariano), Testamento é Inventario. 1782. MS. 

Carrillo (Pedro C.), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Carrillo (Raimundo), Los Edificios de Monterey, 1800. MS. 

Carrillo (Raimundo), Instruccion que observaré el Comandante de Escolta de 
Sta Inés. MS. \ 

Carrillo (Raimundo), Papeles del Capitan, 1795 et seq. MS. 

Carroll (Anna Ella), The Star of the West. New York, 1857. 

Carroll (W.), Dr Scott, The Vigilance Committee and The Church. San 
Francisco, 1856. 

Carson (J. H.), Early Recollections of the Mines, ete. Stockton, 1852. 

Carson City (Nev.), Appeal, State Register. 

Carvalho (8. N.), Incidents of Travel and Adventure in the Far West. New 
York, 1858. 

Cary (Thomas G.), Gold from California, Lecture, March 25, 1856; The San 
ERY Vigilance Committee. In Atlantic Monthly. vol. xl Dec. 

' 1877, 702. 

Cassell’s Emigrant Handy Guide to California. London, n.d. 

Casserly (Eugene), The Issue in California. Letter, Aug. 27, 1861. San 
Francisco, 1861; Remarks, etc., for the cession to the C. P. R. R. of Cal. 
of one half of Goat Island. Wash., 1873; Speech on the Chinese Evil. 
Wash., 1870; and other speeches, etc. 

Cassin (Francis), A Few Facts about California. MS, 

Castafiares (José Maria), Causa criminal contra...y Ildefonsa Gonzalez por 
adulterio, 1836. MS. 

Castafiares (José Maria), Causa seguida Contra Ana Gonzalez. AdulteriodeJ. 
M. Castafiares y Alfonsa Gonzalez, 1836. MS. 

Castafiares (Manuel), California y sus Males, Exposicion 1844. In. Id., Col. 
Doc., 21. 

Castafiares (Manuel), Cartas del Administrador dela Aduana. MS. 

Castafiares (Manuel), Coleccion de Documentos relativos al departamento de 
Californias. Mexico, 1845. 

Castillero (Andrés), Varias Cartas del Capitan y Comisionado. MS. 

Castillo (Antonio del), Memoria sobre las Minas de Azogue de America, 
Mexico, 1871. “ 

Castillo (Felipe), Itinerario desde Sonora hasta Cal., 1845. MS. 

Castillo Negrete (Luis), Consejos al Comandante de Sta Barbara, 1836. MS. 


xl AUTHORILIES QUOTED. 


Castillo Negrete (Luis), Escritos del Juez de Distrito. MS. 

Castillo Negrete (Luis), Exposicion que dirige el Juez de Distrito al Ayunt, 
de Los Angeles sobre el Plan Revolucionario de Monterey, 1836. MS. 

Castro (José), Correspondencia oficial y Particular del General, 1826-46. MS. 

Castro (José), Decretos de la Diputacion erigida en Congreso Constituyente, 
Nos. 1-10. Monterey, 1836. 

Castro (José), El C , Presidente de Congreso Constituyente. (Despacho 
de Coronel Expedido 4 D. Juan B. Alvarado.) Monterey, 11 Dic., 1836. 

Castro (José), Orden del Com. Gen. acerca de Emigrados de los E. U., 6 Nov. 
1845. MS. 

Castro (José), Proclama de 13 de Nov., 1836. Monterey. 

Castro (Macario), Cartas del Sargento. MS. 

Castro (Macario), Diario de su Expedicion 4 las Rancherias, 1799. MS. 

Castro (Manuel), Carta 4 D. Pio Pico. Revolucion de Flores, 1847. MS. 

Castro (Manuel), Cartas de un Prefecto. MS. 

Castro (Manuel), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 2 vols. 

Castro (Manuel), Informe en Sonora, 7 Junio, 1847. MS. 

Castro (Manuel), Relacion de la Alta California. MS. 

Castro (Manuel), Sus Servicios Publicos. MS. 

Castro (Tiburcio), Papeles de un Juez y Prefecto. MS. 

Castroville, Argus. 

Catala (Magin), Carta sobre Nootka, 1794. MS. 

Caialé (Magin), Correspondencia del Misionero de Sta Clara. MS. 

Catecismo politico arreglado 4 la Constitucion de la Monarquia Espafiola, 
1812. MS. 

Catholic World. New York, 1865 et seq. 

Cauwet (Pierre) and Ch. Duquesnay. Lettres Californiennes. S. F., 1870. 

Cavo (Andrés), Los Tres Siglos de Mexico. Mexico, 1836-8. 3 vols.; Mexico, 
1852. 

Ceballos (Ramon), XXIV. Capitulos en Vindicacion de Méjico. Mad. 1856. 

Cedulario, A Collection mostly MSS. folio. 3 vols. 

Central Pacific Railroad Company, Annual Reports, By-laws, numerous 
pamphlets. 

Cerruti (nriyue), Historical Note-books, 1821-46. MS. 5 vols. 

Cerruti (Enrique), Ramblings in California. MS. 

Cevallos. De el Sefior Cevailos, de la situacion actual, del Plan de Jalisco, y 
del Gen. Uraga. Mexico, 1853. 

Chamberlain (Charles H.), Statement. MS. 

Chamberlain (John), Memoirs of California since 1840. MS. 

Chamberlain (W. H), and Harry L. Wells. See Yuba County History. 

Chamisso (Louis Charles A. von), Adelbert von Chamisso’s Werke. Vierte 
Auflage. Berlin, 1856. 6 vols.; Reise, included in preceding; Remarks 
and Opinions. In Kotzebue’s Voy., ii., iii. 

Champagnac (Jean B. Joseph), Le jeune Voyageur en Californie. Paris, 1852, 

Chandless (William), A Visit to Salt Lake. London, 1857. 

Chapin (IE, R.), Reminiscences of a Surgeon. MS. 

Charton (Edouard), Le Tour du Monde. Paris, etc., 1861. 4to. 2 vols. 

Chevalier (Michel), On the Probable Fall in the Value of Gold. New York, 
1859. 

Chicago (Ill.), Post, Times, Tribune, etc. 

Chico, Butte County Press, Butte County Record, Caucasian, Evening 
Record, Index, Northern Enterprise, Review, etc. 

Chico (Mariano), Alocucion del Gobr- 4 la Junta Dept. 1 Junio 1836. MS. 

Chico (Mariano), El C Comandante General y Gefe Politico de Alta Cal. 
4 sus Habitantes. Monterey, Julio 24, 1836. 

Chico (Mariano), El C...Gefe Superior Politico etc. 4 sus Habitantes. Mon- 
terey, 11 Mayo 1836. 

Chico (Mariano), Discurso pronunciado 20 de Mayo. Monterey, 1836. 

Chico (Mariano), Discurso pronunciado 27 de Mayo. Monterey, 1836. 

Chico (Mariano), Escritos del Gobernador, 1836. MS. 











AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xli 


Chico (Mariano), Dos Palabras sobre Memoria del Ex. Gobernador Doblado. 
Guanajuato, 1847. 

Chiles (Joseph B.), Visit to California in 1841. MS. 

Chinese in California: Coolie Trade; Immigration; Question; Testimony; etc. 
Many pamphlets. 

Choate (D.) and E. W. Moore. See San Diego and Southern California. 

Choris (Louis), Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde. Paris, 1822. folio. 

Chronicle Annual. San Francisco, 1882. 

Churches. See Institutions. 

Cincinnati (O.), Commercial, Enquirer, Times, etc. 

Civil Service Reform Association of California, Purposes of. San Francisco, 
1881; other pamphlets. 

Clark (Francis D.), A Pioneer of 1847. In 8. José Pioneer, July 5, 1879; Roll 
of Survivors of the lst Regiment of New York Volunteers. N. Y. 1874. 

Clark (Galen), Reminiscences of the Old Times. MS. 

Clark (Hiram C.), Statement of Facts from 1851. MS. 

Clark (Mrs), Antipodes and Around the World. London, 1870. 

Clark (Samuel), Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake. London, 1761. 4to. 

Clarke (Asia Booth), The Elder and the Younger Booth. Boston, 1882. 

Clarke (Charles E.), Speech on Admission of California in U. S. H. of Rep., 
May 13, 1850. Wash. 1850; Speech on California Claims in U. S. Sen., 
Apr. 25, 1848. Wash. 1848. 

Claudet (F. G.), Gold. New Westminster, 1871. 

Clavigero (Francisco Saverio), Storia della California, Venezia, 1789. 2 vols. 

Clemens (J.), California Territorial Governments, Speech in U. S. Sen., 
May 16 and 20, 1850. Washington, 1850. 

Cleveland (Chauncey F.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., Apr. 19, 1850... Consti- 
tution of California. Waushington, 1850. 

Cleveland (Richard J.), Narrative of Voyages. Cambridge, 1842. 2 vols.; 
Boston, 1850. 

Clippings from the California Press in regard to Steam across the Pacific. San 
Francisco, 1860. 

Cloverdale, News, Reveille. 

Clubs. See Institutions. 

Clyman (James), Diary of Overland Journey, 1844-6. MS. 

Clyman (James), Note Book, 1844-6. MS. 

Coast Review. San Francisco, 1871-80. 15 vols. 

Codman (John), The Round Trip. New York, 1879. 

Coffey (Titian J.), Argument against McGarrahan’s Claim. n.pl., n.d. 

Coignet (M.), Rapport sur les Mines de New Almaden. Paris, 1866. 

Coke (Henry J.), A Ride over the Rocky Mountains to Oregon and California. 
London, 1852. 

Cole (Cornelius), Australian Mail Line. Speech in U.S. Sen. July 9, 1870. 
Washington. n.d.; and various Speeches. 

Cole (R. Beverly), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS. 

Cole (William L.), California—Its Scenery, Climate, etc. New York, 1871. 

Coleccion de Locumentos Inéditos para la Historia de Espafia. Madrid, 
1842-80. 71 vols. [S. F. Law Library. ] 

Colegio Seminario de Maria Santisima de Guadalupe de Sta Inés. Constitu- 
ciones. MS. 

Coleman (William T.), Vigilance Committee of 56. MS. 

Colfax (Nev.), Enterprise. 

College of California. Oration and Poem; and various pamphlets. 

Colonial Magazine. London, 1840 et seq. 

Colonizacion, Cédula Real confirmando el Reglamento del Gobt- Neve 1781. 

S. 


Colton, Advocate, Semi-tropic. 

Colton (Walter), Correspondence, 1846-7. MS. 

Colton (Walter), Deck and Port. New York, 1850; New York, 1860; The Land 
of Gold. New York, 1860; Three Years in California. New York, 1850, 


Hisv.-CAg., Vols. [. 4 


xlii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


4 

Columbia, Citizen, Clipper, 1854, Gazette, 1854, Herald, Mining Dist, 
Gazette, Muggins, 1854, News, Star, Times, Indept. Republic, “ete. 

Colusa, Independent, Sun, 

Colusa County Annual. Colusa, 1878. 

Colusa County, History. San Francisco, 1880. folio. 

Colvin (Thomas W.), Life of a Pioneer. MS. 

Combier (U.), Voyage au Golfe de Californie. Paris, n.d. 

Commercial, Financial, and Mining Interests of California, Review for 1876. 
San Francisco, 1877. 

Compaiiia Asidtico-Mexicana, Plan y Reglamento, 1825. In Junta de Fo- 
mento de Cal. 

Compania Extrangera de Monterey, Cuaderno de érdenes, 1832. MS. 

Companies, Mining, Agricultural, Commercial, etc. See Institutions. 

Comstock (A. M.), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Cone (Mary), Two Years in California. Chicago, 1876. 

Conferencia celebrada en el.Presidio de 8. Francisco entre Sola, Kotzebue, y 
Coscof, 1816. MS. 

Congressional Debates [18th to 25th Congress]. Wash. 1824 et seq. 14 vols. 

Congressional Globe. Washington, 1836 et seq. 4to. 

Congressional Speeches. A Collection. 

Conklin (E.), Picturesque Arizona. New York, 1878. 

Connor (John), Early California Recollections. MS. 

Conquest of California, A very large number of newspaper accounts. 

Conquest of California, 1846-7 Various Items and Reports. In Niles’ Reg- 
ister, lxxi.-iii. See index, ‘Cal.,’ ‘Kearney,’ ‘ Frémont,’ ‘Stockton,’ 

Consejo General de Pueblos Unidos de Cal., Bando de Mayo 13, 1846. MS. 

Constitucion Espaiiola de 1812, Bandos del Virey sobre su jura, 1820. MS. 

Constitutional Convention, Declaration of Rights. Autograph of Members, 
1849. 

Contemporary Biography of California’s Representative Men. San Francisco, 
1881. 4to. 2 vols. 

Conversation, Practical and Philosophical, on the Subject of Currency. San 
F rancisco, 1865. 

Conway (John), Early Days in California. MS. 

Cooke (Philip St Geo.), Conquest of New Mexico and California. New York, 
1878; Journal from Santa Fé to San Diego. [30th Cong., Spec. Sess., 
Sen. Doc. 2.] . Washington, 1849; Scenes and Adventures in the Army. 
Philadelphia, 1857. 

Coon (H. P.), Annals of San Francisco. MS. 

Cooper (De Guy), Resources of San Luis Obispo County. San Francisco, 1875. 

Cooper (Ellwood), Forest Culture, etc. San Francisco, 1876. 

Cooper (John B. R.), Accounts, 1827. MS. 

Cooper (John B. R.), Cartas Miscelaneas de un Navegante, 1824 et seq. MS. 

Cooper (John B. R.), Log of the California, 1839-42. MS. 

Copper City, Pioneer. 

Copperopolis, Courier. 

Cordoba (Alberto), Cartas del Ingeniero, 1796-8. MS. 

Cordoba (Alberto), Informe acerca del Sitio de Branciforte, 1796. MS. 

Cordoba (Alberto), Informe al Virey sobre Defensas de Cal., 1796. MS. 

Cornwallis (Kinahan), The New El Dorado. London, 1858. 

Coronel (Antonio F.), Cosas de California. MS. 

Coronel (Antonio F.), Documentos para la Historia de California, MS. 

Coronel (Ignacio), Cartas de un Maestro de Escuela, 1834 et seq. MS. 

Correo Atlantico (El). Mexico, 1835 et seq. 

Correo de la Federacion. Mexico, 1826 et seq. folio. 

Correspondencia de Misiones. MS. 

Cortambert (Richard), Peuples et Voyageurs contemporains. Paris, 1864. 

Cortés (Hernan), Auto de Posesion. In Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv.; Cartas; 
Historia de N. ispaiia; Memorial. In Col. Doc. Inéd., iv.; and Different 
works, as cited in my Hist. Mex. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xiii 


Corwin (Moses B.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., Apr. 9, 1850, to Admit Cali- 
fornia. Washington, 1850. 

Cosmopolitan Monthly. San Francisco, 1874 et seq. 

Costansé (Miguel), Diario Histérico de los Viages de mar y tierra hechos al 
norte de California. Mexico, 1776. 

Costansé (Miguel), Historical Journal of the Expeditions by Sea and Land 
to the North of California. London, 1790. 

Costansé (Miguel), Informe sobre el Proyecto de fortificar los Presidios de Cal. 
1794. MS. In Pinart, Col. Doc. Mexico. 

Cota (Pablo), Diario de Exploracion, 1798. MS. 

Cota (Guillermo, Leonardo, Manuel, Pablo, and Valentin), Varias cartas. MS. 

Cota (Valentin), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Coulter (John), Adventures on the Western Coast. London, 1847. 2 vols. 

Coulter (Thomas), Notes on Upper California, 1835. In Lond. Geog. Soc,, 
Jour., v. 59. 

County registers, poll-lists, laws and regulations, and other official publica- 
tions, cited by name of county but not named in this list. 

Courts. See Institutions. 

Coutts (Cave J.), Diary of a March to California in 1848, MS. 

Covarrubias (José Maria), Correspondencia del Secretario. MS. 

Cox (Isaac), Annals of Trinity County. San Francisco, 1858. 

Coxe (Daniel), Description of Carolana. London, 1722; other editions. 

Coyner (David H.), The Lost Trappers. Cincinnati, 1859. - 

Cram (Thomas J.), Report on the Oceanic routes to Cal., Nov. 1856. [34th 
Cong., 3d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 51.] Washington, 1856; Topographical 
Memoir on the Department of the Pacific. [85th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 114.] Washington, 1859. 

Crane (James M.), The Past, Present, and Future of the Pacific. San Fran- 
cisco, 1856. 

Crary (Oliver B.), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS. 

Crescent City, Courier, Herald, 1854, Del Norte Record. 

Crespi (Juan), Diario de la Expedicion de Mar., 1774. In Palou, Not., i. 624. 

Crespi (Juan), Diario del registro de San Francisco, 1772. In Palou, Not.,i.481. 

Crespi (Juan), Primera Espedicion de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto de 
San Diego, 1769. In Palou, Not., i. 93. 

Crespi (Juan), Viage de la espedicion de tierra de San Diego 4 Monterey, 
1769. In Palou, Not., i. 285. 

Croix (Teodoro), Comunicaciones del Com. Gen. de Provincias Internas al 
Gobr. de Cal., 1777 et seq. MS. In Prov. St. Pap., i.-iv. and other 
archives, 

Croix (Teodoro), Disposiciones para la Guerra 4 los Yumas, 1782. MS. 

Croix (Teodoro), Instruccion sobre Donativos en California para la Guerra con 
Inglaterra, 1781. MS. 

Croix (‘leodoro), Instrucciones al Capitan Rivera, 1779. MS. 

Cronise (Titus Fey), Natural Wealth of California. San Francisco,.1868; Id. 
with illustrations and corrections. 

Crosby (E. O.), Events in California. MS. 

Crowell (J.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. June 3, 1850, on Admission of Cali- 
fornia. Washington, 1850. 

Cuesta. See ‘Arroyo de la Cuesta.’ 

Currey (John), Incidents in California. MS. 

Cutter (D. S.) See Directories. Sacramento, 1860. 

Cutts (James Madison), Conquest of California and N. Mexico. Phila., 1847. 


Dall (Caroline H.), My First Holiday. Boston, 1881. 

Dall (W. H.), Lords of the Isles. In Overland Monthly, xii. 522. 

Dalles (Or.), Mountaineer, Oregon Republican. 

Dally (Henry J.), Narrative from 1840. MS. 

Dameron (James P.), Autobiography and Writings. San Francisco, 1877. 
Dampier (Wm.), New Voyage round the World. London, 1699-1709. 4 vols. 


xliv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Dana (C. W.), The Great West. Boston, 1861. 

Dana (David D.), The Fireman. Boston, 1858. 

Dana (Richard H., Jr.), Two Years before the Mast. New York, 1840; New 
York, 1857; Boston, 1873; Boston, 1880. 

Dana (William G.), Letters of a Trader. MS. 

Dana (Guillermo G.), and Vicente Moraga, Lista de Extrangeros en Sta Bar- 
bara, 1836; "MS. = 

Danti (Antonio), Diario de un Reconocimiento de la Alameda, 1795. MS. 

Dartin (V.), Reflecciones 4 los Californios é Hispano-Americanos. San Fran- 
cisco. [1864.] 

Daubenbiss (John), Biographical Sketches. In S. José Pioneer, Mar. 23, 
1878. 

Davidson (George), Biography and Essay on Irrigation. MS. 

Davidson (George), Coast Pilot of California, etc. Washington, 1869. 

Davidson (George), Directory for the Pacific Coast. Washington, 1868. 

Davis (Horace), An open Letter to. San Francisco, 1880; and various speeches, 

Davis (John), World’s Hydrographical Description. London, 1595. 

Davis (William H.), Business Correspondence. MS. 

Davis (William H.), Glimpses of the Past in California. MS. 2 vols. 

Davisville, Advertiser. 

D’Avity (Pierre), Le Monde ou la Description Generale, etc. Paris, 1637. 
folio. 5 vols. 

Dean (Peter), Occurrences in California. MS. | 

De Bow (J. D. B.), De Bow’s Review and Industrial Resources. New Orleans, : 
etc., 1854-7. 7 vols.; Encyclopedia of Trade and Commerce of the U. 8S. 
London, 1854. 2 vols. 

Decreto del Congreso Mejicano sobre Colonizacion, 18 Agosto 1824. MS. 

Decreto del Congreso Mejicano, secularizando las Misiones. 17 Agosto 1833. 
In Arrillaga, Recop. 1833, p. 19. 

Decreto de las Cértes, 4 Enero 1813, Secularizacion. MS.; also in Mexico, 
Leyes Vigentes 1879, p. 56; Dwinelle’s Col. Hist. Add. 20. 

Deer Lodge (Mont. ), Independent. 

Degroot (Henry), The Donner Party. In Overland Monthly, v. 38. 

Del Mar (Alexander), A History of the Precious Metals. London, 1880. 

Delano (Amasa), The Central Pacific Railroad, or 49 and ’69. San Francisco, 
1868; Life on the Plains, ete. New York, 1861; Old Block’s Sketch 
Book. Sacramento, 1856; Penknife Sketches. Sacramento, 1853. 

Delessert, Les Mines. In Revue des Deux Mondes. Feb. 1, 1849. 

Del Norte County, History of. See Bledsoe, A. J. 

Demarcacion y Division de las Indias. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., 
xv. 409. 

Democratic Members of Legislature of California. Address of the Majority 
Feb. 1854. San Francisco, 1854. 

Democratic State Convention, Proceedings Feb. 1852, Sacramento, 1852. 

Dempster (C. J.), Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Den (Nicolas A.), Letters of a Pioneer Doctor. MS. 

Dent, Vantine, and Co., Claim for Supplies to Indians in California, 1851-2, 
Washington, n.d. 

Departmental Records. MS. 14 vols. In Archivo de Cal. 

Departmental State Papers. MS. 20 vols. In Archivo de Cal.; Id., Angeles. 
12 vols.; Id., Benicia. 5 vols.; Id., Benicia Custom- house. 8 vols. ; sold.) 
Benicia Com. and Treas. 5 vols.; ; Td., Benicia Prefecturas y Juzgados. 
6 vols. ; Id., Benicia Military.. vols. 53 ‘to 87; Id., Monterey. 8 vols.; Id., 
San José. 7 vols. 

Derby (E. H.), The Overland Route to the Pacific. Boston, 1869. 

Derby (G. H.), and R. 8. Williamson. Reports on Geology and Topography 
of California. [8lst Cong., lst Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 47.] Wash., 1850. 

De Rupert (A. E..D.), Californians and Mormons. New York, 1881. 

Diaz del Castillo (Bernal), Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva 
Espaiia. Madrid, 1652. 4to. - : 


tas 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED, xiv 


Diccionario Universal de Historia y de Geografia, Mexico, 1853. 4to. 10 vols.; 
Madrid, 1846-50. 4to. 8 vols. 

Dickinson (John R.), Speeches, Correspondence, etc. New York, 1867. 2 
vols. . 

Dictamen sobre Instrucciones al Gobr- de Californias 1825. In Junta de 

Fomento de Cal. 

Digger's Handbook (The), and Truth about California. Sydney, 1849. 

Dilke (Charles Wentworth), Greater Britain. Philadelphia, 1869. 2 vols. 

Diputacion de la Alta California (La Ecsma.), 4 sus Habitantes. Monterey, 
6 Nov., 1836. 

Directories, Los Angeles; Marysville, Amy; Nevada Co., Bean; Nevada and 
Grass Valley, Thompson; Oakland, Stillwell; Pacific Coast Business, 
Langley; Placer County, Steele; Placerville, Fitch; Sacramento, Col- 
ville; San Francisco, Bishop, Colville, Gazlay, Harris, Bogardus and 
Labatt, Judicial, Kimball, Langley, Larkin and Belden, Le Count and 
Strong, Morgan, Parker, Potter; San Francisco, California, and Nevada; 
San José, Bishop, Colahan and Pomeroy; San Joaquin County, Berdine; 
Santa Clara; Solano; Stockton, Bogardus; Tuolumne County, Hecken- 
dorn and Wilson; Vallejo, Kelley and Prescott; Watsonville. 

Disturnell (J.), Influence of Climate. New York, 1867. 

Dittmann (Carl), Narrative of a Seafaring Life from 1844. MS. 

Dix (John A.), Speeches and Occasional Addresses. New York, 1864. 2 vols. 

Dixon, Tribune. 

Dixon (William Hepworth), The White Conquest. London, 1876. 2 vols. 

Doctrina para los Padres de Familia. Carta de una Novia de Moda 4 su 
futuro. [En verso.] Sonoma [1838]. 

_ Documens sur |’Histoire de Californie. In Petit-Thouars, Voy., iv. 

Documentos para la Historia. 1846-8. In Los Angeles, Southern California. 

Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 4 vols. 

Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1853-7. 20 vols. 4 series, 
serie iii., in folio and in four parts. ; 

Domenech (Emmanuel), Seven Years’ Residence in the Great Deserts of North 
America. London, 1860. 2 vols. 

Dominguez (Manuel), Escritos de un Ranchero y Prefecto. MS. 

Dominguez (Francisco A.), and Silvestre V. Escalante, Diario y derrotero para 
descubrir el camino de Santa Fé, etc. In Doc. Hist..Mex., serie ii., i. 377. 

Donnat (Léon), L’Etatde Californie en 1877-8. Paris, 1878. 

Doolittle (William G.), Journey to San Francisco. MS. 

D’Orbigny (Alcide), Voyage Pittoresque dans les deux Amériques. Paris, 
1836. | 

Douglas, Speech in U. S. Sen. June 26, 28, 1850, Public Lands in California. 

' Washington, 1850. 

Douglas (David), Letter to Hartnell, 1833. MS. 

Douglas (Sir James), Private Papers. Ist and 2d series. MS. 2 vols.; Voy- 
age from the Columbia to Cal., 1841. MS. In Id. Journal. 

Douglas City, Trinity Gazette. 

Dowell (B. F.), Journal and Letters. MS. — 

Downey City, Courier, Los Nietos Valley Courier. 

Downieville, Democrat, Mountain Messenger, Sierra Advocate, Sierra Age, 
Sierra County News, Sierra Democrat, Standard, etc. 

Dows (James), Statement of Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS. 

Doyle (John T.), Address at Inauguration of New Hall of Santa Clara Col- 
lege, Aug. 9, 1870. S. F., 1870; Address on the Railroad Policy of Cali- 
fornia. S. F., 1873; Brief History of the Pious Fund of California. n.pl., 
n.d.; Memorandum as to the Discovery of the Bay of San Francisco, 
Worcester, 1874. 

Drake (Francis), Drie Voornaame Zee-Togten. In Aa, Naauk. Vers. xviii.; 
The Famous Voyage. In Hakluyt’s Voy., iii.; —Francis Drake Revived. 
n.pl. [1630 ]; The World Encompassed. London, 1628. 4to; The World 
Encompassed [Hakluyt Soc. ed.] London, 1854. 


xlvi -AUTHORITIES QUOTED. “ 


Drama, Copy of a Spanish Drama of 1789. MS. 

Druids, Proceedings at Annual Sessions; other pattiphidie: 

Duarte (Mariano), Causa Criminal contra el Alcalde de 8S. José, 1831. MS. 

Du Hailly (Edouard), Les Américains sur le Pacifique. In Revue des Deux 
Mondes, Feb. 1859. 

Duhaut-Cilly (A.), Viaggio intorno al Globo. ‘Torino, 1841. 2 vols.; Voyage 
autour du Monde. Paris, 1835. 

Dumetz (Francisco), Cartas del Padre Misionero, 1771-1811. MS. 

Dunbar (Edward E.), Romance of the Age. New York, 1867. 

Duncan, (L. J. C.), Settlement in Southern Oregon. MS. 

Dunne’s Notes on San Pascual, 1846. MS. 

Dunraven (Ear! of), The Great Divide. New York, 1876. 

Duran (Narciso), Carta al Gobr- Chico, 15 Junio, 1836. MS. 

Duran (Narciso), Correspondencia de un Misionero y Presidente. MS. 

Duran (Narciso), Critica sobre las Prevenciones de Emancipacion, 1833. MS, 

Duran (Narciso), Informe del Actual Estado de las Misiones, 1844. MS. 

Duran (Narciso), Notas 4 una Circular 6 Bando de Echeandia, 1833. MS. 

Duran (Narciso), Notas y Comentarios al Bando de Echeandia sobre Misiones, 
1831. MS. 

Duran (Narciso), Proyectos de Secularizacion, 1833. MS. 

Durkee (John L.), Statement on Vigilance Committees in San Francisco. MS. 

Dutch Flat, Enquirer, Forum. 

Dutch Flat Swindle (The Great). S. F. n.d. 

Dwinelle (John W.), Address before the Pioneers. 1866. S. F. 1866; Colonial 
History of San Francisco. S. F. 1863; S. F. 1867; [Drake’s Voyage, a 
Review of Bryant’s Hist. U.S.] In 8. F. Bulletin, Oct. 5, 1878; Oration. 
Oct. 8, 1876. In San Francisco, Cent. Mem., 81. 

Dye (Job F.), Pioneer Recollections. In Sta Cruz Sentinel, 1869; Pioneer 
Scrap-book; Recollections of California. MS. 


Kardley- Wilmot (S.), Our Journal in the Pacific. London, 1873. 

Earil (John O.), Statement of 1849. MS. 

Earliest Printingin California. A Collection of alldocuments printed before 1848, 

Earthquake. The Great Karthquake in San Francisco S. F. 1868. 

Eaton (Henry), Pioneer of 1838. MS. 

Echeandia (José Maria), Bando sobre Elecciones, 1828. MS. 

Echeandia (José Maria), Carta que dirige 4 D. José Figueroa en defensa de lo 
que ha hecho para secularizar las Misiones, 1833. MS. 

Keheandia (José Maria), Decreto de Emancipacion 4 favor de los Nedfitos, 
1826. MS. 

Echeandia (José Maria), Decreto de Secularizacion, 6 Enero, 1831. MS. 

Echeandia (José Maria), Escritos Sueltos del Com. General, 1825-33. MS. 

Kcheandia (José Maria), Plan para Convertir en Pueblos las Misioaes, 1829-30. 
M 


Echeandia (José Maria), Reglamento para los Encargados de Justicia en las 
Misiones, 1833. 8. 

Echeandia (José Maria), Reglamento de Secularizacion, 18 Nov. 1832. MS. 

Echeveste (Juan José), ‘Reglamento,’ q.v. 

Eco de Espaiia. Mexico, 1853-4, 

Eco Nacional. Mexico, 1857-8. 

Kico de Occidente. Guaymas, 1878 et seq. 

Edelman (George W.), Guide to the Value of California Gold. Phil., 1850. 

Edinburgh Review. Edinburgh, 1802 et seq. 

Edwards (Philip L.), Diary of a Visit to Cal., 1837. MS. 

Eliot de Castro (Juan), Papeles Tocantes 4 su arrestacion, 1815. MS. 

Elliot (George H.), The Presidio of San Francisco. In Overland, iv. 336. 

Ellis (George E.), The Red Man and the White Man. Boston, 1882. 

Emory (W. H.), Notes of a Military Reconnaissance. [80th Cong., Ist Sess., 
Sen. Ex. Doc. 7.] Washington, 1848. 

Escalante (Sylvestre Velez), Carta de 28 de Octubre, 1775. MS. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xlvii 


Escandon (Manuel), and José D. Rascon, Observaciones, Fondo Piadoso, 
Mexico, 1845. 

Escobar (Agustin), Campafia de 1846. MS. 

Escobar (Marcelino), Cartas de un Alcalde. MS. 

Escudero (José Agustin), Memorias del Diputado de Chihuahua. Mexico, 1848. 

Escudero (José Agustin), Noticias Estadisticas de Chihuahua. Mexico, 1837. 

Espafia, Constitucion de 1812. MS. 

Espaiioles, Lista de los—que han prestado Juramento, 1828. MS. 

Espinosa (Clemente), Apuntes Breves y Notas Histéricas. MS. 

Espinosa (Rafael), Estudios Histéricos. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., v. 429. 

Esplandian, Sergas of. 1510, and later editions. 

Establecimientos Rusos en California, 1812-41. MS. 

Estell (James M.), Speech in Hall of Rep. Sacto in connection with Vigilance 
Committee. n.pl. 1857, 

Esténega (Tomas), Cartas del Padre Misionero. MS. 

Estrada (José Mariano), Correspondencia desde 1783. MS. 

Estrada (José Ramon), Comunicaciones Varias. MS. 

Estrada (José Ramon), Lista de Extrangeros en Monterey, 1829. MS. 

Estudillo (José Maria), Datos Histéricos. MS. 

Kstudillo (José Joaquin), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 2 vols, 

Estudillo (José Maria), Hojas de Servicio. MS. 

Estudillo (José Maria), Informe sobre los Frailes, 1820. MS. 

Estudillo (José Maria), Informe sobre Oficios de Capellan, 1820. MS. 

Estudillo (José Maria and José Antonio), Cartas del Padre é Hijo. MS. 

Etholin, Letter on Ross, 1841. MS. 

Eureka, Democratic Standard, Evening Herald, Evening Star, Humboldt 
Bay Journal, Humboldt Times, National Index, Northern Independent, 
Signal, West Coast Signal. 

Evangelist (The), San Francisco, 1872 et seq. 

Evans (Albert 8.), A la California. San Francisco, 1873. 

Evans (George M.), A History of the Discovery of Gold in California. In 
Hunt’s Merchants’ Mag., xxxi. 385. 

Iivans (Richard 8.) and H. W. Henshaw, Translation, Voyage of Cabrillo. 
In U. 8. Geog. Surv., Wheeler, vii., Arch., 293. 

Expediente sobre el modo de dividirse las misiones, 1770. MS. 

Expediente sobre las Enfermedades de la Tierra, 1805. MS. 

Expediente sobre Reciprocas Quejas del Gobernador y Religiosos, 1787. MS. 

Expuision of Citizens of the U. 8. from Upper Cal. President’s Mess, [28th 
Cong., lst Sess., Sen. Doc. 390.] Wash., 1843. 

Ezquer (Ignacio), Memorias de Cosas Pasadas. MS. 


Fabian (Bentham), Agricultural Lands of California. San Francisco, 1869, 
Fac-similes de Firmas Californianas. 

Facultad de Confirmar, 1781. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Comentario sobre el Informe del Capitan Soler, 1787. MS. 
Fages (Pedro), Correspondencia del Comandante y Gobr., 1781 et seq. MS. 
Fages (Pedro), Informe sobre Comercio con Buques de China, 1787. MS. 
Fages (Pedro), Informe General de Misiones, 1787. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Informes Particulares al Gobt- Romeu, 1791. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Instruccion para el Cabo de Escolta de Angeles, 1787. MS. 
Fages (Pedro), Instruccion para la Escolta de Purisima, 1788. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Instruccion para la Escolta de 8S. Miguel, 1787. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Instruccion para su Viage 4 California, 1769. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Instrucciones al Comandante Interino de Monterey, 1783. MS. 
Fages (Pedro), Papel de Varios Puntos, 1791. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Representacion Contra los Frailes, 1785. MS. 

Fages (Pedro), Voyage en Californie, 1769. In Nouv. An. Voy., ci. 

Fair (Laura D.), Official Report of the Trial. San Francisco, 1871. 
Fairchild (John A.), Sketch of Life. MS. 

Family Defender Magazine. Oakland, 1881 et seq. 


“xiviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Farnham (Eliza W.), California. In-Doors and Out. New York, 1856. 

Farnham (J. T. or Thos. J.), Early Days of California. Phil., 1860; Life, 
Adventures and Travels in Cal. Pictorial ed. N. Y., 1857; Life, Ad- 
ventures, and Travels in Cal. N. Y., 1846; N. Y., 1849; N. Y., 1850; 
N. Y., 1853; Travels in the Californias. N. Y., 1844. 

Farwell (James D.), Statement of Vigilance Committees in 8S. F. MS. 

‘Far West,’ Letters from California. In Honolulu Friend, Nov.—Dec., 1846. 

Fay (Caleb T.), Historical Facts on California. MS. 

Fédix (P. A.), L’Orégon et les cétes de Océan Pacifique. Paris, 1846. 

Fernandez (José), Cosas de California. MS. 

Fernandez (José), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Fernandez (José Zenon), Cartas Sueltas. MS. 

‘Fernandez (Manuel), Carta del Padre Ministro de Sta Cruz, 1798. MS. 

Fernandez de San Vicente (Agustin), Comunicaciones del Canénigo, 1822. MS. 

Ferry (Hypolite), Description de la Nouvelle Californie. Paris, 1850. 

Fidalgo (Salvador), Tabla de Descubrimientos de 1790. MS. 

Fidalgo (Salvador), Viage de 1790. MS. 

Field (Stephen J.), Personal Reminiscences of Early Days. n.pl.,n. d.; Some 
Account of the Work of. n.pl., 1881. 

Figueroa (José), Anuncia 4 los Californios su llegada, 16 Enero, 1833. [The 
first specimen of California printing.] 

Figueroa (José), Bando contra Hijar, 1834. MS. 

Figueroa (José), Bando en que publica la Resolucion de la Diputacion contra 
Hijar, 1834. 

Figueroa (José), Correspondencia del Gefe Politico, 1832-5. MS. 

Figueroa (José), Cosas Financieras de California, 1834. MS. 

Figueroa (José), Discurso de Apertura de la Diputacion, 1834. MS. 

Figueroa (José), El Comandante. General, etc., 4 los Habitantes del Territorio. 
Monterrey, 16 Marzo, 1835. 

Figueroa (José), El Comandante General y Gefe Politico de Alta Cal. 4 sus 
Habitantes. Monterey, 1835. 

Figueroa (José), Informe al Ministro de Guerra sobre Acontecimientos de 
1831-2. MS. 

Figueroa (José), Informe en que se opone al Proyecto de Secularizacion, 1833. 
MS. 


Figueroa (José), Instrucciones Generales para el Gobierno de Cal., 1832. MS. 
Figueroa (José), Manifiesto 4 la Republica Mejicana. Monterey, 1835. 
Figueroa (José), The Manifesto of. S. Francisco, 1855. 

Figueroa (José), Observaciones de un Ciudadano. MS. 

Figueroa (José), Plan de Propios y Arbitrios. Monterrey, 6 Agosto, 1834. 
Figueroa (J tee Prevenciones Provisionales para la Emancipacion de Indios, 


1833. 

Figueroa (J med Reglamento Provisional para la Secularization. Monterrey, 
9 Agosto, 1834. 

Findla (James), Statement of Events in Early Days. MS. 

Findlay (Alexander G.), Directory for the Navigation of the Pacific Ocean. 
London, 1851; Light Houses in the World. London, 1867. 

Fire Underwriters. Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1865 et seq. 

First Steamship Pioneers. [San Francisco, 1874.] 4to. 

Fisher (Walter M.), The Californians. San Francisco, 1876. 

Fitch (Guillermo), Narrativa. MS. 

Fitch (Henry D.), Causa Criminal por Matrimonio Nulo, 1830. MS. 

Fitch (Henry D.), Letters of a Merchant, 1826 et seq. MS. 

Fitch (Henry D. and Josefa C.), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Fitch (Josefa C.), Narracion de una California. MS. 

Fitzgerald (O. P.), California Sketches. Nashville, 1879. 

Fitzgerald (O. P.), Education in California. MS. 

Flagg, Report. [84th Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 107.] Washington, 1855, 

Fleurieu (Charles Pierre), Introduction. In Marchand, Voy., i. 

Flint. See Pattie’s Narrative. 


ae 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xlix 


Flores (José Maria), Cartas varias. MS. 


Flores (José Maria), Informe al Gob. de Sonora, 5 Feb. 1877. In Sonorense, 
* Mar. 5, 1847. 

Flores (José Maria), Informe de 5 Feb. 1847, y Correspondencia con las 
Autoridades de Sonora. MS. 

Flores (José Maria), Oficios del Comandante General, 1846. MS 

Flores (Miguel), Recuerdos Histéricos de California. MS. 

Flores (Virey), Instruccion, 1789. MS. 

Fliigge (Charles W.), Various Letters, 1841 et seq. MS. 


Folsom (J. L.), Correspondence of the Quartermaster, 1846-8. In Cal. and 


N. Mex., Mess. and Doc., 1850. 

Fondo Piadoso de Californias, 1773. MS. 

Fondo Piadoso de Californias, Decreto 24 Oct. 1842. MS. 

Fondo Piadoso de Californias, Demostracion de los sinodos que adeuda 4 los 
Religiosos, 1811-34. MS. 

Fondo Piadoso de Californias, Ley y Reglamento. Mexico, 1833. 

Fonseca (Fabian) and Carlos Urrutia, Historia General de Real Hacienda. 
Mexico, 1845, 1849-53. 6 vols. 

Font (José), Varios Escritos del Teniente, 1796 et seq. MS. 

Font (Pedro), Journal of a Journey from Sonora to Monterey, 1775. MS. 

Foote (H.S.), Speech on Admission of California in U. 8. Senate, Aug. 1, 1850. 
Washington, 1850. 

Forbes (Alexander), California, A History of. London, 1839. 

Forbes (James A.), Letters, 1833-48. MS. 

Ford (Henry L.), The Bear Flag Revolution. MS, 

Forest Hill, Placer Courier. 

Forsee (Peter A.), Five Years of Crime in California. Ukiah, 1867. 


- Forster (John), Pioneer Data from 1832. MS. 


Forster (John Reinhold), History of Voyages and Discoveries in the North. 
London, 1786. 4to. 


‘Fort Point and Alcatrazas Island, Information in regard to fortifications 


being erected. [33d Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. §82.] Washington, 
1853. 

Foster (G. G.), The Gold Regions of California. New York, 1848; N. Y., 1849. 

Foster (Stephen C.), Angeles from ’47 to 49. MS. 

Foster (Stephen C.), First American in Los Angeles, In Los Angeles Express. 

Foster (Stephen C.), Various Writings. MS. 

Fourgeaud, The Prospects of California. In California Star, April, 1848. 

Fowler (John), Bear Flag Revolt. MS. 

Fowler (Orin), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., March 11, 1850, on Constitution 
of California. Washington, 1850. 

Franklin (Benjamin), Corners, 1849. In 8. F. Alta, March 8, 1877. 

Fraser (J. D.), Report on the Immense Resources and Natural Wealth of 
California. New York, 1868. 

Frazee (W. D.), San Bernardino County. San Bernardino, 1876. 

Free American. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq. 

Freelon (W. T.), Oration before Pioneers. Sept. 9, 1857. San Francisco, 1857. 


_ Fremery (James de), Mortgages in California. San Francisco, 1860. 


Frémont (Jessie Benton), A Year of American Travel. n. p., 1878. 

Frémont (John C.), California Claims in Congress. In 30th Cong., Ist Sess., 
H. Rept. 817; Sen. Rept. 75; Houston’s Revorts;—33d Cong., Ist Sess. 
H. Ex. Doc. 17;'Sen. Ex. Doc. 49;—2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 13; Sen. Ex. 
8;—34th Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Doc. 109; Sen Ex. Doc. 63; Sen. Miscel. 
74;—36th Cong. Ist Sess. H. Rept. 7; Id. Court Claims 204, 229; Sen. Rept. 
198. Also Cong. Globe 1847-8, 1852-3; and many scattered documents 
in the various archives; Correspondence 1844-7. MS.; Correspondence 
1847-8 in Stockton’s Life, App.; Court Martial. Extract in Stockton’s 
Life, App.; Court Martial 1847. In 30th Cong., Ist Sess. Sen, Ex. 
Doc. 33; Discussions in Congress on his trial and services, 1847-8. 
Cong. Globe, 1847-8. Index, ‘Frémont’; Geographical Memoir upon Up- 


1 AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


per California. Washington, 1848; Philadelphia, 1849. [30th Cong., Ist 
Sess. Sen. Mis. 148]; Is he honest? Is he capable? n.pl., n.d.; Life of. 
New York, 1856; Narrative of Exploring Expedition. New York, 1849; 
Not a Roman Catholic. n.pl., n.d.; Orders and Correspondence, 1847. 
In Cutt’s Conquest; Private and Public Character Vindicated, by James 
Buchanan. New York, n.d.; Report of Exploring Expedition. Wash- 
ington, 1845; Pamphlets. A Collection; Fremont Songster. New York, 
1856; Boston, 1856. | 

Frémont (John C.) and W. H. Emory, California Guide Book. New York, 
1849. 

Frere (Alice M.), The Antipodes and Round the World. London, 1870. 

Fresno, Expositor, Republican, Scott Valley News. 

Frignet (Ernest), La Californie. Paris, 1865; Paris, 1867. 

Frink (George W.), Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Froebel (Julius), Central America, Northern Mexico, and Western United 
States, Seven Years Travelin. London, 1859. 

From England to California. Life among the Mormons. Sacramento, 1868. 

Frost (John), History of California. Auburn, 1853; New York, 1859; Pic- 
torial History of Mexico. Phil. 1862. 

Frost (Thomas), Half-Hours with the Early Explorers. London, etc. [1876.] 

Furber (George C.), The Twelve Months’ Volunteer. Cincinnati, 1850. 

Fuster (Vicente), Registro de Defunciones, 1775. MS. 


Gaceta del Gobierno de Mexico, 1728-1821, 1823 et seq. 

Gaceta Imperial de Mexico. Mexico, 1821-3. 3 vols. 

Galindo (José Eusebio), Apuntes para la Historia de California. MS. 

Galitzin (Emmanuel), Notice Biographique sur Barénof. In Nouv. An. Voy., 
exxv. 243. 

Galvez (José de), Correspondencia con el Padre Lasuen, 1768. MS. 

Galvez (José de), Escritos sueltos del Visitador General, 1768-70. MS. 

Galvez (José de), Instruccion que ha de Observar D. Vicente Vila, capitan del 
S. Carlos, 1769. MS. 

Galvez (José de), Instruccion que ha de Observar el teniente D. Pedro Fages, 
1769. MS. 

Galvez (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobt- de California, 1783-5. MS. 

Galvez (Virey), Instruccion formada en virtud de real édrden. Mexico, 1786. 

Galvez (Virey), Instrucciones al Gobr- Fages, 1786. MS. 

Garcés (Francisco), Diario y Derrotero. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. ii., i. 225, 

Garcia (Inocente), Hechos Histéricos. MS. 

Garcia (José E.), Episodios Histéricos. MS. 

Garcia (Marcelino), Apunte sobre el General Micheltorena. MS. 

Garcia Diego (Francisco), Carta Pastoral. Mexico, 1840. 

Garcia Diego (Francisco), Carta Pastoral contra la costumbre de azotar 4 los 
Indios, Junio 30, 1833. MS. 

Garcia Diego (Francisco), Correspondencia de un Misionero y Obispo. MS. 

Garcia Diego (Francisco), Parecer del P. Fiscal sobre el Proyecto de Secular- 
izacion, 1833. MS. 

Garcia Diego (Francisco), Reglas que propone el P. Prefecto para Gobierno » 
interior de las ex-misiones, 1835. MS. 

Garden of the World. Boston, 1856. 

Gardiner (Me.), Home Journal. 

Garibay (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobernador de Cal. MS. 

Garijo ee arte: Carta del P. Guardian en que da Noticia de la Revolucion, 
1811. : 

Garner (William R.), Letters of a Pioneer of 1824. MS. 

Garnica del Castillo (Nicanor), Recuerdos sobre California. MS. 

Garniss (James R.), Early Days of San Francisco. MS. 

Gary (George), The Roaming Badgers. MS. 

Gasol (José), Expediente sobre Capellanes de Presidios, 1802. MS. 

Gasol (José), Letras Patentes del P. Guardian, 1806. MS. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. li 


Gay (Frederick A.), Sketches of California. n.pl., n.d. 

General Association of California, Minutes of Annual Meetings. San Fran- 
cisco, 1857 et seq. 

German (José and Luis), Sucesos en California. MS. 

Genius of Liberty, Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq. 

Gerstiicker (Freidrich), Aventures d’une Colonie d’émigrants en Amérique. 
Paris, 1855; Californische Skizzen. Leipzig, 1856; Gold! Ein Califor- 
nisches Lebensbild aus dem yahre 1849. Leipzig, 1858; Kaliforniens 
Gold u Quecksilber-District. Leipzig, 1849; Der Kleine Goldgriiber in 
Californien. Leipzig, n.d.; Kreuz und Quer. Leipzig, 1869. 3 vols.; Nar- 
rative of a Journey round the World. Lond. 1853; New York, 1854; 
Reisen. Stuttgart, etc., 1853-4. 5 vols.; Scénes de la Vie Californienne. 
Genéve, 1860; Travels. London, 1854; Western Lands and Western 
Waters. London, 1864. 

Gibbons (Francis A.), and Francis X. Kelly, Letter relative to appropriation 
for erection of light-house on Pacific Coast. [83d Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 113.] Washington, 1853; Resolution calling for Correspondence 
relative to claim [33d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 53]. Washington, 


1853. 

Gibson (H. G.), Address at the Fourth Annual Banquet of New York Cali- 
fornia Pioneers. In San José Pioneer, Feb. 15, 1879. 

Gibson (Otis), Chinaman or White Man, Which? San Francisco, 1873; The 
Chinese in America. Cincinnati, 1877; other articles on Chinese. 

Giddings (George H.), The case of—Contractor on the Overland Mail Route. 
Washington, 1860. 

Gift (George W.), The Settler’s Guide. Stockton, 1857. 

Gift (George W.), Something about California. Marin County, S. Rafael, 1875, 

Gilbert (Frank T.), See Histories of San Joaquin and Yolo Counties. 

Gillespie (Archibald H.), Correspondence of a Government Agent. MS. 

Gillespie (Charles V.), Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Gilman (Daniel C.), Building of the University.. Inaugural Address Nov. 7, 
1872. San Francisco, 1872. 

Gilroy, Advocate, California Leader, Independent, Telegram, Union. 

Gleeson (William), History of the Catholic Church in California, San Fran- 
cisco, 1872. 2 vols. 

Glisan (R.), Journal of Army Life. San Francisco, 1874. 

Goat Island, Appeal to the California Delegation in Congress, 1872; Proceed- 
ings of the Chamber of Commerce. S. F. 1872, etc. 

Goddard (Frederick B.), Where to Emigrate and Why. New York, 1869. 

Godfrey (John F.), Argument In re City of Los Angeles vs. L. McL. Baldwin 
etal. San Francisco, 1878. 

Gold Fields. Notes on the Distribution of Gold. London, 1853. 

Gold-Finder, Adventures of. London, 1850. 3 vols. 

Golovnin (V. M.), Voyage of the Kamchatka, 1815-19. In Materialui, pt. iv. 

Gomez (José), Diario Curioso, 1776-96. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. vil. 

Gomez (José Joaquin), Cartas, 1831 et seq. MS. 

Gomez (Juan), Diario de Cosas Notables, 1836. MS. 

Gomez (Juan), Documentos para la Historia de California, 1785-1850. MS. 

Gomez (Rafael), Escritos Varios del Licenciado. MS. 

Gomez (Vicente P.), Lo que Sabe de California. MS, 

Gonzalez (Diego), Cartas del Teniente, 1781 et seq. MS. 

Gonzalez (José Maria de Jesus), Cartas del Padre Zacatecano. MS. 

Gonzalez (Mauricio), Memorias Californianas. MS. 

Gonzalez (Mauricio), Papeles Originales Histéricos. MS. 

Gonzalez (Rafael), Correspondencia. MS. 

Gonzalez (Rafael), Diario de Mexico 4 California. MS. 

Gonzalez (Rafael), Experiencias de un Soldado. MS. 

Gonzalez (Teodoro) Las Revoluciones en California. MS. 

Good Templars, Constitution, Proceedings, etc., of various lodges. 

Goodrich (Frank B.), The Tribute Book. San Francisco, 1867 4to, 


lii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Goodrich (Samuel G.), History of the Indians of North and South America. 
Boston, 1844; Boston, 1855; Boston, 1564. 

Goodyear (W. A.), Coal Mines of the Western Coast. San Francisco, 1877. 

Gottfriedt (Johann Ludwig), Neue Welt. Franckfurt, 1655. folio. 

Gougenheim (Adelaide and Joey), Histrionic Memoirs, etc. S. F. 1856. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Diario de Exploracion, 1798. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Escritos del Comandante de Sta Barbara, 1785-1806. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Medios para el Fomento de Californias, 1805. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Oficio Instructivo para el Tente- R. Carrillo, 1802. MS. 

Goycoechea (Felipe), Respuesta 4 las Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos de 
Misioneros, 1798. MS. 

Graham (J. D.), Report on Boundary Line between U. S. and Mexico [32d 
Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 121.] Washington, 1851. 

Graham (Mary), Historical Reminiscences. San Francisco, 1876. 

Graham (Isaac) and John A. Sutter in New Mexico, Some Facts. MS. 

Grajera (Antonio), Escritos del Comandante de S. Diego, 1794-9. 

Grajera (Antonio), Respuesta 4 las Quince Preguntas, 1799. MS. 

Grantsville, Weekly Sun. 

Grass Valley, Foot Hill Tidings, National, Union. 

Gray (A. B.), Resolution communicating report and map relative to Mex. 
Boundary. [33d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 55.] Wash. 1853. 

Gray (W. H.), History of Oregon, 1792-1849. Portland, 1870. 

Great Registers, cited by name of county. Not in this list. 

Greeley (Horace), Overland Journey. New York, 1860. 

Green (Alfred A.) Life and Adventures of a ’47er. MS. 

Green (Talbot H.), Letters, 1841-8. MS. 

Greenhow (Robert), History of Oregon and California. Boston, 1844; Lon- 
don, 1844; New York, 1845; Boston, 1845; Boston, 1847. 

Greenhow (Robert), Memoir, Historical and Political, of the Northwest Coast 
of North America. [26th Cong., lst Sess., Sen. Doc. 174.] Wash., 1840. 

Greenwood (Grace), New Life in New Lands. New York, 1873. 

Gregory (Joseph W.), Guide for California Travellers. New York, 1850. 

Gregson (James), Statement, 1845-9. MS. 

Grey (William), A Picture of Pioneer Times in California. S. F. 1881. 

Griffin (John 8.), Documents for the History of California; San Pascual. MS. 

Griffin (John §.), Journal of 1846. MS. 

Grigsby (John), Papers of 1846-8. MS. 

Grijalva (Juan Pablo), Cartas del Teniente, 1794-1806. MS. 

Grijalva (Juan Pablo) Explicacion del Registro desde 8. Diego. MS. 

Grijalva (Juan Pablo), Informe sobre les Rancherias exploradas por P. Mari- 
ner, 1795. MS. 

Grimm (Henry), The Chinese Must Go. San Francisco, 1879. 

Grimshaw (William R.), Narrative of Events, 1848-50. MS. 

Guadalajara, Gaceta de Gobierno. Guadalajara, 1821 et seq. 

Guerra fei etal. Investigations of a charge against as Revolutionists, 
1848. MS. 

Guerra (José Antonio), Cartas. MS. 

Guerra (Pablo), Comunicaciones. MS. 

Guerra y Noriega (José), Correspondencia del Capitan. MS. 

Guerra y N preg (José), Determinacion sobre su Ida 4 Mexico, é Instruccion, 
1819. MS. 

Guerra y Noriega (José), Documentos para la Hist. de Cal. MS. 6 vols. 

Guerra y Noriega (José), Ocurrencias Curiosas de 1830-1. MS. 

Guerra entre Mexico y los Estados-Unidos, Apuntes. Mexico, 1848. 

Guerrero (Francisco), Cartas, 1839-46. MS. 

Guerrero (Vicente), Soberano Estado de Oajaca. Oajaca, 1833. 

Guia de Forasteros. Mexico, 1797 et seq. 

Gutierrez (Nicolas), Carta Oficial del Gefe Politico, 4 Nov. 1836. MS. 

Gutierrez (Nicolds), [Publica el Decreto reuniendo los Mandos, y toma 
posesion del Gobierno Politico.] Monterrey, 2 Enero, 1836. 


.* 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. liii 


Gutierrez (Nicolds), Varias Cartas del Conus y Gefe Politico, 1832-6. MS. 

Gwin (William M.), Argument on the Subject of a Pacific Railroad. Wash., 
1860; Congress Record. n.pl., n.d.; Land Titles in California. Speech 
in reply to Mr Benton in U. 8. Sen., Jan. 2, 1851. Wash., 1851; Navy- 
yard and Dry-dock in California. Speech i in U.S. Sen., March 23, 1852. 
Wash., 1852; Remarks in U. 8. Sen. Apr. 19 and 20, 1852, on Deficiency 
Appropriation Bill. Wash., 1852; Speech in U.S. Sen. Jan. 13, 1853, on 
Bill to Estab.ish a Railway to the Pacific. Wash., 1853; Speech in U. 
S. Sen. March 2, 1853, on Transportation of U. 8. Mails. Wash., 1853; 
Speeches in the Senate of the U. S. on Private Land Titles in Cal. 
Wash., 1851; other speeches, 

Gwin (William M.), Memoirs on History. MS. 


Habersham (A. W.), North Pacific Surveying and Expl. Ex. Phila., 1858. 

Hacke (William), Collection of Original Voyages. London, 1699. 

Hakluyt (Richard), The Principal Navigations. Lond., 1599-1600. folio. 3 
vols.; cited as Hakluyt’s Voy. 

Hale (Edward Everett), Early Maps of America. Worcester, 1874; His Level 
Best, etc. Boston, 1873; The Name of California. In Amer. Antiq. Soc., 
Proc., Apr. 1862, 45; Queen of California. In Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 
265. 

Hall (Charles Victor), California. The Ideal Italy. Philadelphia, 1875. 

Hall (Edward H.), The Great West. N. Y., 1865; N. Y., 1806. 

Hall (Frederic), History of San José. San Francisco, 1871; San José History. 
Scrap-book. From 8. José Pioneer, Jan. 1877. 

Hall (John), Remarks on the harbours of Cal. [Being extracts from the log of 
the Lady Blackwood, 1822.] In Forbes’ Hist. Cal., App. 

Hall (William M.), Speech in favor of a National Railroad to the Pacific. 
July 7, 1847; New York, 1853. 

Halleck (Henry W.), Correspondence of the Secretary of State. 1846-8. In 
Cal. and N. Mex., Mess. and Doc., 1850; Mexican Land Laws. MS.; 
Report on Land Titles in California. [83lst Cong., Ist. Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 17.] Wash., 1850. ; 

Halley (William), Centennial Year-book of Alameda County. Oakland, 1876. 

Hamilton (Nev.), Inland Empire. 

Hancock (Samuel), Thirteen Years’ Residence on the Northwest Coast. MS. 

Hanford, Public Good. 

Hansard (T. C.), Parliamentary Debates from 1803. London, 1812-77. [S. F. 
Law Library. ] ' 

Hardenbergh (J. R.), Answer to charges filed with the Commissioner of the 
General Land Office. San Francisco, 1873. 

Hardinge (Emma), Funeral Oration on Thomas Starr King. 8. F., 1864. 

Hardy (Lady Duffus), Through Cities and Prairie Lands. London, 1881. 

Hargrave (William), California in 1846. MS. 

Haro (Francisco), Cartas Sueltas. MS. 

Haro y Peralta (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobierno de California. MS. 

Harper’s New Monthly Magazine. New York, 1856 et seq. 

Harris (John), Navigantium...Bibliotheca. London, 1705. folio. 2 vols. 

Harrison (Henry W.), Batile- Fields and Naval Exploits. Phila., 1858. 

Hart (Albert), Mining Statutes of the U. 8., Cal., and Nev. 8. F., 1877. 

Hartman (Isaac), Brief in Mission Cases. 

Hartmann (Carl), Geographisch-Statistische Beschreibung von Californien. 
Weimar, 1849. 2 vols. 

Hartmann (Joh. Adolph), Dissertatio Geographica de vero Californie situ et 
Conditione. Marburg, 1739. 4to. 

Hartnell (Teresa de la G.), Narrativa de una Matrona de Cal. MS. 

Hartnell (William E. P.), Convention of 49. Original Records. MS. 

Hartnell (William E. P.), Diario del Visitador Gen. “de Misiones, 1839-40. MS. 

Hartnell (William E. P.), English Colonization in California, 1844. MS. 

Hartnell (William E. P.), Miscellaneous Corr espondence from 1822. MS. 


liv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Harvey (Mrs Daniel), Life of John McLoughlin. MS. 

Hastings (Lansford W.), Emigrants’ Guide to Oregon and California. Cin- 
cinnati, 1845; Letters. 1843-8. MS.; New History of Oregon and Cali- 
fornia. Cincinnati, 1849. 

Haswell (Robert), Voyage of the Columbia Rediviva, 1787, 1791-2. MS. 

Havilah, Courier, Miner. 

Hawes (Horace), Missions in California. San Francisco, 1856. 

Hawley (A. T.), Humboldt County. Eureka, 1879. 

Hawley (A. T.), The Present Condition, etc., of L. Angeles. L. Angeles, 1876, 

Hawley (David N.), Observations of Men and Things. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Criminal Trials at Los Angeles. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Diary of a Journey Overland, 1849-50. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Documents for the History of California. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Emigrant Notes. MS. and Scraps. 

Hayes (Bezjamin), Land Matters in California. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), List of Vessels. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Mexican Laws, Notes. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Mission Book of Alta Cal. MS. and Scraps. 2 vols. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Notes on California Affairs. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Papeles Varios Originales. MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), San Diego, Legal History. Scraps and MS. 

Hayes (Benjamin), Scrap Books, 1850-74. 129 vols.; under the following sub- 
titles: Agriculture; Arizona. 6 vols.; California Notes. 5 vols. MS. 
and Print; California Poets; California Politics. 10 vols.; Constitutional 
Law; Cuyamaca Case. MS. and Print; Early California Decisions; Ind- 
ians. 5 vols.; Los Angeles County. 10 vols.; Memorabilia; Mining. 13 
vols.; Monterey, Santa Barbara, etce.; Natural Phenomena. 3 vols.; Pa- 
cific Interests; Railroads. 6 vols.; San Bernardino County. 4 vols.; San 
Diego, Five Years in. 4 vols.; San Diego County, Local History. 3 vols.; 
Southern California, Historical Items. 2 vols.; Southern California Pol- 
itics. 2 vols.; Southern California, Wilmington, etc.; Studies in Politics, 
7 vols.; Supreme Court, 1868-74. 

Haywards, Journal, Alameda Advocate, Plaindealer. 

Hazlitt (Wm. Carew), Great Gold Fields of Cariboo. London, 1862. 

Healdsburg, Advertiser, Democratic Standard, Enterprise, Review, Russian 
River Flag. 

Heap (Gwinn Harris), Central Route to the Pacific. Philadelphia, 1854. 

Hearn (F. G.), California Sketches. MS. 

Hebard, Speech, March 14, 1850, on Constitution of Cal. Wash., 1850. 

Heceta (Bruno), Diario del Viage de 1775. MS. 

Heceta (Bruno), Espedicion Maritima. In Palou, Not., ii. 229. 

Heceta (Bruno), Segunda Exploracion, 1775. MS. 

Heceta (Bruno), Viage de 1775. MS. 

Hecox (Adna A.), Biographical Sketch. In S. José Pioneer, Aug. 1878. 

Hecox (Adna A.), A Brief History of the Introduction of Methodism. In §, 
F. Christian Advocate, 1863. 

Helper (Hinton R.), The Land of Gold. Baltimore, 1855. 

Henshaw (Josiah S.), Historical Events. : 

Hernandez (José Maria P.), Compendio de la Geografia. Mexico, 1872. 

Herrera (Antonio de), Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en 
las Islas i Tierra Firme del Mar Océano. Madrid, 1601. 4to. 4 vols; 
Madrid, 1726-30. folio. 

Herrera (José Maria), Causa contra el Comisario de California, 1827. MS. 

Herrera (José Maria), Escritos del Comisario. MS. 

Herrick (William F.), Current Events from 1853. MS. 

Hesperian (The). San Francisco, 1858-64. 11 vols. 

Heylyn (Peter), Cosmography. London, 1701. folio. 

Hijar (Carlos N.), California in 1834. MS. 

Hijar (José Maria), Instrucciones del Gefe Politico y Director de Colonizacion, 
1834. In Figueroa, Man. 11. 


> 
ae 


ke 


ee 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. ly 


Hijar (José Maria), Instrucciones del Gobierno al Comisionado, 1845. MS. 

Hijar (José Maria), Varias Cartas. 8. 

Hinckley (William C.), Life of a Pioneer of 1847. MS. 

Hinckley (William 8.), Letters of a Sea Captain. MS. 

Hinds (Richard B.), Botany of Voyage of the Sulphur. London, 1844; 
Regions of Vegetation, California Region. In Belcher’s Nar., ii.; Zoology 
of the Voyage of the Sulphur. London, 1844. 

Hines (Gustavus), Voyage round the World. Buffalo, 1850. 

Hinton (Richard J.), Handbook of Arizona. San Francisco, 1878. 

Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries. Boston, etc., 1857-69. 15 vols. 

History of the Bear Flag Revolt. In Niles’ Register, xxiii. 110. 

Hitchcock (George B.), Statement of Ramblings. MS. 

Hittell (John S.), The Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast. San 
Francisco, 1882. 4to; The History of the Cottonwood Prospecting Ex- 
pedition. In Alta California; History of San Francisco. 8. F. 1878; 
Limantour. In Overland Monthly, ii. 154; The Limantour Claim. S. F. 
1857; Mining Life at Shasta in 1849. In Dietz, Our Boys. 161; Notes 
of Californian Pioneers. In Hutchings’ Cal. Mag. v. 209; Oration at the 
Nineteenth Anniversary of California Pioneers. 8. F. 1869; Papeles 
Histéricos de 1846. MS.; Resources of California. S. F. 1866; S. F. 1867; 
S. F. 1874; The Resources of Vallejo. Vallejo, 1869; Spoliation of Mex- 
ican Grant Holders in California by U.S. In Hesperian. iv. 147. 

Hittell (Theodore H.), Adventures of James Capen Adams. S. F. 1860. 

Hobbs (James), Wild Life in the Far West. Hartford, 1875. 

Hoffmann (Hemmann), Californien, Nevada und Mexico. Basel, 1871. 
Hoffman (Ogden), Opinions in Mission Cases. 8S. Francisco, 1859; Opinions 
in various other cases; Reports of Land Cases. San Francisco, 1862. 

Hoit (C. W.), Fraudulent Mexican Land Claims in California. Sac. 1569. 

Holinski (Alex.), La Californie et les Routes Interocéaniques. Bruxelles, 1853, 

Holland (Charles), Mines and Mining. In Coast Review. 1873. p. 73. 

Hollister, Advance, Central Californian, Enterprise, Telegraph. 

Home Missionary (The). New York, 1846 et seq. 

Homer (Charles), Memorial for construction of San Francisco Marine Hospital 
[383d Cong., Ist. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 54]. Washington, 1853. 

Homes (Henry A.), Our Knowledge of Cal. and the N. W. Coast. Albany, 
1870. 

Homestead Associations. A large number of publications cited by name of 
the Association. 

Honolulu, Friend, 1843 et seq.; Hawaiian Spectator; Polynesian, 1857 et 
seq.; Sandwich Island Gazette, 1836 et seq.; Sandwich Island News, 
1846 et seq. 

Hooker (Wm. J.) and G. A.W. Arnott, Botany of Captain Beechey’s Voyage. 
London, 1861. 4to. 

Hopkins, Translations of California Documents. n.p., n.d. 

Hopkins (C. T.), Common Sense applied to the Immigrant Question. San 
Francisco, 1870; Taxation in California. 8S. F. 1881; and other pamphlets. 

Hoppe (J.), Californiens Gegenwart und Zukunft. Berlin, 1849. 

Hopper (Charles), Narrative of a Pioneer of 1841. MS. 

Horn (Hosea B.), Horn’s Overland Guide. New York, 1852. 

Horra (Antonio de la Concepcion), Representacion al Virey contra los Misi- 
oneros de Cal., 1798. MS. 

Howard (Volney E.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. against Admission of Cali- 
fornia, June 11, 1850. Washington, 1850. 

Howard (W. D. M.), Commercial Correspondence from 1838. MS. 

Howe (J. W.), Speech, June 5, 1850, on California Question. Wash. 1850. 

Hubner (Le Baron de), A Ramble round the World, 1871. New York, 1874. 

Hudson (David), Autobiography. MS. " 

Hughes (Elizabeth), The California of the Padres. San Francisco, 1875. 

Hughes (John T.), California. Its History, ete., Cincinnati, 1848 ; Cincinnati, 
1849; Cincinnati, 1850; Doniphan’s Expedition. Cincinnati, 1849. 


Ivi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Huish (Robert), Narratives of Voyages. London, 1836. 

Humason (W. L.), From the Atlantic Surf to the Golden Gate. Hartford, 
1869. 

Humboldt (Alex. de), Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne. 
Paris, 1811. folio. 2 vols. and atlas. 

Humboldt (Alex. de), Tablas Estadisticas del Reyno de Nueva Espajia en el 
ano de 1803. MS. 

Humboldt County. Its Resources, etc. See Hawley, A. T. 

Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine. New York, 1839 et seq. 

Huse (Charles E.), Sketch of the History and Resources of Santa Barbara City 
and County. Santa Barbara, 1876. 

Hutchings’ Illustrated California Magazine. San Francisco, 1857-61. 5 vols. 

Hyde (George), Historical Facts on California. MS. 


Ibarra (Juan Maria), Cartas Varias del Teniente. MS. 

Idaho City, (Id.) World. 

Ide (William B.), Bear Flag Revolt. MS. 

Ide (William B.), Biographical Sketch. [Claremont] 1880; Who Conquered 
California? [Claremont] 1880. 

[lustracion Mexicana (La). Mexico, 1851-3. 4 vols, 

Independence (Cal.), Inyo Independent. 

Independence (Mo.), Mission Expositor. 

Indios, Contestacion al Interrogatorio de 1812 por el Presidente y los Padres 
sobre costumbres, 1815. MS. 

Indios, Interrogatorio del Supremo Gobierno sobre Costumbres, 1812. MS. 

Industrial Magazine. San Francisco, 1867 et seq. 

Informe de lo mas Peculiar de la Nueva California, 1789. MS. 

Informe sobre los Ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Los Angeles y demas 
de las Provincias de Californias. Dec. 30, 1789. MS. 

Ingersoll (Ernest), In a Redwood Logging Camp. In Harper’s Mag., lxvi. 
194-5. 

Iniciativa de Ley, 1827. In Junta de Fomento de California. 

Iniestra, Expedicion de Cal., 1845. In Amigo del Pueblo, Sept.—Oct. 1845. 

Institutions, associations, societies, companies, orders, churches, banks, clubs, 
courts, etc. Publications cited in notes by name of the institution, etc.; 
but most of them, not historical in their nature, are omitted in this list. 

Instrucciones 4 que debe sujetarse la Comision nombrada por este Ayunta- 
miento de Angeles, 30 Mayo, 1837. MS. 

Instrucciones para Tribunales de 1a Instancia. [1824] MS. 

Instrucciones que los Vireyes de Nueva Espana. Mexico, 1867. 

Investigacion sobre la Muerte de los Religiosos enviados 4 la reduccion de los 
gentiles del Rio Colorado, 1781. MS. 

Jone, Amador Times, Chronicle, City News, Riverside Independence. 

Iriarte (Francisco), Contestacion 4 la Expresion de Agravios. Mexico, 1832. 

Irving (Washington), Adventures of Bonneville. New York, 1860. 

Iturbide (Agustin), Cartas de los Sefiores Generales. Mexico, 1821. 

Iturrigaray (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr. de California. MS. 


Jackson, Amador Dispatch, Amador Ledger, Sentinel, Press. 

Janssens (Agustin), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Janssens (Agustin), Vida y Aventuras. MS. 

Jay (William), Review, etc., Mexican War. Boston, 1849. 

Jenkins (John S.), History of the War between U.S. and Mex. Auburn, 1851; 
United States Exploring Expeditions. Auburn, 1850. 

Jimeno (José Joaquin and Antonio), Cartas de los dos Frailes. MS. 

Jimeno Casarin (Manuel), Escritos del Secretario de Estado. MS. 

John Bull. [London newspaper. ] 

Johnson (Daniel H.), and Cornelius Vanderbilt, Correspondence, etc., for 
Transporting Mails via the Isthmus. [36th Cong., lst Sess., Sen. Ex. 
Doc. 45.] Washington, 1859. ; 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lvin 


Johnson (Theodore T.), California and Oregon, or Sights in the Gold Region, 
Phil., 1851; Phil., 1857; Phil., 1865; Sights in the Gold Regions. N. Y., 
1849; N. Y., 1850. 

Johnston (A. R.), Journal of a Trip with the First U. S. Dragoons. 1846. 
[30th Cong., lst Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 41.] Washington, 1.48; In Emory’s 
Notes. 

Jones (John C.), Cartas Comerciales, 1831 et seq. MS. 

Jones (Thomas Ap. C.), Agresion en Californias. 1842. In Mexico, Mem. 
Relac., 1844, An. 87-97; At Monterey in 1842. [27th Cong., 3d Sess., 
H. Ex. Doc. 166.] Washington, 1842; Miscellaneous Proclamations, 
1849; Unpublished Narrative, 1842. From Los Angeles Southern Vine- 
yard, May 22, 1858. 

Jones (William Carey), Report on Land Titles in California. Washington, 
1850; The Pueblo Question Solved. San Francisco, 1860. 

Jonesborough (Tenn.), Sentinel. 

Juarez (Cayetano), Notas sobre Asuntos de Cal. MS, 

Julio César, Cosas de Indios. MS. 

Junta de 5 de Abril de 1791 en Monterey. MS. 

Junta Consultativa y Econédmica en Monterey, 1843. MS. 

Junta de Fomento de Californias, Coleccion de los Trabajos. Mex. 1827. 

Junta de Guerra y Rendicion de Monterey, 4 Nov. 1836. MS. 

Junta Primera de Guerra en Monterey, 4 Oct. 1769. MS. 


Kalama, Beacon. 

Kearny (Stephen W.), Orders and Correspondence, 1847. In Cal. and N. Mex., 
Mess. & Doc. 1850; Proclamation, March 1, 1847. Original MS.; also 
in print; Report to Adjutant-General Jones, March 15, 1847. [81st 
Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17, p. 283.] Washington, 1848; Reports 
of San Pascual. [80th Cong., lst Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 513-16.] 
Washington, 1848. 

Kelley (Hall J.), A History of the Settlement of Oregon. Springfield, 1868; 
Memoir on Oregon, 1839. [25th Cong., 3d Sess., H. Rept. 101.] Wash- 
ington, 1538; A Narrative of Events and Difiiculties. Boston, 1852. 

Kelly (George Fox), Land Frauds of California. Santa Rosa, 1864. 

Kelly (William), An Excursion to California. London, 1851. 2 vols. ° 

Kendrick (John), Correspondencia sobre Cosas de Nootka, 1794. -MS. 

Kern (Edward M.), Journal of Exploration, 1845. In Simpson’s Rept., 477. 

Kerr (J. G.), The Chinese Question Analyzed. San Francisco, 1877. 

Kerr (Robert), General History and Collection of Voyages, Edinburgh and 
London, 1824. 18 vols. 

Keyser (Sebastian), Memoir of a Pioneer. MS. 

- Khlébnikof (K.), Zapiskio America. St Petersburg, 1861. 

King (Clarence), Mountaineering in the Sierra Nevada. Boston, 1874; 1882. 

King (Thomas Butler), California; The Wonder of the Age. New York, 1850; 
Report on California. Washington, 1550 [message of President, March 
26, 1851. 31st Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 59.] 

King of William (James), Assassination of, etc. San Francisco, 1856; Family 
Scrap-book. 

King’s Orphan, Visit to California, 1842-3, Scrap-book; also in Upham’s Notes. 

Kinley (Joseph M.), Remarks on Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1877. 

Kip (Leonard), California Sketches. -Albany, 1850. 

Kip (Wm. Ingraham), Historical Scenes from the Old Jesuit Missions. New 
York, 1875; Last of the Leatherstockings. In Overland Monthly, i 
407; and other works. 

Kirchhoff (Theodor), Reisebilder und skizzen. N. Y., 1875-6. 2 vols. 

Kirkpatrick (Charles A.), Journal of 1849. MS. 

Knight (Thomas), Early Events in California, of a Pioneer of 45. MS, 

Knight (Thomas), Recollections. MS. 

Knight (Wm. H.), Scrap-books. 40 volumes, 

Knigat’s Ferry, Stanislaus Index. 

: Wisp GAL. Ons Lee 


lviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Knight’s Landing, News. 

Knox (Thomas W.), The Underground World. Hartford, 1878. 

Kohler (Charles), Wine Production in California. MS. 

Kotzebue (Otto von), New Voyage round the World. London, 1830. 2 vols.; 
Voyage of Discovery. London, 1821. 3 vols. 

Kraszewski (Michael), Acts of the Manilas. MS. 

Kiinzel (Heinrich), Obercalifornien. Darmstadt, 1848. 


Labor Agitators; or the Battle for Bread. San Francisco, 1879. 

Laet (Joanne de), Novvs Orbis. Batav., 1633. folio. 

La Fayette, Democratic Sentinel. 

Lafond (Gabriel), Voyages autour du Monde. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.; Paris, 
1844. 8 vols. 4to. 

La Harpe (Jean Francois), Abrégé de l’Histoire Générale des Voyages. Paris, 
1816. 24 vols. and atlas. 

Lakeport, Avalanche, Clear Lake Courier, Clear Lake Journal, Clear Lake 
Times, Lake County Bee, Lake County Democrat. 

Lakeside Monthly (The). Chicago, 1872. 

Lambertie (Charles de), Voyage pittoresque en Californie, etc. Paris, 1854. 

Lamotte (H. D.), Statement. MS. 

Lancey (Thomas C.), Cruise of the Dale. Scrap-book, from 8S. José Pioneer. 

Lander (Frederick W.), Remarks on a double-track Railway to the Pacific. 
Washington, 1854. 

Lane (Joseph), Autobiography. MS. , 

Langley (Henry G.), Trade of the Pacific. San Francisco, 1870. See also 
Directories. 

Langsdorff (G. H. von), Voyages and Travels, 1803-7. Lond., 1813-14. 2 vols. 

La Pérouse (J. G. F. de), Voyage autour du Monde. Paris, 1798. 4 vols. 
atlas. folio; Voyage round the World, 1785-8. London, 1798. 3 vols.; 
Boston, 1801. 

Laplace (Cyrille P. T.), Campagne de Circumnavigation. Paris, 1841-54. 6 
vols. 

La Porte, Mountain Messenger, Union. 

Lardner (Dionysius), History of Maritime and Inland Discovery. London, 
1830. 3 vols. 

Larios (Estolano), Vida de su Padre, Manuel Larios. MS. 

Larios (Justo), Convulsiones en California. MS. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Accounts 1827-42. MS. 4vols. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Accounts 1840-57. MS. 17 vols. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Correspondence Official and Private. MS. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Description of California, 1845. MS. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Documents for the History of California, 1839-56. MS. 
9 vols. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Journal. In Monterey Californian, Feb. 27, ’47. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Letter to Mason from San José, May 26, 1848. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Letters to Sec. of State, June 1 and 28, 1848. In 
Foster’s Gold Regions. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Notes on the Personal Character of Californians, 1845. 
MS 


Larkin (Thomas O.), Official Correspondence as U. S. Consuland Navy Agent, 
1844-9. MS. 2 vols. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), Papers Unbound. MS. 

_ Larkin (Thomas O.), Private Record of Lots sold, 1846-51. MS. 

Larkin (Thomas O.), U. 8. Naval Agency Accounts. MS. 2 vols. 

Lasso de la Vega (José Ramon), Escritos del Alférez, 1784 et seq. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta de 1784. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta sobre Fundacion de Misiones, 1791. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Cartas al Visitador (General Galvez, 1768. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Franvisco), Correspondencia del Padre y Presidente. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Fundacion de Misiones, 1797. Cartas. MS. 





ee aa ae ae 


a —- 


ee a a eee 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. _ liz 


Lastien (Fermin Francisco), Informe de 1783. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Fran.), Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas Misiones, 1796. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Fran.), Informes Bienales de las Misiones, 1793-1802. MS. 

Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Representacion sobre los Puntos representados al 
Gobierno por el P. Antonio de la Concepcion [Horra], 1800. MS. 

Latham (Milton S.), Remarks on Overland Mails in U. S. Sen., May 30, 1860. 
Washington, 1860; Speech on Pacific Railroad in U.S. Sen. June 12, 1862. 
Baltimore, 1862; Speech on Steamships between San Francisco and China. 
Washington, 1855; and other Speeches. : 

Laur (P.), De la Production des Métaux Précieux en Californie.’ Paris, 1862. 

Lauts (G.), Kalifornia. Amsterdam, 1849. 

Lawson (James 8.), Autobiography. MS. 

Lee (John D.), Mormonism Unveiled. St Louis, 1877. 

Lee (Daniel) and J. H. Frost. Ten Years in Oregon. New York, 1844, 

Leese (Jacob P.), Bear Flag Revolt. MS. 

Leese (Jacob P.), Claim for Construction of Monterey Wharf. 1846. [36th 
Cong., 2d Sess., H. Rep. 274.] Wash. 1846. 

Leese (Jacob P.), Letters from 1836. MS. 

Leese (Rosalia Vallejo), History of the ‘Osos.’ MS. 

Legal publications, law text-books, county and municipal regulations, re- 
ports, etc. See California, San Francisco, Briefs, etc. Many such works 
are not named in this list. 

Legislative Records. MS. 4 vols. In Archivo de Cal. 

Leidesdorff (William A.), Letters of the U. S. Vice Consul. MS. 

Leland (Charles Godfrey), The Union Pacific Railway. Philadelphia, 1867. 

Le Netrel (Edmond), Voyage autour du Monde. 1826-9. In Nouv. An. Voy., 
xlv. 129. 

Leslie (Mrs Frank), California. New York, 1877. 

Lester (John Erastus), The Atlantic to the Pacific. Boston, 1873; The 
Yosemite, its History, etc. Providence, 1873. 

Letts (J. M.), California Illustrated. New York, 1852; Pictorial View of Cal. 
New York, 1853. 

Levett’s Scrap Book. 

Libro de Bitacora, archivo de la Familia Estudillo. MS. 

Limantour (José Y.), Apuntes sobre la Causa contra Augusto Jouan. Mexico, 
1855; Opinion delivered by Ogden Hoffman in the Cases of. San Fran- 
cisco, 1858; Pamphlet relating to the Claim of. San Francisco, 1853; 
Limantour Case. MS. volume of documents in S. F. Law Library; and 
various documents. 

Linares (Virey), Intendencias. MS. 

Linschoten (J. H. van), Reys-Gheschrift Van de Navigatien de Portugaloysers 
in Orienten. Amstrelredam, 1604. folio. 

Lippincott (Sarah J. C.), New Life in New Lands. New York, 1873. 

Lippincott’s Magazine. Philadelphia, 1868 et seq. 

Lisalde (Pedro), Reconocimiento de Tierras, 1797. MS. 

Little (John T.), First Years of Cal. under U.S. MS. 

Livermore, Enterprise, Herald. 

Livermore (Robert), Occasional Letters from 1829. MS. 

Lloyd (B. E.), Lights and Shades in San Francisco. San Francisco, 1876. 

Loa 4 la Virgen. Papel de Mision. MS. 

Lobscheid (W.), The Chinese; What They Are, etc. San Francisco, 1873. 

- Local histories, see name of county, town, or author. 

Lockwood (R. A.), Vigilance Committee Speeches. San Francisco, 1852. 

Lodi, Valley Review. . 

Log-books, Fragments from the Larkin Collection. 3 vols. MS. 

Lompoc, Record. 

London, Echo, Engineer, Grocer, Mechanic’s Magazine, Morning Post, Spec- 
tator, Times, etc. 

Lopez (Baldomero), El Guardian 4 los Padres, prohibiendo el uso de Carrua- 
jes, 1820. MS. 


lx AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Lopez (Baldomero), El Guardian al P. Presidente sobre cesion de Misiones, 
.1820. MS. 

Lopez (Baldomero), Quejas del P. Guardian al Virey, 1819. MS. 

Lopez (Baldomero), and Isidro Alonso Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Sta 
Cruz, 1791. MS. 

Lord (John Keast), The Naturalist in Vancouver Island. Lond., 1866. 2 vous. 

Lorenzana (Apolinaria), Memorias de la Beata. MS. 

Loreto, Libros de Mision. MS. [In possession of O. Livermore. ] 

Los Angeles, Archivo, Copies and Extracts. MS. 5 vols. 

Los Angeles, Ayuntamiento Records. MS. 

Los Angeles, Crénica, Express, Herald, Meridional, Mirror, Morning Journal, 
News, Republican, Star, Sud. Cal. Post. 

Los Angeles, Historical Sketch of (by Hayes, Warner, and Widney). Los 
Angeles, 1876. 

Los Angeles, Homes in. See McPherson, William. 

Los Angeles, Instancia dé Regidores y Vecinos sobre Tierras, 1819. MS. 

Los Angeles, Lista de los Pobladores, Invdlidos, y Vecinos, 1516. MS. 

Los Angeles, Ordenanzas de la Ciudad. Los Angeles, 1860. 

Los Angeles, Padron, 1781. MS. 

Los Angeles, Reglamento de Policia, 1827, MS. 

Los Angeles, Reparticion de Solares y Suertes, 1786, MS. 

Los Angeles, Revised Ordinance of the City of Los Angeles, 1855. Los Ange- 
les, 1860. 2 vols. 

Los Angeles County, Historical Sketch of (L. Lewin and Co.) Los An- 
geles, 1876. 

Los Angeles County, History of (Thompson and West). Oakland, 1880, 
Atlas folio. 

Louisville (Ky.), Courier-Journal. 

Low (Conrad), Meer oder Seehanen Buch. Célln, 1598. 

Low (Frederick F.), Observations in Early Cal... MS. 

Lower Lake, Bulletin, Observer, Sentinel. 

Ludlow (Fitz Hugh), The Heart of the Continent. New York, 1870. | 

Lugo (Felipe), Cartas Varias. MS. 

Lugo (José del Carmen), Vida de un Ranchero. MS. 

Lull (Miguel), Exposicion del Padre Guardian sobre Reduccion de Misioneros 
en Cal., 1799. MS. 

Luyt (Joannis), Introductio ad Geographiam Novam et Veterem. Trajecti 
ad Rhenum, 1692. 


McAllister (Hall), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 

McChristian (Patrick), Narrative on Bear Flag. MS. 

McClellan (R. Guy), The Golden State. Phil., etc., 1872; Republicanism in 
America. San Francisco, 1869. 

McCloskey (J. J.), The Early Drama in California. In San José Pioneer, Dec. 
13 and 14, 1877. ‘ 

McClure (A. K.), Three Thousand Miles through the Rocky Mountains. 
Philadelphia, 1869. 

McCollum (William 8.), California as I Saw it. Buffalo, 1850. 

McCue (Jim), Twenty-one Years in California. San Francisco, n.d. 

McDaniels (W. D.), Karly Days of California. MS. 

McDonald (D. G. Forbes), British Columbia. London, 1863. 

McDougal (F. H.), The Donner Tragedy. In Pacific Rural Press, Jan. 21, 
1871. 

McDougall (James A.), Speech on Pacific Railroad in U. 8. H. Rep. Jan. 16, 
1855. Washington, 1855.° 

McFarlane (James), The Coal-regions of America. New York, 1873. 

McFie (Matthew), Vancouver Island and British Columbia. London, 1865. 

McGarrahan (William), The Quicksilver Mines of Panoche Grande. Wash 
ington, 1860; Memorial. A Collection of Documents. San Francisco, 
1870. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxi 


McGlashan (C. F.), History of the Donner Party. Truckee, 1879; San Fran- 
‘cisco, 1880. 

McGowan (Edward), Facts concerning the Organization known as the ‘Hounds’ 
in S. F. Post, Nov. 1, 1878; Narrative of Adventure while pursued by 
Vigilance Committee. San Francisco, 1857. 

McIlvaine (William), Sketches of Scenery and Notes of Personal Adventure 
in California, etc. Philadelphia, 1850. 

McKay (Joseph W.), Recollections of a Chief Trader in the Hudson’s Bay 
Company. MS. 

McKinstry (George), Papers on the History of California. MS. 

McLean (Finis E.), Speech, June 5, 1850, on Constitution of Cal. Wash. 1850. 

McPherson, Letters of Juanita. [In various newspapers. ] 

McPherson (W.), Homes in Los Angéles. Los Angeles, 1873. 

McQueen (John), Speech, June 3, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850. 

McWillie (W.), Speech, Mareh 4, 1850, on the Admission of Cal. n.pl., n.d. 

Machado (Antonio), Escritos de un Sindico. MS. 

Machado (Juana), Tiempos Pasados de California. MS. 

Madelene (Henri de la), Le Comte Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon. Paris, 1876, 

Maglianos, St Francis and Franciscans. 

Maguire (John Francis), The Irish in America. New York, 1868. 

Maitorena (José Joaquin), Cartas Sueltas. MS. 

Malarin (Juan), Correspondencia. MS. 

Malaspina (Alejandro), Nota de Oficiales. MS. 

Malaspina (Alejandro) and José de Bustamante, Carta al P. Lasuen, y Res- 
puesta, 1794. MS. 

Malte-Brun, La Sonora et ses Mines. Paris, 1864. 

Mammoth City, Herald, Homer Mining Index, Lake Mining Review. 

Mangino (Fernando J.), Respuesta de 19 de Junio 1773. In Palou, Not., i, 
580. 

Manrow (John P.), Statement on Vigilance Committees in S. F. MS. 

Mans (Matthew), Travels in Mining Districts. MS. 

Mansfield (Edward D.), Mexican War. New York, 1849 

March y Labores (José), Historia de la Marina Espafiola. Madrid, 1854. 4to. 
2 vols. and atlas. 

Marchand (Etienne), Voyage autour du Monde, 1790-2. Paris, n.d. 5 vols. 

Marcou (Jules), Notes upon the First Discoveries of California. Wash., 1878. 

Marcy (W. L.), Communications of the Secretary of War. 1846-8. In Cal. 
and N. Mex., Mess. and Doc., 1848; Id., 1850. 

Marin County History (Alley Bowen & Co.) San Francisco, 1880. 

Mariposa, Free Press, Gazette, Mail. 

Mariposa Estate, Its Past, Present, and Future. New York, 1868. 

Markleville, Alpine Courier, Alpine Signal. 

Markof (Alexey), Ruskie na Vostotchnom. St Petersburg, 1856. 

Marquina (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr- de Cal., 1800 et seq. MS. 

Marquinez (Marcelino), Cartas del Padre al Gobr- Sola, 1821. MS. 

Marron (Felipa Osuna), Papeles Originales. MS. 

Marron (Felipa Osuna), Recuerdos del Pasado. MS. 

Marryat (Frank), Mountains and Mole Hills. New York, 1855; London, 1855. 

Marryat (Frederick), Narrative of the Travels, etc. of Monsieur Violet. New 
York, 1843. 

Marsh (John), Lettcr to Commodore Jones, 1842. MS. 

Marsh (John), Letter to Lewis Cass, 1846. In Pacheco Contra Costa Gazette, 
Dec. 21, 1867. 

Marsh (John), Letters of a Pioneer Doctor. MS. 

Marshall (H.), Speech, Apr. 3, 1850, on Cal. Message. Wash., 1850. 

Marshall (Henry), Statement, 1843. MS. 

Marshall (T. W. M.), Christian Missions. New York, 1864. 2 vols. . 

Marshall (W. G.), Through America. London, 1881. 

Martin (Juan), Visita 4 los Gentiles Tularefios, 1804. MS. 

Martin (Thomas S.), Narrative of Frémont’s Expedition, 1845-7. M&S. 


U. OF fbi, LIB. 


ivi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Martinez, Carquinez Enterprise, Express. 

Martinez (Ignacio), Defensa Dirigida al Comandante General, 1830. MS. 

Martinez (Ignacio), Entrada 4 las Rancherias del Tular, 1816. MS. 

Martinez (Ignacio), Escritos Varios. : 

Martinez (Luis Antonio), Correspondencia del Padre. MS. 

Martinez ee José) and Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, Cuarta Exploracion, 
1788. M 

Marvin (John G.), The Law Establishing Common Schools. S. F., 1853. 

Marysville, Appeal, California Express, Herald, North Californian, Northern 
Statesman, Standard, Telegraph. 

Marysville and Benicia National Railroad. Report of Engineers on Survey. 
Marysville, 1853. 

Maseres (Bartholomé), Relacion claratlel Nayarith, 1785. MS. In Pinart, 
Col. Doc. Mexico. Misiones. 

Mason (John Y.), Letters of U. 8. Sec. Nav. toCCommanders in Cal. 1846-7. 
In Cutts’ Conquest; Speech, May 27, 1850, on Admission of California. 
Wash., 1850. 

Mason’s Handbook to California. London, 1850. 

Mason (Richard B.), California and her Gold. Report to the secretary of 
war. Wash., 1850. 

Mason (Richard B. ), Miscellaneous Proclamations, 1849. 

Mason (Richard B.), Orders and Correspondence of the Military Governor, 
1847-8. In Cal. and N. Mex., Mess. and Doc., 1850; also, MS. [In 
archives. } 

Mason (Richard B.), Proclamation, Nov. 29, 1847. In English and Spanish. 
Monterey, 1847. 

Massett (Stephen C.), Drifting About. New York, 1863; Experiences of a 
*49er. MS. 

Materialui dhlia Istoriy Russkikh Zasselenig. St. Petersburg, 1861. : 

Matthewson (T. D.), California Affairs. MS. 

Maureile (Francisco Antonio) Diario del Viageade la Sonora, ‘1775. MS. 

Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Compendio de Noticias, Viage de, 1774. MS. 

Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Journal of a Voyage in 1775. London, 1780. 

Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Navegacion, 1779. MS. 

Maxwell (R. T.), Visit to Monterey in 1842. MS. 

Mayer (Brantz), Mexico, Aztec, Spanish, etc. Hartford, 1852. 2 vols, 

Mayer Manuscripts. A collection of 30 copies from Mex. archives. 

Mayfield, Enterprise, Pastor. 

Mayne (R. C.), Four Years in British Columbia. London, 1862. 

Mazatlan, Times. 

Meade (Edwin R.), The Chinese Question. New York, 1877. 

Meadow Lake, Sun. 

Meadows (James), The Graham Affair, 1840. MS. 

Mechanics’ Institute of San Francisco. Report of Industrial Exhibitions. 
San Francisco, 1857 et seq. 

Mellus (Francis), Diary, 1838-40. MS. 

Mellus (Francis and Henry), Letters. MS. 

Mendocino, Independent Dispatch, West Coast Star. 

Mendocino War, Majority and Minority Reports of the Joint Special Com- 
mittee. San Francisco, n.d. 

Mendocino County History. San Francisco, 1880. 

Menefee (C. A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch-book of Napa, Sonoma, 
etc. ae 1873. 

Mercado (Jesus Maria Vazquez), Expediente de Papeles tocantes 4 la Matanza 
de Indios hecha por érden del P. Ministro de 8. Rafael, 1833. MS. 
Mercantile Library Association. Annual Reports of President, etc. San 

Francisco, 1855 et seq. 

Mercator’s Atlas. 1569 et seq. 

Merced, People, San Joaquin Valley Argus, Tribune. 

Merced County History. San Francisco, 1881. 4to. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxiii 


Merchants’ Exchange Prices Current and Shipping List. San Francisco, 
1850-2. 4to. 3 vols. 

Mercury, Expediente de Investigacion sobre la captura, 1813. MS. 

Meredith (W. M.), Miscellaneous Proclamations by Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, 1849. 

Merewether (Henry Alworth), By Sea and By Land. London, 1874. 

Merrill (Annis), Recollections of San Francisco. MS. 

Mexican Border Troubles [45th Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 13]. Wash., 1877. 

Mexican Boundary, Resolution respecting adjustment and payment of the 
$3,000,000 [84th Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 57]. Washington, 1855. 

Mexican Ocean Mail and Inland Company, Reports. New York, 1853 et seq. 

Mexican War. A Collection of U. S. Government Documents, Scraps, 
Pamphlets, etc. 12 vols. ’ 

‘Mexican War. Messages of the President [30th Cong., lst Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 60; Sen. Ex. 1]. Washington, 1847-8. 2 vols. 

Mexican War (The). ItsHeroes. Phil., 1850; Phil., 1860. 

Mexico, Acta Constitutiva de la Federacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1824; Actas 
de la Junta de Mineria, 1846-7. MS.; Acuerdo de la Junta de Guerra 
y Real Hacienda (Misiones) 1772. MS.; Arancel General de Aduanas 
Maritimas y Fronterizas. Mexico, 1842 et seq.; Arreglo Provisional 
de la Administracion de Justicia 23 Mayo 1837. In Arrillaga, Recop. 
1837, p. 399; Bases y leyes Constitucionales de la Republica Mexicana. 
Mexico, 1837; Coleccion de Decretos y Ordenes de Interes Comun. Mexico 
1850; Coleccion de Leyes y Decretos, 1839-41, 1844-8, 1850. Mexico, 
1851-2, 6 vols.; Coleccion de Ordenes y Decretos de la Soberana Junta 
Provis. Gubern. Mexico, 1829. 4 vols.; Constitucion Federal. Mexico, 
1824 et seq.; Decreto sobre Pasaportes, etc., 1828. In Schmidt’s Civil 
Law, Spain, 346; Diario del Gobierno de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 
1840 et seq.; Estado Mayor General del Ejército, Escalafon. Mexico, 
1854; Exposicion del Ministro de Hacienda 1848; Mexico, 1848; Instruc- 
cion Provisional Dic. 22, 1824, Mexico, 1824; Leyes Constitucionales. 
24 Dic. 1829. In Arriflaga, Recop. 1836, 317; Leyes Vigentes en 1829; 
Memorias de Guerra, Hacienda, Justicia, Relaciones, etc. Mexico, 
1822 et sey. [Annual Reports of the Mexican government in its differ- 
ent departments, cited by name and date. Nearly all contain more or 
less on California. About 200 vols.]; Providencia de la Suprema Corte, 
11 Nov. 1837. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1838, p. 572; Reglamento para la 
Colonizacion, 1828. S.; Reglamento de la Direccion de Colonizacion. 
Mexico, 1846; Reglamento de Elecciones 19 Junior1843. MS.; Regla- 
mento Provisional, Departmentos, 20 Marzo. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1837, 
p. 202; Reglamento para el ramo de Pasaportes, 1828. MS.; Reglamento 
para la Tesoreria general. Mexico, 1831. 4to; Reglas para Elecciones de 
Diputados y Ayuntamiento. 1830. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1830, p. 253. 

Meyer (Carl), Nach dem Sacramento. Aaran, 1855. 

Meyrick (Henry), Santa Cruz and Monterey. San Francisco, 1880. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Administration in Upper California. n.pl., n.d. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Bando Econémico, 19 Junio 1843. MS. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Conciudadanos, etc. Monterey, Dic. 16, 1844. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Correspondencia Miscelanea del Sr Gobernador. MS. 

EE aake egite hae , Decreto por el cual devuelve las Misiones 4 los Frailes, 
1843. MS. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Decreto Prohibiendo la Introduccion de Efectos 
Extrangeros. Monterey, Julio 30, 1844. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Digest of Correspondence, 1843. n.pl., n.d. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), El C....[Anuncia la Apertura de las Sesiones de la 
Diputacion.] Monterey, 28 Agosto, 1844. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), El C...[Decreto de la Asamblea, Recursos para la 
Guerra Probable.] Monterey, 3 Sept. 1844. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Instrucciones, 1842. MS. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Medidas de Defensa contra los E, U., 1844. MS. 


lxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Micheltorena (Manuel), Reglamento de Escuelas Amigas, 1844. MS. 

Micheltorena (Manuel), Reglamento de Milicia Auxiliar. Monterey, 16 de 
Julio, 1844. 

Millennial Star. Manchester, Liverpool, etc., 1841-79. 41 vols. 

Miller (Joaquin), The Danites in the Sierras. Chicago, 1881; Life among the 
Modocs. London, 1873; First Fam’lies of the Sierras. Chicago, 1876; 
Shadows of Shasta. Chicago, 1881; A Sierra Wedding, In San José 
Pioneer, Nov. 17, 1877. 

Millville, Shasta County Record. 

Miner (The). San Francisco, 1866. 

Miners’ Own Book (The). San Francisco, 1858. 

Mining Companies, Reports, etc. Cited by name of company. Not given 
in this list. 

Mining Magazine. New York, 1853 et seq. 

Miscellaneous Historical Papers. A Collection. MS. 

Miscellaneous Statements on California History. MS. 

Miscellany. A Collection. 9 vols. 

Misiones, Cuaderno de Estados, en satisfaccion de los puntos que el Sr Comi- 
sionado pide 4 la Prefectura, 1822. MS. 

Misiones, Informes Anuales y Bienales, Indice y Notas. MS. In Arch. Sta 
Barbara, Vv. passim; x. 495-526; xii. 51-129. 

Mission Books. Sée name of the Mission. 

Mission Land Grants, Opinions, etc. In Hayes’ Mission Book, ii. 35. 

Mission Music, An immense parchment folio with introduction by P. Duran, 
1813. MS. 

Mission Reports, different dates and establishments scattered in the archives. 
Many cited by name of author or mission. 

Mission Statistics. MS. 

Modesto, Herald, San Joaquin Valley Mirror, Stanislaus County Weekly News. 

Mofras (Eugene Duflot de), Cartas de un Viagero. MS. 

Mofras (Eugene Duflot de), Exploration de VOrégon, des Californies, ete, . 
Paris, 1844. 2 vols. and atlas. 

Mohan (H.) et al., Pen Pictures of our Representative Men. Sac., 1880. 

Mokelumne, Calaveras County Chronicle. 

Molhausen (Baldwin), Diary of a Journey. London, 1858. 2 vols. 

Mollhausen (Baldwin), Tagebuch einer Reise vom Mississippi, ete. Leipzig, 
1858. 4to. : 

Mone (Alexander), A Pioneer of 1847. MS. 

Monitor, Alpine Miner. 

Montanus ear Die Nieuwe en Onbekande Weereld. Amsterdam, 
1671. folio. 

Montanus (Arnoldus), Die Unbekannte Neue Welt. [Translated by Dapper. ] 
Amsterdam, 1673. 

Monterey, Accounts of the Presidial Company, Rosters, etc. MS. Chiefly 
in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; and St. Pap., Sac. 

Monterey, Actos del Ayuntamiento, 1831-5. MS. 

Monterey, Acuerdo del Ayunt. y de la Diputacion contra el Cambio de Capi- 
tal, 1835. MS. 

Monterey, Archivo de. MS. 16 vols. 

Monterey, Californian, 1846-8. Also a vol. of MS. extracts, 

Monterey, Cuentas de ‘la Compafiia Presidial, 1828. MS. 

Monterey, Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Recorder. 

Monterey, Diario de ‘Sucesos, 1800-2. MS. 

Monterey, Extracto de Noticias. Mexico, 1770. 

Monterey, Official Account of the Taking of. Pittsburg, 1848, 

Monterey, Ordenanzas Municipales, 1828. MS. 

Monterey, Padron General, 1836. MS. 

Monterey, Parroquia, Archivo. MS. 

, agree Peticion del Ayuntamiento en favor de Frailes Espatioles, 1829. 

M 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xv 


Monterey, President’s Mess., Information on taking of, by Com. Jones, 
[27th Cong., 3d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. No. 166.] 

Monterey, Ranchos existentes, 1795. MS. 

Monterey, U. S. Consulate Record. MS. 2 vols. 

Monterey County, History of. San Francisco, 1881. 4to. 

Montesdeoca Document. Nov. 14, 1845. MS. 

Montgomery (Richard Z.), Recollections Mining Camps 1853-4. MS. 

Montgomery (Zachary), Speech in Assembly of ‘Cal, April 10, 1861, on 
Common Schools. Sacramento, 1861; Various other Speeches on same 
Subject. 

Moore (Augustin), Pioneer Experiences. MS. 

Moore and De Pues. See San Mateo County History. 

Mora (José Maria Luis), Obras Sueltas. Paris, 1837. 2 vols. 

Moraga (Gabriel), Cartas. MS. f 

‘Moraga (Gabriel), Diario de su Expedicion al Puerto de Bodega, 1810. MS. 

Moraga (José Joaquin), Escritos Sueltos. MS. 

Moraga (José Joaquin), Informe de 1777 sobre cosas de San Francisco. MS. 

Moraga (José Joaquin), Instruccion y érden que debe observar el cabo de 
EKscolta de 8. José, 1782. MS. 

Morehead (C. S.), Speech, Apr. 23, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850. 

Morelli (Ciriacus), Fasti Novi Orbis et Ordinationum. Venetiis, 1776. 4to. 

Morenhaut, Correspondence of the French Consul. MS. 

Moreno (José Matias), Documentos para la Historia: de California. MS. 

Moreno (Juan B.), Vida Militar. Ms. 

Morgan (Martha M.), A Trip across the Plains. San Francisco, 1864. 

Morineau (P. de), Notice sur la Nouville Californie. 1834. In Soc. Géog., 
Bulletin, xv.; Nouv. An. Voy., lxi. 137. 

Mormon Battalion, List of Officers and Men. MS. 

Morrell (Benjamin W.), Narrative of Four Voyages. New York, 1832. 

Morris (Albert F.), Diary of a Crazy Man. MS. 

Morris (George B.), The Chinaman as heis.. MS. 

Morse (J. F.), Illustrated History of California, ete. Sacramento, 1854. 

Morskoi Svornik, 1858. 

Moulder (A. J.), Commentaries on the School Law. Sacramento, 1858, 

Mountaineering on the Pacific. In Harper’s Mag., xxxix., 793. 

Mowry (Sylvester), The Mines of the West. New York, 1864. 

Mugiartegui (Pablo), Carta al P. Lasuen, 1794. MS. 

Mugartegui (Pablo) and Tomas de la Peiia, Parecer sobre el establecimiento 
de un Convento en S. Francisco, 1797. MS. 

Muhlenpfordt (Eduard), Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik 
Mexico. Hanover, 1844. 3 vols. ® 

Municipal laws, regulations, reports, and other public documents, cited by 
name of town, but for the most part not in this list. 

Mufioz (Juan Antonio), Cartas del Capitan. MS. 

Muiioz (Pedro), Diario de la Expedicion hecha por D. Gabriel Moraga al Tu- 
lar, 1806. MS. 

Murguia (José Antonio), and Tomas de la Pefia, Informe de Sta Clara, 1777. 
MS 


Murphy (Timothy), Letters from 1824. MS. 

Murray (Charles Aug.), Travels in North America. New York, 1839. 
Murray (E. F.), Miscellaneous Documents. MS. 

Murray (Walter), Narrative of a California Volunteer, 1847. MS. 
Musica de Misiones. MS. 


Nacion (La). Mexico, 1856 et seq. 

Nanaimo (B. C.), Free Press. 

Napa City, Classic, Napa County Reporter, Pacific Echo, Register. 

Napa and Lake Counties, History of (Slocum, Bowen, and Co.) San Fran- 
cisco, 1881. 4to. 

National Democratic Quarterly Review. Washington, 1859 et seq. 


lxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Nava (Pedro), Comunicaciones del Comandante Gen. de Provincias Internas, 
1791 et seq. MS. 
Nava (Pedro), Informe sobre Proyecto de Abrir Caminos entre Cal y N. Mexico, 
1801. MS. ) 
Navarrete (Martin Fernandez), Introduccion. In Sutil y Mexicana, Viage; 
Viages Apécrifos. In Col. Doc. Inéd., xv. 
Nayarit, Informe de la Aud. de Guadalajara, 1784. MS. 
Neal (Samuel), Notice of‘a Pioneer of 45. MS. 
- Neall (James), Vigilance Committee. MS. 
Nevada (Cal.) Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Journal, National Gazette, Trane 
script. 
Nevada County, History of. Oakland, 1881. Atlas folio. 
Neve (Felipe), Correspondencia Misceldnea del Gobr-,1775 et seq. MS. 
Veve (Felipe), Informe de 25 de Abril 1777. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Informe sobre Reglamento, 1778. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion al Ayudante Inspector Soler, 1782. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion 4 Fages sobre Gobierno Interino, 1782. MS. 
), 
); 


Zz 


Neve (Felipe), Instruccion para la Fundacion de Los Angeles, 1781. MS. 
Neve (Felipe), Instruccion que ha de gobernar al Comte de Sta Barbara, 1782. 
MS. 

Neve (Felipe), Reglamento é Instruccion, 1779. MS. 

New Almaden—a great number of briefs, arguments, opinions, documents, 
etc., in the cases of Castillero, Fossat, and others against the U. S8.; 
also the following pamphlets on the same subject: Correspondence. San 
Francisco, 1858; The Discussion Reviewed, S. F. 1859; Exploits of the 
Attorney-General in California. New York, 1860; Further Correspond- 

. ence in relation to. San Francisco, 1859; (Letter to Hon. J. 8S. Black, 
from ‘a Cal. Pioneer’). New York, 1860; Letter to the President of the 
U.S. (by John T. Doyle), New York, 1860; Letters from San Francisco 
Herald, Dec. 1858; Report of Attorney-General to the President, Resolu- 
tions of Cal. Leg., 1860; Smart and Cornered. n. pl., n.d. 

Newark (N. J.), Advertiser. 

New Haven (Conn.), Journal and Courier. 

New Helvetia, Diary of Events in 1845-8. MS. 

New Orleans (La.), Advertiser, Bee, Commercial Times, Courier, Picayune, 
Tropic. : 

Newspapers of California and other states of the Pacific U. 8S. The most 
important are cited under the name of the town where published, and 
many of them named in this list. 

New Tacoma (Wash.), Ledger. 

New Westminster (B. C.), Mainland Guardian. 

New York, Bulletin, Commercial Advertiser, Commercial Journal and Regis- 
ter, Courier, Graphic, Evangelist, Evening Post, Herald, Journal of 
Commerce, Mail, Post, Sun, Sunday Times, Times, Tribune, World. 

Nicolay (C. G.), Oregon Territory. London, 1846. 

Nidever (George), Life and Adventures of an Old Trapper. MS. 

Niel (Juan Amando), Apuntaciones 4 las memorias de Gerénimo de Zarate 
Salmeron. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii., tom. iv. 78. 

Niles’ Register. Baltimore, etc., 1811-49. 76 vols. 

Nordhoff (Charles), California: for Health, Pleasure, etc. New York, 
ae Northern California, Oregon, etc. New York, 1874; New York, 
1877. 

Norman (Lucia), A Youth’s History of California. San Francisco, 1867. 

North American Review. Boston, 1819 et seq. 

North San Juan, Press, War Club. 

North Pacific Review. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. 

Noticioso General. Mexico, 1815-2}. 6 vols. 

Nouvelles Annales des Voyages. Paris, 1819-60. 168 vols. 

Nueva Espajia, Acuerdos de la Junta Sup. de Real Hacienda, 1794. MS, 

Nuevo Mexico, Expediente de Abigeato, 1833. MS. 





AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 3 Ixvii 


Nuez (Joaquin Pascual), Diario del Capellan de la Expedicion para los Ama- 
javas, 1819. MS. 
Nugent (John), Scraps of Early History. In 8. F. Argonaut, April 13, 1878. 


Oajaca, Esposicion, 1828. 

Oakland, Alameda Democrat, Argus, California Cadet, College Echo, Dem- 
ocrat, Diamond Press, Dominion Press, Herald, Home Journal and 
Alameda County Advertiser, Homestead, Independent Itemizer, Journal, 
Mirror, Monthly Review, Nevlean Review, News, Notes of Warning, 
Our Paper, People’s Champion, Press, Radiator, Semitropical Press, 
Signs of the Times, Termini, Times, Torchlight, Transcript, Tribune, 
University Echo. 

Oakland Public Schools, Annual Reports. Oakland, 1870 et seq.; many 
other municipal documents. 

Observador Judicial y de Legislacion. Mexico, 1842 et seq. 

Occident and Orient. Melbourne, etc. 

Odd Fellows. <A large number of publications of different lodges of the 
order, cited under the above title. 

Ogilby (J ohn), America. London, 1671. folio. 

Olbés (Ramon), Cartas sobre el Tumulto de Sta Cruz, 1818. MS. 

Olds (Edson B.), Speech, July 24, 1850, on California Question. Wash., 1850. 

Olney (James N.), Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Olvera (Agustin), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS, 

Olvera (Agustin), Varias Cartas. MS. 

Olympia, Commercial Age, Echo, Pacific Tribune, Puget Sound Courier, 

O’Meara (James), Broderick and Gwin. San Francisco, 1881. 

Operacion Cesdérea. -MS. [A relic of the missions. ] 

Orations. Sce Speeches. 

Ord (Angustias de la Guerra), Ocurrencias en California. MS, 

Ord (J. L.), Reminiscences of °47. 

Ordaz (Blas), Cartas del Padre. MS. 

Ordaz (Blas), Diario de la Expedicion de Luis Argiiello al Notte dy 1821. MS. 

Orvenanzas Municipales, [1824.] MS. 

Orders, secret, benevolent, etc. See Institutiéns, 

Oregon, Spectator. 1846 et seq. 

Oregon City, Argus. 

Orleans (Cal.), Klamath News, Northern Record. 

Oro Molido, en lengua de Indios por Padre Arroyo. MS. 

Oroville, Butte County Press, Butte County, Butte Record, Mercury. 

Orr (N. M. ), The City of Stockton; Its Position, ete. Stockton, 1874. 

Ortega (Felipe Maria), Diario que forma. Reconocimiento de Sitios, 1795. MS. 

Ortega (José Francisco), Comunicaciones del Comandante de 8. Diego 4 Rivera 
y Moncada, 1774-6. MS. 

Ortega (José Francisco), Correspondencia. MS. 

Ortega (José Francisco), Fragmento de 1769. MS. 

Ortega (José Francisco), Informe de 30 Nov. 1775. MS. 

Ortega (José Francisco), Memorial sobre sus Méritos y Servicios Militares, 
1786. MS 

Ortelivs (Abrahamvs), Theatrvm Orbis Terrarum. Antverpiz, 1573. folio. 

Osborn (W. B.), Narrative of a Visit to S. Francisco, 1844. MS. 

Osio (Antonio Maria), Carta sobre Combinaciones Politicas, 1836. MS. 

Osio (Antonio Maria), Carta 4 Vallejo. 26 Nov. 1836. MS, 

Osio (Antonio Maria), Escritos Sueltos. MS. 

Osio (Antonio Maria), Historia de California. MS. 

Osuna (Juan Maria), Cartas. MS. 

Oswald (H. Fr.), Californien und Seine Verhiltnisse. Leipzig, 1849, 

Overland Mail Service to California. n.pl. [i857]. 

Overland Monthly. San Francisco, 1868-75. 15 vols, 

Owen (J. J.), Santa Clara Valley. San José, 1873. 

Owl (The), San Francisco, 1869 et seq. 


Ixvili AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


P. (D. P. E.) See California, in Viagero Universal. 

Pabellon Nacional (1), Mexico, 1844 et seq. 

Pacheco, Contra Costa Gazette, Contra Costa News 

Pacheco (Dolores), Cartas. MS. 

Pacheco (Romualdo), Cartas, 1825-31. MS. 

Pacheco (Salvio), Escritos de un vecino de S. José. MS. 

Pacific Coast Educational Journal. San Francisco, sige 

Pacific Coast Mines. San Francisco, 1876. 

Pacific Expositor, San Francisco, 1860-2. 3 vols. 

Pacific Mail Steamship Company, Annual Reports. New York, 1854 et seq.; 
and various pamphlets. 

Pacific Medical and Surgical Journal. San Francisco, 1858 et seq. 

Pacific Railroad. A Collection; also a large number of publications cited by 
this title. 

Pacific Railroad Reports. Washington, 1855-60. 4to. 13 vols. 

Pacific School and Home Journal. San Francisco, 1877 et seq. 

Pacific Wagon Roads, Reports upon [85th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 108; 
Sen. Ex. Doc. 36.] Wash., 1858. 

Paddock (A. G.), The Fate of Madame La Tour. New York, 1881. 

Padrés (José Maria) Correspondencia de un Republicano. MS. 

Padrés (José Maria), Protesta que dirige al Gefe Politico, 1835. MS. 

Paez (Juan). See Cabrillo, Relacion. 

Pajaro, Monterey Union. 

Palmer (J. W.), The New and the Old. New York, 1859. 

Palmer (Joel), Early Intercourse. MS. Journal of Travels over the Rocky 
Mountains, 1845-6. Cincinnati, 1852; Wagon Trains. MS. 

Palmer (Lyman L.), see Napa and Lake County History. 

Palmer (William J.), Report of Surveys across the Continent in 1867-8, 
Philadelphia, 1869. 

Palomares (José Francisco), Memoria. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Circular sobre Informes de Misiones, etc., 9 Oct. 1773. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Comunicacion al Presidente sobre Raciones, 1781. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Correspondencia del Misionero. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Defuncion 4el Padre Junipero Serra, 1784. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Espedicion y Registro de 8. Francisco. In Id., Not., ii. 43. 

Palou (Francisco), Fondo Piadoso de Misiones de California, etc., 1772. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Informe de 10 Dic. 1773. In Id., Not., ii. 11. 

Palou (Francisco), Informe que por el mes de Diciembre de 1773 hizo al Virey 
Bucareli. MS. 

Palou (Francisco), Informe sobre Quejas del Gobernador, 1785. MS, 

Palou (Francisco), Letter of Aug. 15, 1783. In Hist. Mag., iv. 67. 

Palou (Francisco), Noticias de la California. Mexico, 1857. In Doe. Hist. 
Mex., ser. iv., tom. vi.—vii.; San Francisco, 1874. 4 vols. 

Palou (Francisco), Relacion Histérica de la Vida etc. de Junfpero Serra. 
Mexico, 1787. 

Pamphlets. A collection. 5 vols. 

Panama, Star and Herald. Panama, 1849 et seq. 

Panamint, News. 

Pangua (Tomas de), Carta al Virey sobre Peligros que amenazan la California, 
1804. MS. 

Papeles Varios. A collection of Spanish and Mexican pamphlets. 218 vols. 

Parker (Richard), Speech, Feb. 28, 1850, on President’s Mess. on Cal. Wash. 
1850. 

Parkinson (R. R.), Pen Portraits. San Francisco, 1878. 

Parkman (Francis J.), The California and Oregon Trail. New York, 1849. 

Parrish (J. L.), Anecdotes of Oregon. MS. 

Parrott (John), Business Letters. MS. 

Parsons (George F.), Life and Adventures of James W. Marshall. Sacra- 
mento, 1870. 

Paschal (George W.), Speech, in the Case of Wm. McGarrahan. Wash., 1869. 


~~ 


‘Petia (Tomas 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. . Ixix 


Paterna (Antonio) Informes de la Mision de Sta Barbara, 1787-92. MS. 

Patterson (George), Adventures of a Pioneer of 1840. MS. 

Patterson (George W.), Across Mexico to California. MS. 

Patterson (Lawson B.), Twelve Years in the Mines of California. Cambridge, 
1862. 

Pattie (James O.), Personal Narratives. Cincinnati, 1833. 

Paty (John), Letters of a Sea Captain. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular 4 los Padres, 1818. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular 4 los Padres, 1819. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular del Presidente, 1817. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Circular en que prohibe el uso de Carruajes, 1821. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Comunicacion sobre la Mision de la Purisima, 1810. MS. 

Payeras (M§riano), Cordillera sobre suministracion de Viveres, 1821. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Correspondencia del Misionero Prefecto. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Dos Circulares sobre Contrata con McCulloch, Hartnell y 
Cia, 1822... Ms. 

Payeras (Mariano), Informe por el Comisario Prefecto del Actual Estado de 
los 19 Misiones, 1820. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1815-20. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Instruccion del Vicario Fordéneo, 1817. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Memorial 4 los Padres, 1821. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Memorial 4 los Padres, sobre la Vesion de las Nueve Misio- 
nes del Sur, 1820. MS. 


Aaa (Mariano), Memorial de 2.de Junio, 1820. MS. 
Payeras (Mariano), Memorial sobre Nueva Iglesia en Los Angeles, 1821. MS. 
Payeras (Mariano), Noticia de un Viage a S. ” Rafael, 1818. MS. 





Payeras (Mariano), Noticias sobre Ross. Diario de su Caminata con el Comi- 
sario del Imperio, 1822. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Peticion al Gobernador, 1819. MS. 

Payeras (Mariano), Representacion sobre Innovaciones del Sr Gobernador, 
13017 SMS. 

Payson (G.), Romance of California. New York, 1851. 

Peabody (Alfred), Karly Days and Rapid Growth of Cal. Salem, 1874. 

Pearce (J. A.), Speech, Apr. 29, 1852, Affairs in California. Washington, 
1852. 

Pearson (Gustavus C.), Recollections of a California ’49er. MS. 

Peckham (R. F.), Biographical Sketches. S. José Pioneer, June 9 et seq., 
1877. 

Peckham (R. F. we An Eventful Life. MS. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Biography. San Francisco, 1880. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Journals of Voyages, 1539-42. MS. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Letter of 1842. In Niles’ Register. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Memoranda of a Navigator. MS. 

Peirce (Henry A.), Rough Sketch. MS. 

Penta (Cosme), Escritos de un Abogado. MS. 

Peiia (Tomas), Cargo de Homicidio contra cl Padre, 1786-95. MS. 

Peiia (Tomas), Diario del Vi iage de Perez, 1774. MS. 

), Peticion del Guardian sobre limites de Sta Clara, 1798. MS. 

Pensamiento Nacional (Il). Mexico, 1855 et seq. 

Peralta (Luis), Cartas del Sargento. MS. 

Peralta (Luis), Diario de una ‘Expédicion contra Gentiles, 1805. MS. 

Perez (Cornelio), Memoria Histérica. MS. 

Perez (Hulalia), Una Vieja y Sus Recuerdos. MS. 

Perez (Juan), Formulario, Escripturas de Posesion, 1773. MS. 

Perez (Juan), Instruccion que el Virey did 4 los Comandantes de Buques de 
Exploracion, 24 Dec. 1773. MS. In Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex. 

Perez (Juan), Recuerdos Histéricos. Ms. 

Perez (Juan), Relacion del Viage, 1774. MS. 

Perez (Juan), Tabla Diaria, 1774. MS. 

Perez Fernandez (José), Cartas del Alférez de Artilleria. MS. 


Ixx AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Perez Fernandez (José), Cuenta General de la Habilitacionde Mont, 1796. MS. 

Perkins (Joseph J.), A Business Man’s Estimate of Santa Barbara County. 
Santa Barbara, 1881. 

Perry (J. E.), Travels, Scenes, and Sufferings in Cuba, etc. Boston, 1853. 

Petaluma, Argus, Courier, Crescent, Journal and Argus, Land Journal, Sonoma 
County Journal, Standard. 

Peters (De Witt C.), Life and Adventures of Kit Carson. New York, 1859. 

Petit-Thouars (Abel de), Voyage autour du Monde, 1836-9. Paris, 1840-4, 
5 vols. 

Peto (Sir S. Morton), The Resources of America. London, etc., 1866. 

Peyri (Antonio), Cartas del Fraile. MS. ' 

Peyster (John W.), Personal and Military History of P. Kearny. N.Y., 1869. 

Pfeiffer (Ida), A Lady’s Second Voyage round the World. New York, 
1856. 

Phelps (John S.), Speech, June 8, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash. [1850]. 

Phelps (W. D.), Fore and Aft. Boston, 1871. 

Philadelphia, American Gazette, Evening Star, Inquirer, Ledger, Press, 
Record, Times. 

Phillips (C. H.), Southern California. San Francisco, 1879. 

Phillips (J. Arthur), The Mining and Metallurgy of Gold and Silver. Lon- 
don, 1867. 

Photographic Album of California Pioneers. 2 vols. 

Pickett (Charles E.), Address to the Veterans of the Mexican War. San 
Francisco, 1880; Land Gambling versus Mining Gambling. San Fran- 
cisco, 1879, 1880; Paris Exposition. San Francisco, 1877; and other 
pamphlets. 

Pico (Andrés), Papeles de Misiones. MS. 1828-46. 

Pico (José de Jesus), Acontecimientos en California. MS. 

Pico (José de Jesus), Mofras at S. Antonio, 1842. MS. 

Pico (José Maria, Dolores, Andrés, Antonio Maria, José Antonio, José de 
Jesus, Pio, etc.) Cartas. MS. 

Pico (José Ramon), Documentos para la Historiade Cal. MS. 3 vols. 

Pico (Pio), Correspondencia con Vocales Recalcitrantes del Norte, 1845. MS. 

Pico (Pio), Decreto de Abril 4, 1846. Venta de Misiones. MS. 

Pico (Pio), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 2 vols. 

Pico (Pio), Narracion Histérica. MS. 

Pico (Pio), Protesta al Manifiesto de D. Manuel Victoria, 1831. MS. 

Pico (Pio), Reglamento del Gobr- para la Enagenacion y arriendo de Misiones, 
1845. MS. 

Pitta (Joaquin), Diario de la Espedicion al Valle de 8. José, 1829. MS. 

Pinart (Alphonse), Coleccion de Documentos Originales para la Historia de 
Mexico. MS. 

Pinart (Alphonse), Documents on Russian America. MS. 

Pinart (Alphonse), Documents for the History of Chihuahua, 1786-1855. MS. 
and print. 2 vols. 

Pinart (Alphonse), Documents for the History of Sonora, 1784-1863. MS, 
and print. folio. 5 vols. 

Pine (George W.), Beyond the West. Utica, 1871. 

Pinkerton (John), General Collection of Voyages and Travels. London, 
1808-14. 4to. 17 vols. 

Pinto (Rafael), Apuntaciones para la Historia. MS. 

Pinto (Rafael), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Pio VI., Breve Apostdélico en que se les concede varias gracias 4 los Misione- 
ros, 1797. MS. 

Pioneer (The). San Francisco, 1854-5. 4 vols. 

Pioneer Journalism in California. In Upham’s Notes; Rowell’s Newspaper 
Reporter and Advertiser’s Guide. 

Pioneer Panama Passengers. Re-union on the 4th of June, 1874. San Fran- 
cisco, 1874. 

Pioneer Perils, Donner Party. In 8. F. Call, Oct. 3, 1880, and other papers, 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxi 


Pioneer Sketches, A Collection. MS. 

Pitic, Instruccion que se formé para el establecimiento de la Nueva Villa, 
1789. MS.; also print. 

Placerville, Courier, El] Dorado County Republican, Mirror, Mountain Demo- 
crat, News. 

Plan para Arreglo de Misiones, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal. 

Plan de Colonizacion Estrangera, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal. 

Plan de Colonizacion de Nacionales, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal. 

Plan de Gobierno adoptado por la Diputacion en Sta Barbara, 1837. MS. 

Plan de Gobierno Provincial. Monterey, 1824. MS. 

Plan de Independencia adoptada por la Diputacion, 7 Nov. 1836. Monterey. 

Plan le Independencia Californiana, 1836. Monterey, 1836. 

Plan Politico Mercantil, 1825. In Junta de Fomento de Cal. 

Plan de Propios y Arbitrios para Fondos Municipales, 1834. Monterey, 
1834. 


Plan de 8. Diego que proclamaron Zamorano, Bandini, y Otros, 1837. MS. 

Player-Frowd (J. G.), Six Months in California. London, 1872. 

Plumbe (John), Memorial against Asa Whitney’s Railroad Scheme. Wash- 
ington, 1851. 

Point Arena, News, Recorder. 

Poll-lists, cited by name of county or town. Not in this list. 

Portilla (Pablo), Diario de una Expedicion al Tular, 1824. MS. 

Portilla (Pablo), Escritos del Capitan. MS. 

Portland (Or.), Bulletin, Catholic Sentinel, Oregonian, Standard, Telegram, 
West Shore. 

Portola (Gaspar), Diario del Viage 4 la California, 1769. MS. 

Potechin, Selenie Ross, 1859. MS. translation. 

Powers (Stephen), Autobiographical Sketch. MS. 

Praslow (J.), Der Staat Californien. Gottingen, 1857. 

Pratt (Parley Parker), The Autobiography of. New York, 1874. 

Presidial Company Accounts, Rosters, etc. San Francisco, Monterey, Santa 
Barbara, and San Diego. [Scattered in the archives. | 

Presidios, Reglamento 6 Instruccion, 1772. Madrid, 1772; Mexico, 1773. 

Preston (William B.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep. Feb. 7, 1549. On Forma- 
tion of a New State. Washington, 1849. 

Prieto (Guillermo), Indicaciones sobre el origen, etc., de las Rentas Generales 
de la Federacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1850; Viaje 4 los Estados Unidos. 
Mexico, 1878-9. 3 vols. 

Privilegios Concedidos 4 Indios, 1803. MS. 

Pronunciamiento de Apalategui en Los Angeles, 1835. In Figueroa, Man, 

Pronunciamiento de Monterey contra el Plan de San Diego, 1832. MS. 

Pronunciamiento de San Diego contra Victoria, 1831. MS. 

Pronunciamiento de Varela y otros contra los Americanos, 1846. MS. 

Protesta de los Padres contra Gabelas, 1817. MS. 

Providence (R. I.) Journal. ; 

Provincial Records. MS. 12 vols. In Archivo de Cal. 

Provincial State Papers. MS. 22 vols. In Archivo de Cal.; Id., Presidios, 
2 vols.; Id., Benicia Military. 52 vols.; Id., Benicia Miscel. 2 vols. 

Prudon (Victor), Correspondence d’un Francais en Californie. MS, 

Prudon (Victor), Vigilantes de Los Angeles, 1836. MS. 

Purchas, His Pilgrimage. London, 1614. 9 books in 1 vol. folio. 

Purchas, His Pilgrimes. London, 1625-6. folio. 5 vols. 

Purisima, Cuaderno de Tratados Médicos. MS. 

Purisima, Libros de Mision. MS. 

Purisima, Peticion de los Padres sobre traslado de la Mision, 1813. MS. 

Purkitt (J. H.), Letter on the Water Front Improvement. San Francisco, 
1856. 

Putnam (Harvey), Speech, July 30, 1850, on Admission of California. Wash, 
1850. 


Putnam’s Magazine. New York, 1863 et seq. 


Ixxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Quarterly Review. London, 1809 et seq. 

Queue Ordinance, The Invalidity of the. San Francisco, 1879. 
Quicksilver: Facts concerning Mines in Santa Clara Co., Cal. N. Y., 1859. 
Quigley (Hugh), The Irish Race in California, etc. San Francisco, 1878. 
Quijas (José Lorenzo de la Concepcion), Cartas del Padre. MS. 

Quimper (Manuel), Segundo Reconocimiento, 1790. MS. 


Rabbison (Antonio B.), Growth of Towns. MS. 

Rae (W. F.), Westward by Rail. London, 1870, 

Rae (William V.), Investigacion judicial sobre su suicidio, 1845. MS. 

Railroad Companies, Reports, etc. See name of company. Many consulted 
are not named in this list. 

Railroads and Steamships. A collection. 

Ralston (William C.), Affectionate Tribute to. San Francisco, 1875; Memo- 
rial of. San Francisco, 1875. 

Ramirez (Angel), Cartas del Ex-Fraile. MS. 

Ramsey (Albert C.), The Other Side. New York, 1850. 

Ramusio (G. B.), Navigation, Venetia, 1554, 1565, 1583. 3 vol. folio. 

Randolph (Edmund), Oration before Society of Cal. Pioneers, Sept. 1860. 
In Hutchings’ Mag., v. 263; Outline of the History of Cal. S. F., 1868. 

Randolph (W. C.), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Raymond (Rossiter W.), Mining Industry of the States and Territories of the 
Rocky Mountains. N. Y., 1874; Silver and Gold. N. Y., 1873; Sta- 
tistics of Mines and Mining. Wash., 1873. 

Raynal (G. T.), Histoire Philosophique. Paris, 1820-1. 12 vols. and at as. 

Razonador (El), Mexico, 1847 et seq. 

Reading, Independent. 

Recopilacion de Leyes de Los Reynos de las Indias mandadas Imprimir y 
Publicar por Carlos IT. Madrid, 1791. folio, 4 vols. 

Redding (Benjamin B.), In Memoriam. San Francisco, 1882. 

Rednitz (L.), Getreuester und Zuverlissigster Wegweiser und Rathgeber zur 
Reise nach und in Amerika und Californien. Berlin, 1852. 

Redwood City, San Mateo Journal, San Mateo Times and Gazette. 

Reed (James F.), The Donner Tragedy. In Pacific Rural Press, and San José 
Pioneer, 1877. 

Registro de Licencias Militares, 1839. MS. 

Reglamento de 24 de Mayo, 1773. In Palou, Not., i. 556. 

Reglamento de Contribuciones sobre Licores, 1824. MS. 

Reglamento de Defensores de la Independencia, 1845. MS. 

Reglamento, Determinacion de 8 de Julio, 1773. In Palou, Not., i. 589. 

Reglamento sobre Ganados, 1827. MS. 

Reglamento para el Gobierno Interior de la Junta Departmental, 1840. MS, 

Reglamento de Misiones Secularizadas, 1834. MS. 

Reglamento Provisional para el gobierno interior de la Diputacion. Monte- 
rey, 1834. [The first book printed in California. ] 

Reid (Perfecto Hugo), Cartas. MS. 

Reid (Perfecto Hugo), Los Angeles County Indians. In Hayes Mission Book, 
i., from Los Angeles Star. : 
Rejon (Manuel C.), Observaciones del Diputado saliente contra los Tratados 

de Paz. Querétaro, 1848. 

Relacion de las Embarcaciones que han condacido los Situados, 1781-96. MS. 

Rengel (José Antonio), Comunicaciones de Provincias Internas, 1784-6. MS. 

Requena (Manuel), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Requena (Manuel), Escritos de un Ciudadano de Angeles. MS. 

Restaurador (El), Mexico, 1846 et seq. 

Retes (Manuel), Portentosas Riquezas. In Estrella de Occid. Oct. 19, 1860. 

Revere (Joseph Warren), Keel and Saddle. Boston, 1871; A Tour of Duty 
in California. N. Y. etc., 1849. 

Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Carta.de 27 Dic., 1793. MS. 

Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Carta sobre Misiones, 1793. In Dicc. Univ., v. 426, 

Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr. de Cal., 1790-4. MS. 


\ 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxiii 


Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Informe de 12 Abril, 1793. In Bustamante, Suple- 
mento, iz, 112: 

Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Instruccion que dejé escrita, 1789-94. MS. 2 vols. 

Revista Cientifica y Literaria de Méjico. Mexico, 1845 et seq. 

Revue des pene Mondes. Paris, 1839 et seq. 

Reynolds (J. N.), Pacific Ocean and South Sea. [23d Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. 
Doc. 105.] Wash., 1834. 

Reynolds (Stephen), Register of Vessels at Honolulu, 1824-42. In Honolulu 
Friend, i1., 1849. 

Rezanof (N ikolai), Zapiski, 1805-6. In Tikhménef, Istor. Obos., Appen. 

Rhoads (Daniel), Relief of Donner Party, 1846. MS. 

Richardson (Albert D.), Beyond the Mississippi. Hartford, 1867. 

Richardson (Benjamin), Mining Experiences. MS. 

Richardson (H. D.), History of the Foundation of Vallejo. MS. 

Richardson (William A.), Letters of a Pioneer Sailor. MS. 

Richardson (William A.), Salidas de Buques del Puerto de San Francisco, 
1837-8. MS. 

Richardson (William A.), Tarifa de Fletes y Pasages, S. Francisco, 1846. MS. 

Richardson (J.) et al., Zodlogy of Beechey’s Voyage. Lond., 1839-40. 

Rico (Francisco), Memorias Histéricas. MS. 

Riesgo and Valdés, Memoria Estadistica. Guadalajara, 1828. 

Riley (Bennett), Military Correspondence [3lst Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. es 52]. 
Wash., 1849; Miscellaneous proclamations of the Military Governor, 1849; 
Proclama 4 los Habitantes de California, 3 Junio, 1848. Monterey, 1848; 
Tour of the Gold Regions [8lst Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17]. 

Ringgold (Cadwalader), Correspondence to Accompany Maps and Charts of Cal. 
Wash., 1851; A Series of Charts with Sailing Directions. Wash., 1852. 

Rio Vista, Enterprise, Gleaner. 

Ripalda, Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana. Monterey, 1842. 

Ripley (RB. 8.), The War with Mexico. New York, 1849. 2 vols. 

Ripoll (Antonio), Levantamiento de Indios en Santa Barbara, 1824. MS. 

Rivera, Nueva Coleccion de Leyes. [Mexico.] 18385. 

Rivera (Manuel), Los Gobernantes de Mexico. Mexico, 1872. 2 vols. 

Rivera y Moncada (Fernando), Carta al Padre Serra, 1775. MS. 

Rivera y Moncada (Fernando), Diligencias en la Toma de posesion del Mando, 
1774. MS. 

Rivera y Moncada (Fernando), Escritos Sueltos del Comandante General. MS. 

Rivera y Moncada (Fernando), Merced de Tierras al Soldado Manuel Butron, 
1775. MS. 


Roach (Philip A.), Historical Facts from 1849. MS. 


Robbins (Thomas M.), Diary, 1843-6. MS. 

Roberts (George B.), Recollections of Hudson’s Bay Co. MS. 
Robinson (Alfred), Life in California. New York, 1846. 

Robinson (Alfred), Statement of Recollections from 1829. MS. 
Robinson (Fayette), California and its Gold lvegions. New York, 1849. 
Robinson (Marshall), A Trip in Southern Casifornia. Carson, 1879. 
Robles (Secundino), Relacion de un Californio. MS. 

Rodenbough (Theo. F.), From Everglade to Cafion. New York, 1875. 
Roder (Henry), Bellingham Bay. MS. 

Rodriguez (Jacinto), Narracion sobre Tiempos Pasados. MS. 
Rodriguez (José B.), Recuerdos Histéricos. MS. 

Rodriguez (Manuel), Lo Acaecido con Tripulantes de la Byrd, 1803. MS. 


)s 
‘Rodriguez (Manuel), Correspondencia de un Militar. MS. 
)s 


Rodriguez (Manuel), Respuesta 4 las Quince Preguntas, 1798. MS. 
Rogers (J. Henry), The California Hundred. San Francisco, 1865. 
Rogers (William H.), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 
Rogers (Woodes), A Cruising Voyage round the World. London, 1718. 
Rollin (M.), Mémoire Physiologique, 1756. In La Pérouse, Voy., iv. 50. 
Romero (José), Documentos relativos 4 su Expedicion para abrir Camino entre 

Sonora y California, 1823-6. MS. 

Hist] Can,, Vou, La 6 


Ixxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Romero (José Maria), Memorias de un Anciano. MS. 

Romero (José Mariano) Catecismo de Ortologia dedicado 4 los Alumnos de la 
Escuela Normal de Monterrey. Monterrey, 1836. 

Romero (Vicente), Notes of the Past. MS. 

Romeu (José Antonio), Cartas al P. Presidente Lasuen, 1791. MS. 

Romeu (José Antonio), Correspondencia del Sr Gobernador. MS. 

Roquefeuil (Camille de), Journal d’un Voyage autour du Monde, 1816-19. 
Paris, 1823. 2 vols.; Voyage round the World. Lond., 1823. 

Rosa (Luis de la), Ensayo sobre la Administracion Publica de Mexico. Mex- 
ico, 1853. 4to. 

Rosas (José Antonio), Causa Criminal, 1800-1. MS. 

Rosignon (Julio), Porvenir de Vera Paz. Guatemala, 1861. 

Ross, Contrat de Vente, 1841. MS. 

Ross, Propuesta de Venta é Inventario, 1841. MS. 

Ross (Charles L.), Experiences in 47. MS. 

Ross (John E.), Narrative of an Indian Fighter. MS. 

Ross (Joseph), Sketch of Experiences. MS. 

Ross (James) and George Gary. From Wisc. to Cal.and Return. Madison, 1869 

Rossi (L’ Abbé), Souvenirs d’un Voyage en Orégon et en Californie. Paris, 1864. 

Roswag (C.), Les Métaux Précieux considérés au point de vue économique. 
Paris, 1865. 

Rotschef (Alex, ), Deed of Ross to Sutter, 1841. MS. 

Rouhaud (Hippolyte), Les Régions Nouvelles. Paris, 1868. 

Rouset de Jesus, Comunicaciones y Ordenes del Obispo de Sonora. MS. 

Rovings in the Pacific from 1837-49. London, 1851. 2 vols. 

Rowland (John), Lista de los que le acompaiiaron en su llegada, 1841. MS. 

tubio (Francisco), Causa Criminal por Asesinato if Kstupro, 1828-31. MS. 

Ruiz (Francisco Maria), Cartas del Comandante de San Diego. MS. 

Ruschenberger (W. 8. W.), Narrative of a Voyage round the World in 
1835-7. London, 1838. 2 vols. 

Rush (John R.), Biographical Sketch. MS. 

Rusling (James F.), Across America. New York, 1874. 

Russ, Remembrances of a Pioneer of 1847. MS. 

Russ (Adolph G.), Biography of a Pioneer of 1847. MS. 

_Russell (William H.), General John A. Sutter. n.pl. n.d. 

Russell (William Howard), Hesperothen. New York, 1882. 

Russian American Fur Company, Accounts, 1847-50. MS. 

Ryan (R. F.), Judges and Criminals. In Golden Era [1853]; Personal Ad- 
ventures in Upper and Lower California in 1848-9. London, 1850. 2 vols. 

Ryckman (Gerritt W.), Vigilance Committee. MS. 


Saavedra (Ramon), Cartas al Gobr- de California, 1794. MS. 

Sacramento, Bee, California Express, California Free Press, California Re- 
publican, Enterprise, Herald, Journal, Leader, News, Pheenix, Placer 
Times, Record, Record Union, Reporter, Rescue, Star, State Capital Re- 
porter, State Fair Gazette, Sun, Transcript, Travellers’ Guide, Twice a 
Week, Ubiquitous, Union, Valley Agriculturist, Valley World. 

Sacramento Medical Society, Constitution, etc. Sacramento, 1855. 

Sacramento, Record of Criminal Court in County Clerk’s Office, 1849. MS. 

Sacramento, Spanish Archives in Office of Sec. State. MS. 

Sacramento County, History. Oakland, 1880. folio. 

Sacramento Valley Railroad Company, Reports, S. F., 1855 et seq. 

Safford (A. K. P.), Narrative of Political Events. MS. 

Saint Amant (M. de), Voyages en Californie et dans l’Orégon. shes 1854, 

Saint Helena, Star, Yosemite Assembly. 

Saint Louis (Mo.), Globe, Reveille, Union. 

Sal (Hermenegildo), Cartas Miscelaneas, 1777-1800. MS, 

Sal (Hermenegildo), Informe. 31 de Enero 1796. MS. 

Sal (Hermenegildo), Informe de los Parages que se han reconocido en la Ala 
meda, 1795. MS. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxv 


Sal (Hermenegildo), Informes sobre los Edificios de San Francisco, 1792. MS. 

Sal (Hermenegildo), Instruccion al Cabo de la Escolta de Sta Cruz, 1791. MS. 

Sal (Hermenegildo), Reconocimiento de la Mision de Sta Cruz, 1791. MS. 

Sal (Hermenegildo), Respuesta 4 las Quince Preguntas, 1798. MS. 

Sala (George A.), America Revisited. London, 1852. 2 vols. 

Salazar (Alonso Isidro), Condicion Actual de California, 1796. MS. 

Salem, Oregon Statesman, Willamette Farmer. 

Sales (Luis), Noticias de Californias. Valencia, 1794. 

Salidas de Buques del Puerto de S. Francisco, 1837-8. MS. 

Salinas City, Index, Standard, Town Talk. 

Salmeron (Gerénimo de Zarate), Relaciones de todas las cosas que en el 
Nuevo Mexico. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ili. tom. iv. 

Salt Lake City (Utah), Deseret News, Herald, Telegraph, Tribune. 

Sammlung aller Reisebeschreibungen. Leipzig, 1747-74. 4to. 21 vols. 

San Andreas, Advertiser, Calaveras Times, Citizen, Foothill Democrat, Moun- 
tain News, Register. 

San Antonio, Documentos Sueltos, 1779 et seq. MS. 

San Antonio, Extracto del Libro de Difuntos. Muerte de Sarria, 1835. MS. 

San Antonio, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Bernardino, Argus, Guardian, Independent, Times. 

San Buenaventura, Free Press, Ventura Signal. 

San Buenaventura, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Buenaventura, Memorias de Efectos, 1790-1810. MS. 

San Buenaventura, Sale and Transfer, 1846. MS. 

San Buenaventura, Suministraciones al Presidio, 1810-20. MS. 

San Cérlos, Manitiesto de su cargamento para California, 1769. MS. 

San Carlos, Libros de Mision. MS. 

Sanchez (José Antonio), Campafia contra Estanislao, 1829. MS. 

Sanchez (José Antonio), Correspondencia del Alférez. MS. 

Sanchez (José Bern.), Diario de la Caminata que hizo el P. Prefecto Pa- 
yeras, San Diego 4 San Gabriel, 1822. MS. 

Sanchez (José Antonio), Diario de la Expedicion, Nueva Planta de Sau Fran- 
cisco, 1823. MS. 

Sanchez (José Antonio), Journal of the enterprise against the Cosemenes, 1826, 
In Beechey’s Voy., i. 27. 

Sanchez (José Bern.), Notas al Reglamento de Secularizacion, 1832. MS. 

Sanchez (José Ramon), Notas Dictadas por e) Ciudadano. Ms. 

Sanchez (Vicente), Cartas de un Angelino. MS. 

Sanchez, Fidalgo, and Costansd, Informe sobre auxilios que se propone enviar 
4 Cal., 1795. MS. 

Sancho (Juan), Informe del Guardian al Virey, 1785. MS. 

Santho (Juan), Informe del P. Guardian al Virey. 20 Agosto, 1785. MS. 

Sandels. See ‘King’s Orphan.’ 

San Diego, Archivo, 1826-50. MS. 

San Diego, Bautismos, 1778-82. MS. 

San Diego, Index of Archives, by Hayes. MS. 

San Diego, Libros de Mision. MS. : 

San Diego Presidial Company, accounts scattered in archives. MS. 

San Diego, Pueblo Lands of, Exceptions to Survey made by John C. Hays, 
July, 1858. San Francisco, 1869. 

San Diego, Bulletin, Union, World. 

‘San Diego City, Descriptive, Historical, Commercial, Agricultural, and other 
Important Information. San Diego, 1874. 

San Diego and Southern California, The Climate, etc. San Diego, n.d. 

San Diego the California Terminus of the Texas Pacific R. R. San Diego, 1872. 

San Fernando, Lista Alfabética de Nedfitos. MS. 

San Francisco, Act to Charter the City. 8S. F., 1850; many other acts. 

San Francisco Baptist Association, Minutes. San Francisco, 1850 et seq. 

San Francisco Bulkhead, Address to Members of State Senate. 8. F., 1860: 
and various other pamphlets on same subject. ts 


Ixxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


San Francisco, Chamber of Commerce, Annual Reports. S. F., 1865 et seq. 

San Francisco Chronicle and its History. San Francisco, 1879. i 

San Francisco, Cuentas de la Compaiiia Presidial, 1813-33. MS. 25 vols. 
[Presented by Gen. Vallejo. ] 

San Francisco Custom House, Certified List of Vessels, etc. S. F., 1873, 1875; 
Custom House Correspondence on subject of Appraisements. Wash., 
1852; and other documents. 

San Francisco Fire Department, Anniversary of Organization. San Francisco, 
1852 et seq.; Reports, etc. 

San Francisco, Great Earthquake in. San Francisco, n.d. 

San Francisco, History, Incidents, ete. A Collection. 

San Francisco, History of the Vigilance Committee. San Francisco, 1858. 

San Francisco, Land Titles. A Collection. 

San Francisco, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Francisco, Memorial of Holders and Owners of the Floating Debt. San. 
Francisco, 1857. 

San Francisco, Municipal Reports. San Francisco, 1859-82. 21 vols.; also 
many separate pamphlets on city affairs and institutions. 

San Francisco Newspapers. Advocate, Alta California, American Flag, 
American Union, Argonaut, Banner of Progress, California Chronicle, 
Cal. Courier, Cal. Farmer, Cal. Leader, Cal. Rural Home Journal, Cal. 
Spirit of the Times, Cal. Star, Californian, Call, Catholic Guardian, 
Chronicle, Christian Advocate, Coast Review, Commercial Advocate, 
Herald and Record, Daily Balance, Herald and Placer Times, Demo- 
cratic Press, Despatch, Eco de la Raza Latina, Elevator, Evangel, Even- 
ing Bulletin, Examiner, Figaro, Globe, Golden Era, Hebrew, Hebrew 
Observer, Illustrated Wasp, Journal, Journal of Commerce, Law Gazette, 
Medical Press, Mercantile Gazette, Mining and Scientific Press, Monitor, 
National, New Age, News Letter, Occident, Pacific, Pacific Churchman, 
Pacific Methodist, Pacific News, Picayune, Pioneer, Post, Scientific 
Press, Resources of California, Spectator, Star and Californian, Sun, Sun- 
day Despatch, Times, Tribune, True Californian, Wide West, ete. 

San Francisco, New City Charter. San Francisco, 1883. 

San Francisco, Ordinances and Joint Resolutions of the City. San Francisco, 
1854; and other ordinances and regulations. 

San Francisco, Our Centennial Memoir. San Francisco, 1877. 

_San Francisco Presidial Company, Accounts, rosters, etc., scattered in the 
archives. MS. 

San Francisco, Proceedings of the Town Council, 1849. S. F., 1850. 

San Francisco Public Schools, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1850 et seq.; 
and many other Documents on the schools. 

San Francisco, Reglamento del Puerto, 1846. MS. 

San Francisco, Remonstrance of the City to the Legislature against the Ex- 
tension of the City. San Francisco, 1854. 

San Francisco, Report of Board of Engineers upon City Grades. San Fran- 
cisco, 1854. 

San Francisco, Reports of City Surveyor. San Francisco, 1856 et seq.; also 
reports of other city officers and boards. 

San Francisco, Report in relation to the defence of the harbor [32d Cong., 
2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 43]. Washington, 1852. 

San Francisco, Report for the transportation of mails from New York, New 
Orleans, and Vera Cruz [82d Cong., Special Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 1). 
Washington, 1853. 

San Francisco, Resolution in relation to the proceedings of the Vigilance 
Committee [34th Cong., 3d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 43]. Washington, 1856. 

San Francisco, Supervisors, General Orders. San Francisco, 1869 et seq. 

San Francisco, Town Council, Proceedings of. San Francisco, 1849 et seq. 

San Francisco del Ati, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Francisco Solano, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Francisco Solano, Padron de Nedfitos. MS. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Tee 


San Gabriel, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Joaquin County, History of. Oakland, 1879. atlas folio. 

San Joaquin, Tulare, and Sacramento Valleys, Report of Commissioners on 
Irrigation [43d Cong., lst Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 290]. Wash., 1873. 

San Joaquin Valley, Brief Description of, ete: San Francisco, 1868. 

San José, Archivo. MS. 6 vols. 

San José, Advertiser, Argus, California Agriculturist, California Granger, 
County Fair Advertiser, Courier, Herald, Independent, Mercury, Morn- 
ing Guide, Patriot, Pioneer, Santa Clara Argus. 

San José, Cuestion de Limites, 1797-1801. MS. 

San José, Decree confirming Pueblo of. n.pl., n.d. 

San José, Libro de Patentes, 1806-24. MS. 

San José, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San José, Peticion del Ayunt. en favor de los Frailes Espafioles, 1829. MS. 

San Juan, Central Californian, Echo, Monterey County Journal. 

San Juan Bautista, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Juan Capistrano, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Leandro, Alameda County Gazette, Alameda Democrat, Plaindealer, 
Record. 

San Luis Obispo, Archivo. MS. 

San Luis Obispo, Democratic Standard, Pioneer, South Coast, South Coast 
Advocate, Tribune. : 

San Luis Obispo, History, Laws, and Ordinances. San Luis Obispo, 1870. 

San Luis Obispo, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Mateo, Times. 

San Mateo County, Ilhistrated History. San Francisco, 1878. atlas folio. 

San Miguel, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Miguel (Juan Rodriguez de), Documentos relativos al Piadoso Fondo de 
Misiones de California. Mex., 1845; Rectificacion de Graves Equivoca- 
ciones del Fondo Piadoso. Mex., 1845; La Republica Mexicana en 1846, 
Mex., 1845; Segundo Cuaderno de Interesantes Documentos relativos al 
Fondo Piadoso. Mex., 1845. 

San Rafael, Libros de Mision. MS. 

San Rafael, Herald, Marin County Journal, Marin County News, Marin County 
Tocsin. 

San Rafael and Coast Range Mines, Report. San Francisco, 1879. 

Santa Barbara, Archivo, 1839-49. MS. 

Santa Barbara, Correspondencia entre Virey, Guardian y otros, sobre Padres 
para las Nuevas Misiones del Canal, 1781. MS. 

Santa Barbara, Democrat, Gazette, 1855-7, Independent, Index, News, Post, 
Press, Republican, Times. — 

Santa Barbara, Libro de Acuerdos del Ayuntamiento, 1849-50. MS. 

Santa Barbara, Libros de Mision. MS. ; 

Santa Barbara, Memorias de Efectos Remitidos 4 la Mision, 1786-1810. MS. 

Santa Barbara Presidial Company, Accounts, Rosters, etc., scattered in the 
Archives. MS. 

Santa Clara, Archivo de la Parroquia. MS. 

Santa Clara, Index, Journal, News, Union. 

Santa Clara, Libros de Mision. MS. 

Santa Clara College, Catalogues. San Francisco, etc., 1855 et seq. 

Santa Clara County Pioneers, Constitution. San José, 1875. 

Santa Clara County, Historical Atlas[Thompsonand West]. 8.F., 1876. atlas fol. 

Santa Cruz, Archivo. [Records in Clerk’s Office.] MS. 

Santa Cruz, County Times, Courier, Enterprise, Journal, Local Item, Pajaro 
Times, Sentinel, Times. 

Santa Cruz, Libros de Mision. MS. 

Santa Cruz, A Peep into the Past. Scrap-book. From Sta Cruz Local Item. 

Santa Cruz, Records in Parish Church. MS. 

Santa Cruz, Testimonio sobre el Tumulto de 1818. MS. , 

Santa Cruz County, History of [W. Wallace Elliott]. S. F., 1879. atlas folio. 


Lexvili AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Santa Inés, Exdmen de Conciencia en lengua de Indios. MS. 

Santa Inés, Libros de Mision. MS. 

Santa Maria (Vicente), Registro de Parages entre 8S. Gabriel y S. Buenaven- 
tura, 1795. ; - 

Santa Monica, The Coming City. San Francisco, 1875; Outlook. 

Santa Rosa, Collegian, Democrat, Herald, News, Press, Republican, Sonoma 
Democrat, Sonoma Index, Times. 

Sargent (Aaron A.), Sketch of Nevada County. n.pl., n.d. 

Sargent (Aaron A.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., April 9, 1862, on Pacific Rail- 
road.. How it may be Built. Wash., 1862; and other Speeches. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Argumento Contra el Traslado de 8. Francisco, 
1823. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Carta Pastoral, 1817. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Defensa del P. Luis Martinez, 1830. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Escritos Sueltos del Comisario Prefecto. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Exhortacion Pastoral, 1813. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe del Comisario Prefecto sobre los Frailes 
de California, 1817. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Informe de Misiones, 1819. MS. 

Sarria (Vicente Francisco), Sermones en Lengua Vasciiense. MS. 

Saunders (William), Through the Light Continent. London, etc., 1879. 

. Savage (Thomas), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 4 vols, 

Sawtelle (C. M.), Pioneer Sketches. MS. 

Sawyer (A. F.), Mortuary Tables of San Francisco. San Francisco, 1862. 

Sawyer (Charles H.), Documents on the Conquest of California, 1846. MS. 

Sawyer (Eugene T.), The Life and Career of Tibureio Vazquez. San José, 
1875. 

Sawyer (L. 8. B.), Reports of Cases Decided in the Circuit and District 
Courts, etc. San Francisco, 1873-80. 5 vols. 

Saxon (Isabelle), Five Years within the Golden Gate. Philadelphia, 1868. 

Sayward (W. T.), All about Southern California. San Francisco, 1875. 

Sayward (W. T.), Pioneer Reminiscences. MS. 

Scala (Comte de), Influence de ?Ancien Comptoir Russe en Californie. In 
Nouv. An. Voy., cxliv. 375. 

Schenck (George E.), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Schlagintweit (Robert von), Californien Land und Leute. Coln, etc., 1871. 

Schmidt (Gustavus), Civil Law of Spain and Mexico. New Orleans, 1851. 

Schmiedell (Henry), Statement of California Matters from 1849. MS. 

Schmolder (Capt. B.), Neuer Praktischer Wegweiser fiir Nord-Amerika. 
Mainz, 1849. 

School Scandal of San Francisco. Proceedings before the Investigating Com- 
mittee. San Francisco, 1878. 

Schools, Colleges, Academies, etc. Catalogues, reports, etc., cited by name 
of the institution. Not in this list. 

Schwarz (J. L.), Briefe eines Deutschen aus Kalifornien. Berlin, 1849. 

Scribner’s Monthly Magazine (later the Century). New York, 1871 et seq. 

Seattle, Intelligencer, Pacific Tribune, Puget Sound Despatch. 

Secularizacion, Decreto de las Cértes, 1813. MS. 

Seddon (J. A.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., Jan. 23, 1850, on the Action of 
Executive in Relation to California. Washington, 1850. 

Sedgley, Overland to California in 1849. 

Semblanzas de los Miembros del Congreso de 1827 y 1828, Nueva York, 1828. 

Semple (Robert), Letters of 1846-9. MS. 

Sefian (José Francisco de Paula), Cartas Varias. MS. 

Sefian (José F. de P.), Circular del Vicario Foraneo, 1815. MS. 

Sefian (José F. de P.), Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1811-14, 1820-2. MS. 

Seiian (José F. de P.), Respuesta al Virey sobre condicion de Cosas en Cal., 
1796. 8 

Sepulveda (Ignacio), Historical Memoranda. MS. 

Sermones de no se sabe cuales predicadores de California, 1790 etc. MS, 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxix 


Sermones Varios de Misioneros. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Cartas al P. Lasuen, 1778-81. MS, 

Serra (Junipero), Correspondencia, 1777-82. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Escritos Autégrafos. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Informe de 1774. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Informe de 5 de Feb. 1775. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Memorial de 22 de Abril, 1773, sobre suministraciones 4 los 
Establecimientos de California, ete. MS. 

Serra (Junipero), Notas de 1776. MS. In San Diego, Lib. Mision. 

Serra (Junipero), Representacion 21 Mayo, 1773. MS. . 

Serra (Junipero), Representacion 13 Mayo, 1773. In Palou, Not. i., 514; MS. 

Serrano (Florencio), Apuntes para la Historia de California. MS. 

Serrano (Florencio), Cartas Varias. MS. 

Serrano (Florencio), Recuerdos Histéricos. MS. 

Seward (George F.), Chinese Emigration in its Social and Economical Aspects. 
New York, 1881. 

Seward (William H.), Speech in U. 8S. Sen. March 11, 1850, on Admission of 
California. Washington, 1850; and other Speeches. 

Seyd (Ernest), California and Its Resources. London, 1858. 

Seymour (E. Sanford), Emigrant’s Guide to the Gold Mines. Chicago, 1849. 

Shaler (William), Journal of a Voyage, 1804: In American Register, iii. 137. 

Shasta, Courier. 

Shastas and Their Neighbors. MS. 

Shaw (William), Golden Dreams and Waking Realities. London, 1851. 

Shaw (William), Pioneer Life in Columbia River Valley. MS. 

Shaw (William J.), Speech in Sen. of Cal. Feb. 7, 1856, on Constitutional 
Reform. Sacramento, 1856; and other Speeches. 

Shea (John Gilmary), History of the Catholic Missions. New York, 1855. 

Shearer, Journal of a Trip to California, 1849. MS. 

Shelvocke (George), Voyage round the World, 1719-22. London, 1726. 

Sherman (William T.), Correspondence of Lieut., 1847-8. In Cal. & N. 
Mex., Mess. & Doc., 1850; Memoirs. N. Y., 1875. 2 vols. 

Sherwood (J. Ely), California. New York, 1848; The Pocket Guide to Cal: 
ifornia. N. Y., 1849. 

Shubrick (W. Branford), Correspondence, 1847. In War with Mex., Reports, 
etc.; Report to Secretary of the Navy, Feb. 15, 1847. In 30th Cong., 
2d Sess., H. Ex. Doce. i. pt. ii. p. 65; and Stephen W. Kearny, Circular 
of the Naval Commander and Governor, March 1, 1847. English and 
Spanish. 

Shuck ( Oscar T.), California Scrap-book, San Francisco, 1869; Representative 
and Leading Men of the Pacific. 6. F., 1870, 1875. 2 vols. 

Sierra, Plumas, and Lassen Counties, Illustrated History of. San Francisco, 
1882. 4to. 

Silliman (Benjamin), American Journal of Science and Art. New Haven, 
1819 et seq. 107 vols. 

Silver Mountain, Alpine Chronicle, Bulletin. 

Simonin (L.), Le ‘Grand- Ouest des Etats-Unis. Paris, 1869; Les Mines d’Or et 
d’Argent aux Etats-Unis. In Revue des Deux Mondes. Nov. 1875. 285; 
Le Mineur de Californie. Paris, 1866; La Vie Souterraine. Paris, 1867, 

Simpson (Sir George), Narrative of a J ourney round the World. London, 
1847. 2 vols. 

Simpson (Henry I.), The Emigrant’s Guide to the Gold Mines. New York, 
1848; Three Weeks in the Gold Mines. N. Y., 1848. 

Simpson (James H.), Report of Explorations across the Great Basin, etc. 
Wash., 1876; The Shortest Route to California. Phil., 1869. 

Sinaloa, Proposiciones de los Representantes sobre clausura de Mazatlan, 
Mexico, 1837. 

Siskiyou County Affairs. MS. 

Sitjar (Antonio), Reconocimiento de Sitio para la Nueva Mision de S. Miguel, 
1795.) MS. 


1xxx AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Slacum (William A.), Report on Oregon, March 26, 1837. [25th Cong., 3d 
Sess., H. Rept. 101.] Washington, 1838. 

Sloat (J ohn D. ), Despatches on the Conquest of Cal. [29th Cong., 2d Sess., 
H. Ex. Doe. 4, p. 640; 31st Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. 1, pt. ii., p. 2]; also 
correspondence 1846. MS. 

Smiley (Thomas J. L.), Statement on Vigilance Committee and Karly Times 
in San Francisco. MS. 

Smith (Jedediah), Excursion & l’ouest des Monts Rocky, 1826. In Nouv. 
An. Voy., xxxvii. 208. 

Smith (Napoleon B.), Biographical Sketch of a Pioneer of 1845. MS. 

Smith (Persifer F.), Military Correspondence. [81st Cong., lst Sess., Sen. 
Doc. 52.] Washington, 1849. 

Smith (Persifer F.), Bennett Riley et als. Reports in Relation to the Geol- 
ogy and Topography of California and Oregon. [31st Cong., Ist Sess., 
Sen. Ex. Doc. 47.] Washington, 1849. 

Smith (Truman), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., March 2, 1848, on Physical 
Character of Northern States of Mexico, ete. Washington, 1848. 

Smithsonian Institution, Annual Reports. Washington, 1853 et seq. 

Smucker (Samuel M.), Life of Col. J. C. Frémont. New York, 1856. 

Snelling, Merced Banner, Merced Herald. 

Soberanes (Clodomiro), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 

Sobrantes, Survey of Rancho. San Francisco, 1878. 

Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, Boletin. Mexico, 1861 et seq. 
[Includes Instituto Nacional. ] 

Societies. See Institutions. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Correspondencia del Gobernador, 1805-22. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Defensa del P. Quintana y otros, 1816. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe al General Cruz sobre los Insurgentes, 1818. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe General al Virey sobre Defensas, 1817. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Informe suplementario sobre los Insurgentes, 1818. MS. 

Sola (Pablo), Instruccion General 4 los Comandantes, contra los Insurgentes, 
1818. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Instrucciones al Comisionado de Branciforte, 1816. MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Noticia de lo acaecido en este Puerto de Monterey, 
Rebeldes de Buenos Aires, 1818. In Gaceta de Mex., xxxix. 283. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Observaciones én la Visita desde 8. Francisco hasta S. 
Diego, 1818.: MS. 

Sola (Pablo Vicente), Prevenciones sobre Eleccion de Diputado, 1822. MS. 

Solano County, Historical Atlas. San Francisco, 1877. atlas folio. 

Solano County, History of. [Wood, Alley and Co.] San Francisco, 1879. 

Soledad, Libros de Mision. MS. : 

Soler (Nicolas), Cartas del Capitan Inspector. MS. 

Soler (Nicolas), Informe sobre Policia y Gobierno, 1787. MS. 

Soler (Nicolas), Parecer sobre Comercio con el Bugue de China, 1787. MS. 

Solignac (Armand de), Les Mines de la Californie. Limoges, n.d. 

Solis (Joaquin), Manifiesto al Publico, 6 sea Plan de Revolucion, 1829. MS. 

Solis (Joaquin), Proceso Instruido contra—y otros Revolucionarios, 1829-30, 


Sonoma, Compajifa de Infanteria, Cuaderno de Distribucion, 1839. MS. 

Sonoma, Documentos Tocantes 4 la fundacion de la Nueva Mision, 1823. MS, 

Sonoma County, History [Alley Bowen and Co.] San Francisco, 1880. 

Sonora (Cal.), American Eagle, American Flag, Herald, Tuolumne Courier, 
Tuolumne Independent, Union Democrat. 

Sonora, Estrella de Occidente. 1859 et seq. 

Sonora, Sonorense (El). 1847 et seq. 

Soto (Francisco), Expedicion Militar, 1813. MS. 

Soulé (Frank), J. H. Gihon, and J. Nisbet, Annals of San Francisco. New 
York, etc., 1855. 

Southern Pacific Railroad Company, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1877 
et seq.; and other documents. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Ixxx! 


Southern Quarterly Review. New Orleans, etc., 1842 et seq. 

Spaulding (EH. G.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., April 4, 1850, in favor of Gen. 
Taylor’s Plan of Admitting Cal. Washington, 1850. 

Speeches, orations, addresses, etc., on various occasions, not named in this 
list unless peculiarly historical in their nature. See names of speakers. 

Speeches in Congress. A Collection. 

Spear (Nathan), Loose Papers of an Early Trader. MS. 

Speer (William), China and California, Lecture, June 28, 1853. S. F., 1853. 

Spence (David), Historical Notes, 1824-49. MS. ; 

Spence (David), Letters of a Scotchman in California. MS 

Spence (David), List of Vessels in California Ports. MS. 

Springfield (Mass.), Republican. 

Spurr (George G.), The Land of Gold. Boston, 1881. 

Squier (KE. G.), New Mexico and California. In Amer. Review, Nov. 1848. 

Stanford (Leland), Speech on Pacific Railroad, July 13, 1864. San Francisco, 
1865; also other speeches, etc. 

Stanislaus County, History. San Francisco, 1881. atlas folio. 

Stanley (H.), Speech, July 6, 1850, on Galpin Claim. Washington, 1850. 

Staples (David J.), Incidents and Information. MS. 

State Papers, Sacramento, MS., 19 vols. in Archivo de Cal.; Id., Missions, 11 
vols.; Id., Missions and Colonization, 2 vols.; Id., Benicia, 1 vol. 

Statistician. San Francisco, 1875 et seq. 

Stearns (Abel), Correspondence of a Merchant. MS. 

Stearns (Abel), Expediente de Contrabando, 1835. MS. 

Steilacoom (W. T.), Puget Sound Express. 

Stevenson (Jonathan D.), Correspondence, 1847-8. In Cal. and N. Mex., 
Mess. and Doc., 1850. 

tevenson (Jonathan D.), Lettersin the Archives. MS. 

Stevenson’s Regiment in Lower California, 1847. In 8. José Pioneer, Sept. 
14, 21, 1878. 

Steward (William M.), Lecture on the Mineral Resources of the Pacific 
States. New York, 1865. 

Stillman (J. D. B.), Did Drake Discover San Francisco Bay? In Overland 
Monthly, i. 332; Footprints in California of Early Navigators. In Id., 
Seeking the Golden Fleece, 285; Id. In Overland Monthly, ii. 257; 
Observations on the Medical Topography and Diseases of the Sacramento 
Valley. N. Y., 1851; Seeking the Golden Fleece. Sax Francisco, etc., 
1877; Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 

St Louis (Mo.), Globe, Reveille, Union. 

timson (A. L.), History of the Express Companies. New York, 1858. 

Stirling (Patrick James), The Australian and Californian Gold Discoveries. 
Edinburgh, 1853; De la Découverte des Mines d’Or en Australie et en 
Californie. Paris, 1853. 

Stockton, Beacon, California Agriculturist, Gazette, Herald, Independent, 
Pacific Observer, San Joaquin Herald, San Joaquin Republican. 

Stockton, History of. (See Tinkham George H.) , 

Stockton (Robert F.), Despatches [29th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. 668]; 
Despatches and Orders, 1847. In Cutts’ Conquest; Id., Life, Appen. 
[30th Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 31]; also in different Archives. MS.; 
Military and Naval Operations [80th Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 31]; 
Miscellaneous Orders and Correspondence. In Id., Life, Appen.; Report 
Feb. 18, 1848. In Id., 24; Report Feb. 18, 1848. In War with Mex., 
Repts. 33-50; Scattered Communications. MS.; A Sketch of the Life of. 
New York, 1856. 

Stockton and Copperopolis Railroad, Engineers’ Report, Oct. 1862. Stockton, 
1862; other reports. 

Stone (R. C.), Gold and Silver Mines of America. New York, n.d. 

Stout (Arthur B.), Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1862. 

Strahorn (Robert E.) To the Rockies and Beyond. Chicago, 1881. 

Streeter (William A.), Recollections of Historical Events, 1843-78. MS. 


Ixxxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Stuart (Charles V.), Trip to California in 1849. MS. 

Stuart (James F’.), Argument on Survey of the Rancho Rio de Santa Clara. 
Washington, 1872; List showing whereabouts of the governor at differ- 
ent dates. MS. 

Studnitz (Arthur von), Gold. Legal Regulations. London, 1877. 

Suisun, Solano County Democrat, Solano Herald, Solano Press, Solano Re- 
publican, Solano Sentinel. 

Sumner (Cal.), Kern County Gazette. 

Sumner (Charles A.), The Overland Trip. San Francisco, 1875. 

Sun of Anahuac. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq. 

Sufiol (Antonio), Cartas de un Catalan. MS. 

Superior Government State Papers. MS. 21 vols. In Archivo de Cal. 

Susanville, Farmer, Lassen Advocate, Lassen County Journal, Lassen Sage 

. Brush. 

Sutil y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las Goletas. Madrid, 1802; 
atlas. 4to. 

Sutro (Adolph), The Mineral Resources of the U. 8. Baltimore, 1868. 

Sutter (John A.), Correspondence, 1839-48. MS. 

Sutter (John A.), Correspondence of the Sub-Indian Agent, 1847-8. In Cal 
and N. Mex., Mess. and Doc. 1850. 

Sutter (John A.), Diary, 1839-48. Scrap-book from the Argonaut, 1878. 

Sutter (John A.), Examination of the Russian Grant. Sacramento, 1860. 

Sutter (John A.), Memorial to the Senate and House. Wash., 1876. 

Sutter (John A.), Personal Recollections. MS. 

Sutter (John A.), Petition to Congress [89th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Mis. Doc. 38]. 

Sutter (John A.), Statistical Report on Indian Tribes. iS. 

Sutter County, History of. [Chamberlain and Wells.] Oakland, 1879. folio, 

Sutter-Sufiol Correspondence, 1840-6. MS. 

Sutton (O. P.), Early Experiences. MS. 

Swan (John A.), Historical Sketches, 1844, ete. MS. 

Swan (John A.), Monterey in 1842. In 8. José Pioneer, Mar. 30, 1878. 

Swan (John A.), Trip to the Gold Mines, 1848. MS. 

Swan (John A.), Writings of a Pioneer. In 8. José Pioneer, 1878-9, and 
other newspapers. 

Swasey (William F.), California in 1845-6. MS. 

Swasey (William F’.), Remarks on Snyder. MS. 

Swett (John), History of the Public School System of California. S. F., 1876. 


Tapia (Tiburcio), Cartas de un Vecino de Angeles. MS. 

Tapis (Estévan), Cartas del Fraile. MS. 

Tapis (Estévan), Expedicion a Calahuasa, 1798. MS. 

Tapis Rican, Informes Bienales de Misiones, 1803-10. MS. 

Tapis (Estévan), Noticias Presentadas al Gobr- Arrillaga, 1808. MS. 

Tapis (Estévan), Parecer sobre Repartimientos de Indios, 1810. MS. 

Tapis ata and Juan Cortés, Réplica de los Ministros de Sta Barbara, 
1800. M 

Tarayre (I. Guillemin), Exploration Minéralogique des Régions Mexicaines. 
Paris, 1869. 

Tarbell (Frank), Victoria Life and Travels. MS. 

Taylor (Alexander 8.), Articles in California Farmer; Bibliografa California, 
Scrap-book from Sac. Union; Byron, Nelson, and Napoleon in California. 
In Pacific Monthly, xi. 649; Discoverers and Founders of California. MS. 
and Scraps; The First Voyage to California, by Cabrillo. 8. F., 1853; 
List of Pioneers. MS.; Hist. Summary of Lower California. In Browne’s 
Min. Res.; Odds and Ends. MS. and Scraps; Sketches connected with 
California History. n.pl. [1855]; Specimens of the Press [In S. F. Mer- 
cantile Library]; The Storelouse of California. n.pl., n.d. 

Taylor (Bayard), At Homeand Abroad. New York, 1867; El Dorado. N.Y., 
1850; N. Y., 1861. 

Taylor (Benjamin F.), Between the Gates. Chicago, 1878; Chicago, 1880. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. ieriit 


Taylot (Christopher), Oregonians in the California Mines, 1848. MS. 

Taylor (Mart), ‘the Gold Digger’s Song Book. Marysville, 1856. 

Taylor (William), California Life Illustrated. New York, 1858. 

Taylor (William), Seven Years’ Street Preaching. New York, 1857. 

Tehama, Independent, Tocsin. 

Temple (Francis P. F.), Recollections, 1841-7. MS. 

Temple (John), Letters of a Los Angeles Merchant. MS. 

Territorial Pioneers, Annual Meetings. S. F., 1874 etseq.; Constitution and 
By-Laws. San Francisco, 1874; First Annual. S. F., 1877. 

Terry (David 8.), Trial of, by the Committee of Vigilance. S. F., 1856. 

Tevis (A. H.), Beyond the Sierras. Philadelphia, 1877. 

Tevis (Lloyd), Address before the American Bankers’ Association, Aug. 10, 

1881. n.pl., n.d. 

Thomes (R. H.), Life of an Immigrant of 1841. MS. 

Thompson (A. B.), Business Correspondence. MS. 

Thompson (Ambrose W.), Memorial [to Congress], Steamers between Cali- 
fornia, China, and Japan. n.pl._ [1853]. 

Thompson (Jacob), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June 5, 1850, on the Califor- 
nia Question. n.pl, n.d. 

Thompson (John R.), Speech on the Conquest of California in U. S. H. of 
Rep. June 5, 1850. Washington, I850. 

Thompson (Robert A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County. 
Philadelphia, 1877. 

Thompson (Waddy), Recollections of Mexico. New York, etc., 1847. 

Thompson and West, Publishers of Several County Histories. See names of 
counties, 

Thomson (Monroe), The Golden Resources of California. N. Y., 1856. 

Thornton (Harry J.), Opinions on California Private Land Claims. San Fran- 
cisco, 1853; Speech in Cal. Sen., Feb. 8, 1861. Sacramento, 1861. 

Thornton (J. Quinn), Oregon and California in 1848. N. Y., 1849. 2 vols. 

Thurman (J. R.), Speech in U. 8S. H. of Rep. June 8, 1850, on the California 
Question. Washington, 1850. 

Thurston (8S. R.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., Mar. 25, 1850, on the admis- 
sion of California. Washington, 1850. 

 Tikhménef (P.), Istoritcheskoé Obosranie. St Petersburg, 1861. 2 vols. 

Tilford (Frank), Argument on San Francisco Outside Lands. Sac., 1868, 

Tinkham (George H.), History of Stockton. San Francisco, 1880. 

Todd (John), The Sunset Land. Boston, 1870. 

Toomes (Albert G.), The Pioneer Overlanders of 1841. In S. F. Bulletin, 

P July 27, 1868. 

Toombs (R.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Feb. 27, 1850, on President’s Mes- 
sage Communicating the Constitution of California. Washington, 1850. 

Torquemada (Juan de), Monarquia Indiana. Madrid, 1723, 3 vols. folio. 

Torre (Estévan de la), Reminiscencias, 1815-48. MS. 

Torre (José Joaquin), Varios Escritos. MS. 

_ Torres (Manuel), Peripecias de Vida Californiana, MS, 

Trait d’Union (Le). Mexico, 1861 et seq. 

Trask (John B.), Earthquakes in California from 1800 to 1864. In Cal. Acad. 
Science, Proc. vol. iii. pt. ii. 180; A Register of Harthquakes in Califor- 
nia. San Francisco, 1864. 

Tratado de las Flores entre Alvarado y Carrillo, 1838. MS. 

Tratado de Paz, Amistad, Limites y arreglo definitivo entre la Republica 
Mexicana y los Estados-Unidos. Mexico, 1848, 

Treasure City (Nev.), White Pine News. 

Treasury of Travel and Adventure. New York, 1865. 

Truckee, Republican, Tribune. 

Truett (Miers F.), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS, 

Truman (Benjamin C.), Life, Adventures, etc., of Tiburcio Vasquez. Los 
Angeles, 1874; Occidental Sketches. 8S. F., 1881; Semi-Tropical Califor- 
nia. SS. F., 1874. 


lxxxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Tullidge (Edward W.), Life of Brigham Young. New York, 1876; The 
Women of Mormondon. New York, 1877. 

Tuolumne, Citizen, Courier, News. 

Turner (William R.), Documents in Relation to Charges preferred by S. J. 
Field, etc. San Francisco, 1853; Proceedings of the Assembly of Cal., 
1851, for the Impeachment of. Sac., 1878. 

Turrill (Charles B.), California Notes. San Francisco, 1876. 

Tustin (W. J.), Recollections of an Immigrant of 1845. MS. 

Tuthill (Franklin), History of California. San Francisco, 1866. 

Twining (Wm. J.), Report of Survey on the Union and Central Pacific Rail- 
ways [44th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 38]. Washington, 1875. 

Twiss (Travers), The Oregon Question. London, 1846. 

Tyler (Daniel), A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion. n.pl., 1881. 

Tyson (James L.), Diary of a Physician in California. New York, 1850. 

Tyson (Philip T.), Geology and Industrial Resources of California. Balti- 
more, 1851; Memoir on Geology and Topography of California. Report 
March 24, 1850 [31st Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 47]. Wash., 1850. 

Tytler (Patrick Fraser), Historical View of the Progress of Discovery. Edin- 
burgh, 1833; New York, 1855. 


Ugarte y Loyola (Jacobo), Cartas del Comandante General de Provincias In- 
ternas. MS é 

Ukiah, City Press, Constitutional Democrat, Democratic Despatch, Mendo- 
cino County Press, Mendocino Democrat, Mendocino Herald. 

Ulloa (Francisco), Relatione dello Scoprimento, 1539. In Ramusio, Viaggi, 
ili. 339. 

Ulloa (Gonzalo), Instrucciones relativas 4 la Comision de Estado 4 ambas 
Californias, 1822. In Ilustracion Mej. ii. 164. 

Unbound Documents. MS. 1 vol. In Archivo de Cal. 

United States Exploring Expedition [Wilkes]. Philadelphia, 1844-58. 4to. 
17 vols., folio 8 vols. 

United States Geological Surveys West of the 100th Meridian. George W. 
Wheeler. Bulletins, Reports, and Various Publications. Washington, 
1874 et seq. 4to. atlas sheets, maps. 

United States Government Documents. Accounts; Agriculture; Army Reg- 
ister; Army Meteorological Register; Banks; Bureau of Statistics; Cen- 
sus; Coast Survey; Commerce, Foreign and Domestic; Commerce and 
Navigation; Commercial Relations; Congressional Directory; Education; 
Engineers; Finance; Indian Affairs; Interior; Land Office; Life-Saving 
Service; Light-Heuses; Meteorological Reports; Mint; Navy Register; 
Navy Report of Secretary; Ordnance; Pacific Railroad; Patent Office; 
Postimaster-General; Post-Offices; Quartermaster-General; Revenue; U. 
S. Official Register. Cited by their dates. 

United States Government Documents. House Exec. Doc.; House Journal; 
House Miscel. Doc.; House Reports of Com.; Message and Documenis; 
Senate Exec. Doc.; Journal; Miscel. Doc.; Repts. Com. Cited by con- 
gress and session. Many of these documents have, however, separate 
titles, for which see author or topic. 

United States Supreme Court, Reports. 

United States and Mexican Boundary Survey by Emory. Wash., 1857-9. 3 vols. 

Universal (El). Mexico, 1849 et seq. 

University of California, Act to Create and Organize. n.pl. n.d.; also many 
other pamphlets, Reports, Addresses, etc. 

Unzueta (Juan Antonio), Informe Presentado al Presidente de los Estados 
Unidos Mexicanos por el Contador Mayor. Mexico, 1833. 

Upham (Charles W.), Life, Explorations, etc., of J. C. Frémont. Boston, 1856. 

Upham (Samuel C.), Ye Ancient Yuba Miner of the Days of ’49. Philadelphia, 
1878; Notes of a Voyage to California. Philadelphia, 1878; Songs of the 
Argonauts. Philadelphia, 1876. 

Urrea (Miguel), Noticias Estadisticas. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. ii. 42. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Ixxxv 


Valdés (Dorotea), Reminiscences. MS. 

Valdés (José Ramon Antonio), Memorias. MS. 

Valle (Antonio del), Correspondencia del Teniente. MS. 

Valle (Ignacio del), Cartas. MS. 

Valle (Ignacio del), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. 

Valle (Ignacio del), Lo Pasado de California. MS. 

Vallejo, Advertiser, Chronicle, Independent, Independent Advocate, People’s 
Independent, Recorder, Solano County Democrat, Solano Times. 

Vallejo, ‘The Future of. Vallejo, 1868; The Prospects of. Vallejo, 1871. 

Vallejo, Resources of. [Rep. from Solano Advertiser, 1868-9.] n.pl., n.d. 

Vallejo (Ignacio), Cartas del Sargento Distinguido. MS. 

Vallejo (José de Jesus), Libro de Cuentas. MS. 

Vallejo (José de Jesus), Reminiscencias Histdéricas. MS, 

Vallejo (Mariano Guadalupe), Campaiia contra Kstanislao, 1829. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Carta Impresa al Gobr. 20 de Julio. [Sonoma] 1837. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Circular Impresa en que anuncia su nombramiento de 


Comandante General, Nov. 21, 1838. [Sonoma, 1838. ] 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Correspondence of Sub-Indian Agent, 1847. In Cal. and 
ly. Mex., Mess. and Doc., 1850. ; 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Correspondencia Histérica. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Discourse, 8 Oct. 1876. In S. F., Centen. Mem., 97. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Discurso Histérico, 8 de Oct. 1876. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Documentos para la Hist. de California. 1769-1850. 
MS. 37 vols. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Ecspocision que hace el Comandante General de la Alta 
California al Gobernador de la Misma. Sonoma, 17 Agosto 1837. 

Vailejo (Mariano G.), Eiscritos Oficiales y Particulares. Mb. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Historia de California. MS. 5 vols. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Informe sobre Nombres de Condados. San José, 1850. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Informe Reservado sobre Ross, 1533. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Informes al Ministro de Guerra sobre la Sublevacion de 
Graham, 1840. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Males de California y sus Remedios, 1841. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Oficio Impreso, en que quiere renunciar el Mando. 1 
Sept. 1838. [Sonoma, 1838. ] 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Oration, 1876. In 8. F. Bulletin, July 10, 1876; and in 
many other papers more or less fully. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Ordenes de la Comandancia General, 1837-9. [Sonoma, 
1837-9]. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama. . Monterey, 24 Febrero 1837. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama en el acto de Prestar el Juramento, 1836. 
Monterey, 1836. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Proclama del Comandante Gen., 1837. Sonoma, 1837. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.) [Proclama la Conspiracion de Francisco Solano.] Sono- 
ma, 6 Octubre 1838. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Report on County names, 1850. In Cal. Jour. Sen, 
1850, p. 530. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Sequias en California. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Tres Cartas Reservadas. Agosto 1837. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.), Vida de Wm. B. Ide. MS. 

Vallejo (Mariano G.) and Santiago Argiiello, Expediente sobre las Arbitrarie- 
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Vallejo (Mariano G.) and Juan R. Cooper, Varios Libros de Cuentas, 1805-51. 
MS. 


Vallejo (Salvador), Aviso al Publico. Los Rancheros Principales de la Fron- 
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Vallejo (Salvador), Notas Histéricas. MS. 

Vancouver (George), Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean. Lond., 1798. 
3 vols. 4to. Atlas in folio; Lond., 1801. 6 vols.; Voyage de Découvertes 
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Ixxxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Van Dyke (Theodore 8.), Flirtation Camp. New York, 1881. 

Van Dyke (Walter), Statement of Recollections. MS. 

Van Voorhies (William), Oration before the Society of California Pioneers. 
San Francisco, 1853. 

Variedades de Jurisprudencia. Mexico, 1850-5. 9 vols. 

Vega (Placido), Documentos para la Hist. de Mexico, 1862-8. MS. 15 vols. 

Vega (Victoriano), Vida Californiana, 1834-47. MS. 

Véjar (Pablo), Recuerdos de un Viejo. MS. 

Velarde (Luis) Descripcion Histérica. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv. tom. i. 344. 

Velasco (Francisco), Sonora, its extent, etc. San Mraniciace: 1861. 

Velasco (José Francisco), Noticias estadisticas de Sonora. Mexico, 1850. 

Velasquez (José), Diario y Mapa de un Reconocimiento, 1783. MS. 

Velasquez (José) Relacion del Viage que hizo el Gobr. Fages, 1785. MS. 

Venadito (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr- de Cal., 1819. MS. 

Venegas (Miguel), Noticia de la California y de su Conquista Temporal, etc, 
Madrid, 1757. 3 vols. 

Venegas (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr- de Cal., 1810-12. MS. 

‘Veritas,’ Examination of the Russian Grant. n.p., n.d. 

Ver Mehr (J. L.), Checkered Life: In the Old and Ni ew World. S. F., 1877. 

Verne (Jules), The Mutineers. In Id., Michael Strogoff. New York, 1877. 

' Vetromile (Kugene), A Tour in Both Hemispheres. New York, etc., 1880. 

Viader (José), Cartas del Padre. MS. 

Viader (José), Diario 6 Noticia del Viage, 1810. MS. 

Viader (José), Diario de Una Entrada al Rio de S. Joaquin, 1810. MS. 

Viagero Universal (1). Madrid, 1796-1801. 43 vols. 

Viages en la Costa al Norte de Californias. Copy from Spanish Archives, 
MS. [From Prof. Geo. Davidson. ] 

Victor (Frances F.), Studies of California Missions. In Californian, May 1881 

Victor (Frances F.), River of the West. Hartford, 1870. 

Victoria (Manuel), Escritos Sueltos del Gobernador, 1831. MS. 

Victoria (Manuel), Informe General, 1831. MS. 

Victoria (Manuel), Manifestacion del Gefe Politico, 1831. MS. 

Victoria (Manuel), Manifiesto 4 los Habitantes de Cal., 1831. MS. 

Vigilance Committees in San Francisco, Miscellany. MS. 

Vigilantes de Los Angeles, 1836. MS. 

Vigneaux (Ernest), Souvenirs d’un Prisonnier de Guerre au Mexique, 1854-5. 
Paris, 1863. 

Vignes (Louis J.), Letters of Don Luis del Aliso. MS. 

Vila (Vicente), Instrucciones para el Viage de 1769 4 California. MS. 

Villa Sefior y Sanchez (José Antonio), Theatro Americano. Mex., 1746. 2 vols, 

Villavicencio (José Maria), Cartas. MS. 

Vioget (J. J.), Letters of an Early Trader. MS. 

Virginia (Nev.), Evening Chronicle, Territorial Enterprise, Union. 

Visalia, Delta, Equal Rights Expositor, Iron Age, Tulare Index, Tulare Times. 

Vischer (Eduard), Briefe eines Deutschen aus Californien, 1842. San Fran- 
cisco, 1873; Missions of Upper California. San Francisco, 1872. 

Vowell (A. W.), British Columbia Mines. MS. 

Voyages, A Collection of Voyages and Travels [Churchill’s]. London, 1752. 
folio. 8 vols.; Curious Collection of Travels. London, 1761. 8 vols.; 
[Harleian], Collection of Voyages and Travels. Lond., 1745. 2 vols.; 
Historical Account by English Navigators. London, 1773-4. 4 vols.; 
Historical Account of, round the World. lLond., 1774-81. 6 vols.; New 
Collection. London, 1767. 7 vols.; New Universal Collection. London, 
1755. 3 vols.; World Displayed. London, 1760. 20 vols. 

Voyages au Nord, Recueil. Amsterdam, 1715-27. 8 vols. 


Wadsworth (James C.), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 
Wadsworth (William), National Wagon Road Guide toCal. S. F., 1858. 
Wakeman (Edgar), The Log of an Ancient Mariner. San Francisco, 1878. 
Walker (Joel R.), Narrative of a Pioncer of 1841. MS. 


AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxxvii 


Walla Walla (W. T.), Statesman. 

Walpole (Frederick), Four Years in the Pacific, 1844-8. Lond., 1849. 2 vols. 

Walton (Daniel), Facts from the Gold Regions. Boston, 1849. 

War with Mexico, Reports and Despatches. Operations of U. S. Naval 
Forces, 1846- i [80th Cong. 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. ii.] 

Ward (Samuel), Letter to New York Courier and Enquirer, Aug. 1, 1849. 

’ Ware, Emigrant Guide to California. [1849] n.pl. 

Warner (J. J ), Biographical Sketch. MS. 

Warner a . J.), California and Oregon. In Colonial Mag., v. 229 

Warner (J. J.), Reminiscences of Early California. MS. 

Warner, Hayes, and Widney. See Los Angeles History. 

Warren. (G. K.), Memoir upon the Material used, etc., Railroad Routes to 
Pacific. Pac. R. R. Repts, xi. pt. i. 

Washington (Cal.), Alameda Independent. 

Washington (D. a ), National Intelligencers Union. 

Watkins (William B.), Statement on “Vigilance Committee in S. F. MS. 

Watson (Frank), Narrative of a Native Pioneer. MS. 

Watsonville, Cal. Transcript, Pajaro Valley Times, Ce ts Transcript. 

Waverly, Log- Book of, 1828-9. MS. 

Weaverville, Trinity Journal. 

Webster (Daniel), Speech in U. 8. Sen., March 23, 1848, on Mexican War. 
Washington, 1848. 

Weed (Joseph), A View of California as it is. S. F., 1874; Vigilance Com- 
mittees of San Francisco. In Overland, xii. 350. 

Weeks (William), Reminiscences of a Pioneer of 1831. MS. 

Weichardt (Karl), Die Vereinigten Staaten. Leipzig, 1848. 

Weik (Johann), Californien wie es ist. Philadelphia, etc., 1849. 

Weller (J. B.), Remarks in Sen. of U.8., Aug. 27, 1852, on Mexican Bound- 
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Wells (Harry L.), see Nevada County History. 

Wells (William V.), Walker’s Expedition to Nicaragua. N. Y., 1856. 

Werth (John J.), A Dissertation on the Resources of California. enicia, 1851. 

West Indische Spieghel, door Athanasium Inga. [Amsterdam, 1624.] 

West Oakland, Press. 

Western Scenes and Reminiscences. Auburn, 1853. 

Western Shore Gazetteer [Sprague and Atwell]. Woodland, 1870. 

Weston (S.), Four Months in the Mines of California. Providence, 1854, 

Wetmore (Charles A.), Report of Mission Indians. Washington, 1875. 

Whatcom (W. T.), Bellingham Bay News. 

‘Wheatland, Free Press, Recorder, Trinity Press. 

Wheaton (William R.), Statement of Facts. MS. 

Wheeler (Alfred), Land Titles in San Francisco. San Francisco, 1852. 

Wheeler (William), Loss of the Warren, 1846. MS. 

Whipple (A. W.), Report of Expedition from San Diego to the Colorado, 
[3lst Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 19.] Washington, 1850. 

White (Eli jah), Concise View of Oregon Territory. Washington, 1846, 

White (Michael), California all the Way Back to 1828. MS. 

Whitney (Asa), A Project for a Railroad to the Pacific. New York, 1849. 

Whitney (J. D.), Metallic Wealth of the United States. Phila., 1854. 

Widber (J. H.), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. 

Widney, Hayes, and Warner. Sce Los Angeles County, History. 

Wierzbicki (F. P.), California as itis and as it may be. 8. F., 1849. 

Wiggins (William), Pacific Coast in 1839. In 8. José Pioneer, April 6, 1878, 

Wiggins (William), Reminiscences of a Pioneer of 1840. MS. 

Wight (Samuel F.), Adventures in California. Boston, 1860. 

Wilcox (James Smith), Cartas Varias sobre sus viages en la goleta Caminante, 
1817. MS. 

Wilder (Marshall P.), California. Boston, 1871. 

Wiley (James S.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., May 16, 1848, on Acquisition 
of Territory. Washington, 1848. 


Ixxxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 


Wilkes (Charles), Narrative of the U. 8. Exploring Expedition. Philadel- 
phia, 1844; 4to. 3 vols.; Philadelphia, 1845, 5 vols.; London, 1845. 

Wilkes (Charles), Western America. Philadelphia, 1849. 

Willey (Samuel H.), Decade Sermons. San Francisco, 1859; An Historical 
Paper Relating to Santa Cruz. San Francisco, 1876; Personal Memo- 
randa. MS.; Quarter Century Discourse. In Santa Cruz Enterprise 
March 6, 1874; Thirty Years in California. San Francisco, 1879. 

Williams (Albert), Lecture on the Conquest of Cal. Reports in S. F. news- 
papers of June 1878; A Pioneer Pastorate. San Francisco, 1879. 

Williams (Henry F.), Statement of Recollections. MS. 

Williamson (R. 8.), Report of a Reconnaissance, etc., in Cal. Wash., 1853. 
Willie (Roberto Crichton), Mexico; Noticia sobre su Hacienda Publica bajo 
el Gobierno Espafiol y Despues de la Independencia. Mexico, 1845. 

Willows, Journal. 

Wilmington, Enterprise, Journal. 

Wilson (Benjamin D.), Observations of Early Days, 1841, etc. MS. 

Wilson (Edward), The Golden Land. Boston, 1852. 

Wilson (Robert A.), Mexico and its Religion. New York, 1855. 

Winans (Joseph W.), Statement of Recollections, 1849-52. MS. 

Winter, Advocate. 

Winthrop (R. C.), Speech, May 8, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850, 

Wise, A few Notes on California. MS. 

Wise (Lieut.), Los Gringos. New York, 1849. 

Wolfskill (William), Story of an Old Pioneer. In Wilmington Journal. 

Wood (William M.), Wandering Sketches. Philadelphia, 1849. 

Wood, Alley, and Company. See Solano County History, and others. 

W oodbridge, Messenger. 

Ae oodbridge (Sylvester), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. 

Woodland, News, Standard, Yolo Democrat, Yolo Mail. 

Woods (Daniel B.), Sixteen Months at the Gold Diggings. N. Y., 1851. 

Woods (James), Recollections of Pioneer Work in California. 8S. F., 1878. 

Wool (John E.), Correspondence in regard to his Operations on the Coast of 
the Pacific [83d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 16; 35th Cong., 1st Sess., 
H. Ex. Doc. 88, H. Ex. Doc. 124]. Wash., 1854; Id., 1857. 

Worcester (Samuel M.), California—Outlines of an Address, Jan. 14, 1849. 

Wozencraft (O. M.), Indian Affairs, 1849-50. MS. 

Wright (J. W. A.), TheOwens River War. InSan Francisco Post, Nov. 15, 1879. 

Wright (William), History of the Big Bonanza. Hartford, etc., 1877. 

Wyttliet (Corn.), Descriptionis Ptolemaice Augmentum. Lovanii, 1597. 


Yates (John), Sketch of a Journey to Sacramento Valley, 1842. MS. 
Yerba Buena, California Star. See San Francisco. 

Yolo County ‘History. San Francisco, 1879. atlas folio. 

Young (Ann Eliza), Wife No. 19, Hartford, 1876. 

Young (Philip), History of Mexico. Cincinnati. 1855. 

Young Men’s Christian Association, Annual Reports. S. F., 1854 et seq. 
Yreka, Journal, Union. 

Yuba City, J ournal, Sutter Banner, Sutter County Sentinel. 

Yuba County, History [Chamberlain and Wells]. Oakland, 1879. folio. 


Zalvidea (José Maria), Diario de una Expedicion, Tierra Adentro, 1806. MS. 
Zalvidea (José Maria) and José Barona, Peticion al Gefe Politico 4 favor de 
los Indios, 1827. MS. 

Zamacois (Niceto), Historia de Méjico. Barcelona, etc., 1877-80, vols. i.—xi. 

Zamorano (Agustin V.), Cartas Sueltas. MS. 

Zamorano (Agustin V.), Proclama que Contiene los Articulos de las Condi» 
‘ ciones entre é] y Echeandia, 1832. S. 

Zamorano (Agustin V.) y Cia., Aviso al Publico. Monterey, 1834. 

Zavalishin (Dmitry), Delo o Koloniy Ross. MS. 

Zuiiga (Josc), Cartas del Comandante de 8. Diego, 1781-95. MS. 















































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HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. 





CHAPTER I. 


INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


History oF THE NortH Mexican States, 1520 To 1769—CorrTkEs oN THE 
Pacrric Coast—His PLans—OsstacLEs—Novufto DE GUZMAN IN SINa- 
LOA—HURTADO, BECERRA, AND J IMENEZ— CORTES IN CALIFORNIA— DIEGO 
DE GUZMAN—CABEZA DE VacAa—Ni1zA — ULLoA— Coronapo— D1az— 
ALARCON—ALVARADO— Mixton War—Noveva Garicia—NveEva Viz- 
CAYA—MIssi1on WorRK To 1600—Conquzst oF New Mrxico—Coast Voy- 
AGES—SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ANNALS—MyIssion Districts of NUEVA 
VIZCAYA—TEPEHUANES AND TARAHUMARES—J ESUITS AND FRANCISCANS— 
REvott In NEw MExico—SInALoa AND SonoRA—KINO IN PIMERiA— 
VIZCAINO —GULF EXPEDITIONS —OCCUPATION OF BaJA CALIFORNIA— 
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ANNALS OF NEw Mexico, CHIHUAHUA, SONORA, 
AND BaJA CALIFORNIA, TO THE EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS IN 1767. 


As in the history of Mexico we are referred to 
Spain for the origin of affairs, so in the history of 
California it is necessary to glance at Mexico in order 
properly to understand the course of early events. 

Hernan Cortés landed at Vera Cruz in April 1519, 
and by August 1521 was in permanent possession of 
the Aztec capital. Within ten years Spanish occu- 
pation had been pushed south across the isthmus of 

Tehuantepec, west to the Pacific, and north to Paénuco, 
Querétaro, and Colima; and exploration to the Huas- 
tec region of Tamaulipas, the Chichimec territory of 
Aguas Calientes, San Luis Potosi, Guanajuato, and 
that part of Jalisco below the Rio Grande. Let us 
give attention exclusively to the west and north- 


west, as Cortés himself was disposed to do whenever 
Vou. I. 1 


2 INTRODUCTORY RESUMH, 


he could avoid the vexatious complications that called 
him to Mexico, or Central America, or Spain. 

Before the middle of May 1522 Cortés had founded 
a town at Zacatula, and begun to build there an explor- 
ing fleet. By this time it had become apparent that 
the old geographical theories nust be somewhat modi- 
fied. This was shown by discoveries in the Pacific 
farther south than the conqueror’s ship-yard. Evi- 
dently the Mexican region was distinct, though not 
necessarily distant, from Asia, being separated from 
that continent by. a strait in the north; or else it was 
a south-eastern projection of Asia from a point farther 
north than the knowledge of the old travellers had 
extended. Cortés proposed to solve the mystery vy 
simply following the coast, first northward, then west- 
ward, and finally southward, round to India. If a 
strait existed he was sure to find its mouth; and if 
not, he would at least reach India by a new route, 
and would at the same time add many rich islands 
and coasts to the Spanish domain. That such islands 
existed no one ventured to doubt; and one romancer 
of the time went so far as to invent a name for one 
of them, and people it with the offspring of his imagi- 
nation. 

The work of building ships made slow progress. 
Material had to be transported overland from Vera 
Cruz; and the tedious operation had to be repeated 
after a fire which destroyed the Zacatula warehouse. 
In 1524 it was hoped to have the fleet ready to sail. 
in July of the next year; but Cortés was called away 
by his Honduras campaign, and exploration must 
wait. Meanwhile Michoacan had submitted peace- 
ably in 1522; Colima had been conquered after several 
reverses in 1523; while in 1524 Jalisco, from Lake 
Chapala to Tepic, was explored by Avalos and Fran- 
cisco Cortés, the native chieftains becoming vassals of 
Spain, theugh no Spaniards were left in the country. 
Banderas Valley and a good port, Manzanillo or San- 
tiago, were discovered during this expedition. 


GUZMAN A RIVAL OF CORTES. 3 


The vessels were made ready after the return of 
Cortés to sail in 1526, and three more were on the 
stocks at Tehuantepec. Then came Guevara from 
Magellan Strait to Zacatula; but while Cortés was 
preparing to send him with Ordaz to India by the 
northern coast route, a royal order required the 
vessels to be despatched under Saaved:a by a more 
direct way to the Spice Islands and Loaisa’s relief. 
Yet before starting, the fleet made a beginning of 
northern exploration by a trial trip up to Santiago in 
Colima. Work on the other ships was stopped by the 
captain-general’s foes when he went-to Spain in 1528; 
and though building operations were resumed later at 
Tehuantepec and Acapulco, new impediments were - 
thrown in the explorer’s way, and at the end of 1531 
he was disheartened at the gloomy prospect. 

Meanwhile a rival and foe to the conquistador had 
appeared on the scene in the person of Nuiio de Guz- 
man, president of the royal audiencia. He foresaw that 
the return of Cortés from Spain would result in his 
own downfall; and he resolved to wrest triumph from 
the jaws of disgrace. Having presided at the trial of 
his enemy, he was familiar with the scheme of north- 
ern conquest. As governor of Panuco he had heard 
from the natives rumors of great cities in the north. 
Instead of tamely submitting to trial in Mexico, he 
would make the northern scheme his own, and by this 
bold stroke not only turn the tables on his foe, but 
win for himself lasting power, fame, and riches. At 
the end of 1529 Guzman marched from Mexico with 
five hundred soldiers and ten thousand Indian allies. 
The route was down the Rio Grande de Lerma to the 
region of the modern Guadalajara. A part of the 
army under Ofate and Chirinos by a northern detour 
penetrated to the sites of the later Lagos, Aguas 
Calientes, Zacatecas, and Jerez; and in May 1530 
the divisions. were reunited at Tepic. The advance 
was everywhere marked by devastation; and tew 
native towns escaped burning. No heed was given 


a INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


to the rights of the former conquerors, Avalos and 
Cortés, but Guzman’s policy was to make it appear 
that the country had never been conquered at all. 
Such Indians as were not hostile at first were there- 
fore provoked to hostility, that there might be an 
excuse for plunder, destruction, carnage, and espe- 
cially for the seizure and branding of slaves. This 
chapter of horrors, one of the bloodiest in the annals 
of Spanish conquest, continued to the end; yet out- 
rages were considerably less frequent and terrible in 
the far north than in Jalisco. 

A garrison was left at Tepic, and Guzman crossed 
the great river Tololotlan into unexplored territory, 
taking possession under the pompous title of Greater 
Spain, designed to eclipse that of New Spain. In July 
the army went into winter-quarters at Aztatlan on 
the Rio Acaponeta, remaining until December. They 
suffered severely from flood and pestilence, being 
obliged to send back to Michoacan for supplies, and 
for Indians to take the place of thousands that had 
perished. After a month at Chametla the march was 
continued through Quezala, Piastla, and Ciguatan to 
Culiacan in March 1531. No great cities or golden 
treasures being found, the zeal for coast exploration 
was at an end after Captain Samaniego had reached 
the Rio Petatlan, or Sinaloa, finding a barren coun- 
try and a rude people. The president now bethought 
him of the inland towns of which he had heard at 
Pdnuco. From May to July he made a tedious and 
futile trip across the sierra to the confines of Chihua- 
hua. Ofate and Angulo crossed the mountains by 
different routes, perhaps to the plains of Guadiana, or 
Durango, and other minor expeditions were made. 
None but savage tribes were found. The Spanish 
villa of San Miguel de Culiacan was founded with 
one hundred soldier settlers under Proafio, and then 
Guzman started in October with the rest of his army 
back to Jalisco. 

Guzman was made ‘governor of the new province, 


VOYAGES OF MENDOZA AND JIMENEZ. 5 


the name of which was made Nueva Galicia, instead 
of Mayor Espafia. Compostela was made the capi- 
tal; and there were also founded within a few years 
Espiritu Santo, or Guadalajara, near Nochistlan and 
far north of its modern site, and Chanietla in Sinaloa, 
a mere military camp, sometimes entirely deserted. 
The new province had no definite boundaries, being 
intended to include the new conquests. Neglecting 
the northern regions, to which, as discoverer, he had 
some claim, the governor devoted himself chiefly to 
encroachments in the south. He became involved in 
difficulties that finally overwhelmed him, though he 
did not lack opportunity to vent his old spite against 
Cortés on one or two occasions. (Guzman was sum- 
moned to Mexico, and put in prison, and in 1538 was 
sent to Spain, where he died six years later in pov- 
erty and distress. 

Encouraged by the new audiencia Cortés took cour- 
age, and in 1532 was able to despatch two vessels 
under his cousin Hurtado de Mendoza and Mazuela. 
They- touched at Santiago; by Guzman’s orders were 
refused water at Matanchel, or San Blas; discovered 
the Tres Marias; and after a long storm landed at an 
unknown point on the coast. Provisions were nearly 
exhausted, and the men became mutinous. Hurtado 
kept on northward, and with all his men was killed 
at the Rio Tamotchala, or Fuerte; the malcontents, 
returning southward, were driven ashore in Banderas 
Bay and killed by the natives, all save two or three 
who escaped to Colima, while Guzman seized all that 
could be saved from the wreck. To him Cortés attrib- 
uted the misfortunes of the expedition. 

There were still left two vessels at Tehuantepec, 
which were despatched late in 1533 under Becerra and 
Grijalva. The latter, after discovering the Revilla 
Gigedo Islands, returned to Acapulco. Grijalva’s 
men mutinied, killed Becerra, put his partisans ashore 
on the Colima coast, and continued the voyage under 
Jimenez. They soon discovered a bay, on an island 


6 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


coast as they supposed, but really in the peninsula, 
and probably identical with La Paz; and there Jime- 
nez was killed with twenty of his men. The few sur- 
vivors brought the ship to Chametla, where they were 
imprisoned by Guzman, but escaped with the news to 
Cortés, carrying also reports of pearls in the northern 
waters. 

The captain-general now resolved to take command 
in person; and, having sent three vessels from Te- 
huantepec early in 1535, he set out with a force over- 
land. Guzman wisely kept out of the way, contenting 
himself with complaints and protests. The sea and 
land expeditions were reunited .at Chametla, and Cor- | 
tés sailed in April with over one hundred men, about 
one third of his whole force. Jimenez’ bay was reached 
May 3d, and named Santa Cruz. After a year of mis- 
fortunes, during which a part of the remaining colo- 
nists were brought over with their families, Cortés 
went back to Mexico. He intended to return with a 
new fleet and succor for the colony; but he sent instead 
a vessel in 1536 to bring away the whole partys He 
had had quite enough of north-western colonization. 

On the main there was occasional communication 
between San Miguel and the south; indeed, one party 
of Cortés’ colonists went from Chametla to Culiacan 
by land. In 1533 Diego de Guzman reached the Rio 
Yaqui; and it was he that learned the fate of Hurtado. 
There was no prosperity at the villa. The garrison 
lived at first by trading their beads and trinkets for 
food; then on tribute of the native towns; and at last, 
when the towns had been stripped, they had to depend 
on raids for plunder and slaves. 

On one of these excursions to the Rio Fuerte in 
1536 a party under Alcaraz were surprised to meet 
three Spaniards and a negro, who were brought to 
San Miguel to tell their strange tale of adventure. 
They were Alvar Nufiez and his companions, the only 
survivors of three hundred men who, under Narvaez, 
had landed in Florida in 1528. Escaping in 1535 from 


eS CABEZA DE VACA AND ULLOA. 7 


slavery on the Texan coast, these four had found 
their way across Texas, Chihuahua, and Sonora to 
the Pacific coast. Their salvation was due mainly to 
the reputation acquired by Cabeza de Vaca as a med- 
icine man among the natives. Alvar Nuiiez went to 
Mexico in 1536, and next year to Spain. He had 
not, as has sometimes been claimed, reached the Pue- 
blo towns of New Mexico; but he had heard of them, 
and he brought to Mexico some vague reports of their 
grandeur. 

These reports revived the old zeal for northern 
conquest. Guzman was out of the field, but Viceroy 
_Mendoza caught the infection. Having questioned 

Cabeza de Vaca, and having bought his negro, he re- 
solved to send an army to the north. The command 
was given to Vasquez de Coronado, governor of Nueva 
Galicia. To prepare the way a Franciscan friar, Mar- 
cos de Niza, was sent out from Culiacan early in 1539. 
With the negro Estevanico, Niza went, “as the holy 
ghost did lead him,” through Sonora and Arizona, 
perhaps to Zufi, or Cibola, where the negro was 
killed. The friar hastened back with grossly exagger- 
ated reports of the marvels he had seen. 

Cortés also heard the reports of Nutiez and Niza, 
and was moved by them to new efforts, disputing the 
right of Mendoza to act in the matter at all. He de- 
spatched Ulloa with three vessels, one of which was 
lost on the Culiacan coast, in July 1589. This naviga- 
tor reached the head of the gulf; then coasted the 
peninsula southward, touching at Santa Cruz; and 
rounded the point, sailing up the outer coast to Cedros 
Island. One of the vessels returned in 1540; of Ulloa 
in the other nothing is positively-known. It seems 
to have been in the diary of this voyage that the name 
California, taken from an old novel, the Sergas of 
Esplandian, as elsewhere explained, was applied to a 
portion of the peninsula. | 

Governor Coronado, with a force of three hundred 
Spaniards and eight hundred natives from Mexico, 


8 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


departed from Culiacan in April 1540. He left a 
garrison in Sonora; followed Niza’s route, cursing 
the friar’s exaggerations, and reached Zuifii in July. 
Tobar was sent to Tusayan, or the Moqui towns; 
Cardenas to the great caiion of the Colorado; and 
Alvarado far eastward to Cicuye, or Pecos. Then 
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NorRTHERN NEw SPAIN. 


valley of the Rio Grande, the province of Tiguex, 
later New Mexico. In May 1541, after a winter of 
constant warfare caused by oppression, Coronado 
started out into the great plains north-eastward in 
search of great towns and precious metals never 
found. He returned in September, having penetrated 
as he believed to latitude 40°, and found only wigwam 


VASQUEZ DE CORONADO AND ALARCON. 9 


towns in the province of Quivira, possibly in the 
Kansas of to-day. Expeditions were also sent far up 
and down the Rio del Norte; and in the spring of 
1542, when nearly ready for a new campaign, the 
governor was seriously injured in a tournament, and 
resolved to abandon the enterprise. Some friars were 
_ left behind, who were soon killed; and in April the 
return march began. Mendoza was bitterly disap- 
pointed, but acquitted the governor of blame. 

The force left in Sonora, while Coronado was in the 
north, founded the settlement of San Gerdnimo de los 
Corazones, in the region between the modern Arizpe 
and Hermosillo; and from here at the end of 1540 
Melchor Diaz made a trip up the coast to the Rio 
Colorado, called Rio del Tizon, and across that river 
below the Gila. He was killed accidentally and his 
men returned. San Gerédnimo, after its site had been 
several times changed and most of its settlers had 
deserted or had been massacred, was abandoned before 
the arrival of Coronado on his return in 1542. 

Also in Coronado’s absence and to codperate with 
him Mendoza sent two vessels under Alarcon from 
Acapulco in May 1540. He reached the head of the 
gulf and went up the Rio Colorado, or Buena Guia, 
in boats, possibly beyond the Gila junction. Leaving 
a message found later by Diaz, Alarcon returned to 
Colima in November. Another voyage was planned, 
but prevented by revolt. 

After a hard struggle to maintain his prestige, and 
prevent what he regarded as Mendoza’s illegal inter- 
ference with his plans, Cortés went to Spain in 1540 
to engage in an equally fruitless struggle before the 
throne. Another explorer however appeared, in the 
person of Pedro de Alvarado, governor of Guatemala, 
who came up to Colima in 1540 with a fleet, eight 
hundred men, and a license for discovery. But Men- 
doza, instead of quarrelling with Alvarado, formed a 
partnership with him. 

A revolt of eastern Jalisco tribes, known as the 


10 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


Mixton War, interrupted all plans of exploration. 
Many reforms had been introduced since Guzman’s 
time, but too late. Incited by sorcerers on the north- 
ern frontiers to avenge past wrongs and regain their 
independence, the natives killed their encomenderos, 
abandoned their towns, and took refuge on fortified 
menoles, believed to be impregnable, the strongest 
being those of Mixton and Nochistlan. At the end 
of 1540 Guadalajara, already moved to Tacotlan Val- 
ley, was the only place held by the Spaniards, and 
that was in the greatest danger. Alvarado caine to 
the rescue from the coast, but rashly attacking No- 
chistlan, he was defeated and killed in July 1541. 
Soon Guadalajara was attacked, but after a great 
battle, in which fifteen thousand natives were slain, 
the town was saved to be transferred at once to its 
modern site. Mendoza'was troubled for the safety 
not only of Nueva Galicia, but of all New Spain; and 
he marched north with a large army. Ina short but 
vigorous campaign he captured the pefioles, one after 
another, even to that of Mixton, by siege, by assault, 
by stratagem, or by the treachery of the defenders, 
returning to Mexico in 1542. Thousands of natives 
were killed in battle; thousands cast themselves from 
the cliffs and perished; thousands were enslaved. Many 
escaped to the sierras of Nayarit and Zacatecas; but 
the spirit of rebellion was broken forever. 

There is little more that need be said of Nueva Ga- 
licia here. It was explored and conquered. The audi- 
encia was established at Compostela in 1548,and moved 
with the capital to Guadalajara in 1561. <A bishopric 
was erected in 1544, ‘The religious orders founded 
nussions. Agriculture and stock-raising made some 
progress. New towns were built. Rich mines were 
worked, especially in Zacatecas, where the town of 
that name was founded in 1548. These mines caused 
the rest of Nueva Galicia to be well nigh depopulated 
at first, and were themselves almost abandoned before 
1600 in consequence of a rush to new mines in the 


IBARRA IN NUEVA VIZCAYA, 11 


region of Nombre de Dios. Some exploring parties 
reached Durango, Chihuahua, and Sinaloa. 


Ibarra, the leader in inland explorations northward, 
was made governor of Nueva Vizcaya, a new province 
formed about 1560 of all territory above the modern 
Jalisco and Zacatecas line. Nombre de Dios was 
founded in 1558; Durango, or Guadiana, as capital, in 
1563. Before 1565 there were flourishing settlements 
in San Bartolomé Valley of southern Chihuahua. 
Ibarra also crossed the sierra to Sinaloa and Sonora, 
founding San Juan Bautista on the Suaqui or Fuerte, 
about 1564; and refounding San Sebastian de Cha- 
metla, where rich mines were found. San Juan was 
soon abandoned; but five settlers remained on the 
Rio de Sinaloa as a nucleus of San Felipe, the modern 
Sinaloa. Indian campaigns of 1584-9 left a few new 
settlers for San Felipe. 

Before 1590 the Franciscans had eight or nine mis- 
sions in Durango and Chihuahua. When the Jesuits 
undertook northern conversion in 1590, fathers ‘Tapia 
and Perez, and soon six more, came to San I'elipe de 
Sinaloa and began work on the rivers Petatlan and 
Mocorito. They had twenty pueblos and four thou- 
sand converts before 1600. Father Tapia reached 
the Rio Fuerte and the mountains of Topia, but was 
martyred in 1594; yet missions were founded in Topia 
in 1600, where the mining towns of San Andrés and 
San Hipdélito already existed. San Felipe had become 
a kind of presidio in 1596, under Captain Diaz. Last 
of the mountains the Jesuits also began work among 
the Tepehuanes at Zape and Santa Catalina, and at 
Santa Marfa de Parras in the lake region of Coahuila. 
Saltillo was founded in 1586; and about 1598 the town 
of Parras was built in connection with the Jesuit 
mission there. 

New Mexico was revisited and finally occupied 
before 1600. In 1581 Rodriguez with two other 
Franciscans and a few soldiers went from San Bar- 


12 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


tolomé down the Conchos and up the Rio del Norte 
to the land of the Tiguas, Coronado’s Tiguex. The 
soldiers soon returned, but the friars remained to be 
killed. In 1582-3 Espejo with a strong force went 
in search of Rodriguez, learning at Puara, near 
Sandia, of the friars’ fate and of Coronado’s former 
ravages in that region. Espejo explored eastward to 
the buffalo plains, northward to Cia and Galisteo, and 
westward to Zui and the region of the modern Pres- 
cott, returning by way of the Rio Pecos. In 1590-1 
Castafio de Sosa went up the Pecos and across to the 
Pueblo towns of the Rio Grande with a colony of 
one hundred and seventy men, women, and children. 
After receiving the submission of thirty-three towns, 
he was carried back to Mexico in chains by Captain 
Morlete, on the charge of having made an illegal 
entrada, or expedition. About 1595 Bonilla and 
Humatia, sent out against rebellious Indians, marched 
without license to New Mexico and sought Quivira 
in the north-eastern plains. Humafia murdered his 
chief and was himself killed with most of his party by 
the natives. In 1595 the viceroy made a contract 
for the conquest of New Mexico with Onate, who as 
governor and captain-general left Mexico with a large 
force of soldiers and colonists in 1596. Vexatious 
complications hindered Ofiate’s progress and exhausted 
his funds, so that it was not until 1598 that he entered 
the promised land. San Juan was made the capital; 
all the towns submitted; the Franciscans were sta- 
tioned in six nations; Ofate visited Zufii; and the 
rebellious warriors of the Acoma pefiol were conquered 
in a series of hard-fought battles, all before the sum- 
mer of 1599. 

Let us return to the coast and to an earlier date, 
since the connection between maritime exploration 
and inland progress is very slight. Mendoza at the 
close of the Mixton war in 1542, though not encour- 
aged by the results of past efforts, had a fleet on his 
hands, and one route of exploration yet open and 


DRAKE, CAVENDISH, AND VIZCAINO. 13 


promising, that up the outer coast of the peninsula. 
Therefore Cabrillo sailed from Natividad with two 
vessels, made a careful survey, applied names that for 
the most part have not been retained, passed the limit 
of Ulloa’s discoveries, and anchored at San Micuel, 
now San Diego, in September. Explorations farther 
north under Cabrillo and his successor Ferrelo will be 
fully given in a later chapter. They described the 
coast somewhat accurately up to the region of Mon- 
terey, and Ferrelo believed himself to have reached 
the latitude of 44°. 

Mendoza’s efforts on the coast ended with Cabrillo’s 
voyage; but fleets crossed the ocean to the Philip- 
pines, and in 1565 Urdaneta for the first time re- 
crossed the Pacific, discovering the northern route 
followed for two centuries by the Manila galleons. Of 
discoveries by these vessels little is known; but they 
gave a good idea of the coast trend up to Cape Men- 
docino. Theyalso attracted foreign freebooters. Drake 
ravaged the southern coasts in 1579, also reaching 
latitude 43°, and anchoring in a California port. Gali, 
coming by the northern route in 1584, left on record 
some slight observations on the coasts up to 37°. 
Cavendish in 1586 made a plundering cruise up as 
far as Mazatlan; then crossing over to Cape San 
Liicas he captured the treasure-ship, and bore off 
— across the Pacific. Maldonado’s fictitious trip through 

the Strait of Anian and back in 1588, and the similar 
imaginary exploits of Fuca in the north Pacific, have 
no importance for us in this connection. One Spanish 
commander of the many who came down the coast 
had orders to make investigations—Cermefion in 
1595; but of the result we know only that his vessel 
was wrecked under Point Reyes. 

In 1597 Vizcaino was sent to explore anew and 
occupy for Spain the Californian Isles. He sailed 
from Acapulco with a large force in three vessels, 
accompanied by four Franciscan friars. His explora, 
tions in the gulf added but little to geography 












14 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


knowledge; and the settlement which he attempted 
to found at Santa Cruz, by him called La Paz, was 
abandoned after a few months from the inability of 
the country to furnish food, the departure being 
hastened by a storm and fire that destroyed buildings 
and stores. Thus close the annals of the sixteenth 
century. 


After 1600 Nueva Galicia has no history that can 
or need be presented in a résumé like this. Except 
one district, Nayarit, the whole province was in per- 
manent subjection to Spanish authority, hostilities 
being confined mainly to robberies on the line of travel 
from Mexico to Nueva Vizcaya. The president of the 
audiencia at Guadalajara was governor, and his judi- 
cial authority covered all the north. So did the eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction of the bishop of Guadalajara 
until 1621, when Nueva Vizcaya was separated; but 
the north-east to Texas and the north-west to Cali- 
fornia were retained. The Franciscans alone had mis- 
sionary authority, and that only in the north, all 
establishments depending after 1604 on the Zacatecan 
provincia. Mining was profitably carried on notwith- 
standing an oppressive quicksilver monopoly and 
frequent migrations to new discoveries. Agriculture 
and stock-raising were the leading industries of the 
limited population. The country’s only commerce 
was the exchange by overland routes of grain and 
cattle for supplies needed at the mines. And finally 
there were petty local happenings, wholly insufficient 
to break up the deadly monotony of a Spanish prov- 
ince when once it becomes a tierra de paz, or a land 
at peace. 

Nueva Vizcaya during the seventeenth century 
comprised in a sense northern Durango, Chihuahua, 
Sinaloa, and Sonora, besides a part of Coahuila; yet 
the connection between coast and inland provinces 
vas practically very slight, and common usage located 
eva Vizcaya east of the Sierra Madre. <A gover- 








MISSIONS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 15 


nor, and bishop of Guadiana after 1621, resided at 
Durango; but save in the larger towns and mining- 
camps, the country was for the most part a tierra de 
guerra, or a land at war; the epoch not onevof civil and 
ecclesiastic but rather of military and missionary rule. 
In general the whole country may be said to have 
been divided into eight mission districts. 

The Tepehuane missions of Durango prospered from 
their beginning in 1594 until the great revolt of 1616 
in which eight Jesuit priests and two hundred other 
Spaniards lost their lives. All missions and mining- 
camps were destroyed, and the capital was seriously 
threatened. ‘The massacre was cruelly avenged, and 
the natives that survived were driven to the moun- 
tains only to be slowly drawn back by missionary zeal. 
In 1640 lost ground had been regained, and more, 
except in the number of neophytes, of whom there 
were elght hundred in 1678, under four Jesuits in nine 
towns, with a Spanish population of about three hun- 
dred. The Tepehuanes were conquered, except as 
individuals or small parties occasionally revolted in 
resistance to enforced labor in the mines. In the 
south-eastern or Parras district all was peace and 
prosperity with the gentle Laguneros, if we except an 
occasional pestilence or inundation. Over five thou- 
sand natives had been baptized by 1603; the missions 
were secularized in 1645; large accessions of Spanish 
and Tlascaltec population were received, and early in 
the next century under Toboso raids and Spanish 
oppression all traces of the missions had disappeared. 

In Topia, or western Durango, and south-eastern 
Sinaloa, the Jesuits were at work with good success 
at first; but the miners were oppressive, and in 1601 
five thousand Acaxées took up arms to free their 
country, destroying the mining-camps and towus with 
forty churches. Brought once more into submission 
after a few months, they never revolted again, and 
the adjoining tribes were reduced one by one until by 
the middle of the century the whole district had passed 


16 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


permanently under Spanish and Jesuit control. Ag 
elsewhere subsequent annals are reduced to statistics 
and petty items of local record. Fifty thousand natives 
had been converted before 1644, when eight mission- 


aries were serving in 16 churches. In 1678 there were, 


1400 neophytes in 88 towns under the care of ten mis- 
sionaries, with a Spanish population, in mining-camps 
- chiefly, which may be estimated at 500. 

The Tarahumara district adjoined that of the Tepe- 
huanes on the north, in northern Durango and the 
mountains of southern and western Chihuahua. At 
Parral a Spanish settlement was founded in 1631; 
and about the same time the Jesuits in their northern 
tours obtained four or five hundred Tarahumares, 
and with them founded two towns, San Miguel de las 
Bocas and San Gabriel, just south of the modern line 
of Durango; but there were no regular missions in 
Tarahumara until 1639-40, when fathers Iigueroa 
and Pascual came and founded San Felipe and San 
Gerénimo Huexotitlan on or near the Rio Conchos 
below Balleza. In 1648 there were eight pueblos and 
four missionaries, when war broke out, mainly in con- 
sequence of oppressions by Spaniards who wished to 
use the natives as laborers in their mines, looking 
with no favor on the mission work. The Tarahumares 
were always, as the Jesuits maintained, a brave and 
honorable people, fighting only in defence of their 
rights or to avenge wrongs. In this first instance the 
assailants were gentiles, the plot being discovered in 
time to keep the converts loyal, after five Spaniards 
and forty neophytes had been killed. Governor Fa- 
jardo, defeating the foe, founded a’ town of Aguilar 
and a mission at the site of the modern Concepcion. 
In 1650 the mission was destroyed, a padre killed, 
and a Spanish force several times defeated; but 
peace was made in 1651, and the martyr’s place 
was filled. In the outbreak of 1652 mission and 
town were burned, and not a Spaniard escaped. It 
required the whole military force of Nueva Vizcaya 


i eeepamara 


MISSIONS IN DURANGO AND CHIHUAHUA. 17 


to restore submission, the Spaniards being often 
repulsed, and many mission towns and mining-camps 
being repeatedly destroyed. For twenty years from 
1652 upper Tarahumara was abandoned, but was 
reoccupied in 1673-8 as far north as the Yepomera 
region, the limit of Jesuit work east of the sierra. 
There were then about eight thousand Tarahumara 
converts in the upper and lower districts, living in 
forty-five towns, and ministered to by twelve Jesuit 
missionaries. The Spanish population, for the most 
part engaged in mining, did not exceed five hundred. 
For the missions the last quarter of the century was 
a period of constant but not very rapid decadence. 
They were exposed on the north and east to raids 
from the fierce Tobosos and Apaches, and there were 
several attempts at revolt, the most serious being in 
1690, when two Jesuits lost their lives. 
North-eastern Durango and eastern Chihuahua 
formed a mission district under the Franciscans: They 
had a much less favorable field of labor than the 
_ Jesuits; their neophytes were inferior in intelligence 
to the Tepehuanes and Tarahumares, and their estab- 
lishments had to bear the brunt of savage raids from 
the north-eastern sierras or Bolson de Mapimi. For 
over forty years the old convents at Cuencamé, Ma- 
pimi, and San Bartolomé were barely kept in exist- 
ence; and near the latter in the Conchos region four 
new missions were founded before 1645. Then the 
Toboso raids became so serious as to imperil all 
Spanish interests. It was the typical Apache war- 
fare of later times. Not a camp, mission, hacienda, 
or rancho escaped attack; only Parral and one or 
two mining-camps escaped destruction. The soldiers 
were victorious in every engagement, but they could 
rarely overtake the marauders. The Conchos re- 
volted and destroyed their five missions, killing two 
friars. At this time the presidio of Cerro Gordo 
was established, and the fires of war having burned 


out chiefly for want of fuel, this post served to keep 
Hist. Cau., VoL. 1. 2 


18 | INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


the southern part of the district in a kind of order 
during the rest of the century; the ruined establish- 
ments being gradually reoccupied. In the north the 
Franciscans extended their operations over a broad 
field. Between 1660 and 1670 three or four missions, 
with probably a small garrison, were founded in the 
region of Casas Grandes; but two of them were de- 
stroyed by Apaches before 1700. In 1681-2, an estab- 
lishment having been formed at El Paso, several 
missions sprang up in that region. One was at the 
confluence of the Conchos and Rio del Norte, but 
was soon destroyed. In 1697 a mission of Nombre 
de Dios was founded near the site of the modern city 
of Chihuahua. All these northern establishments 
maintained but a precarious existence; and but for a 
line of presidios erected early in the next century the 
whole country would have been abandoned. 
Before turning to the coast a glance must be given 
at New Mexico beyond the limits of Nueva Vizcaya. 
Here prosperity ceased for a time on account of con- 
troversies between Ojate, the colonists, and the Fran- 
ciscan friars. The latter abandoned the province in 
1601, but were sent back to reoccupy the missions. 
Ojiate made some explorations; Santa Fé was founded 
and became the capital; and in 1608 eight padres 
were at work, having baptized eight thousand natives. 
Thirty new friars came in 1629, and the next year 
fifty missionaries were serving sixty thousand con- 
verts in ninety pueblos. This was the date of New 
Mexico's highest prosperity, though the decline was 
very slight for fifty years, a period whose history offers 
nothing but petty local happenings. But in 1680 a 
general revolt occurred, in which four hundred Span- 
iards, including twenty-one friars, were killed, and the 
survivors driven out of the country. While the refu- 
gees founded El Paso and did some missionary work 
in that region, the New Mexicans fought among then- 
selves and threw away their chances for continued 
independence. After several unsuccessful efforts by 


THE JESUITS IN SINALOA. 19 


different leaders, Governor Vargas reconquered the 

province after many a hard-fought battle in 1693-4; 
_ but two years later a new revolt occurred, in which 
five missionaries and twenty other Spaniards were 
killed, and the year 1696 may be regarded as the date 
of New Mexico’s permanent submission to Spanish 
authority. The western towns were still independent; 
but except the Moquis all renewed their allegiance 
before the end of the century. 

The coast districts were Sinaloa, extending as far 
north as the Yaqui River; Sonora, embracing the 
region of Arizpe and Tepoca; and Pimeria, stretch- 
ing to the Gila. During most of the century all 
this territory was under a military commandant at 
San Felipe de Sinaloa; and this office was held for 
nearly thirty years by Captain Hurdaide, who was 
_ popular with the missionaries, and a terror to the 
natives. His term of office was a continuous cain- 
paign for the conquest of new tribes or the suppres- 
sion of local revolts. In 1600 five Jesuits had founded 
eight missions, with thirteen towns, on and near the 
rivers Sinaloa and Mocorito. Very rapidly was the 
conquest, spiritual and military, pushed northward by 
the priests and soldiers working in perfect accord. ‘The 
fierce Suaquis, Tehuecos, and Sinaloas of the Rio Tam- 
otchala, or Fuerte, having been properly chastised by 
Hurdaide, became Christian in 1604—7. Fort Montes- 
claros was founded in 1610 on the river, therefore still 
called Fuerte. The Mayos, friendly from the first, re- 
ceived padres in 1613, and never revolted. The Yaquis, 
who after defeating the Spaniards in three campaigns 
had voluntarily submitted about 1610, received Father 
Ribas in 1617, and were soon converted. In 1621 
missions were founded among the Chinipas on the 
Tarahumara frontier; and the work was extended 
up the Yaqui to the Sahuaripa region. There were 
now thirty-four Jesuits at work in this field; and the 
northern missions, in what is now Sonora, were formed 
into a new district of San Ignacio. Captain L[ur- 


20 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


daide died about 1626; and during the rule of his 
successor the only event to be noted was the revolt 
in the Chinipas district in 1631-2, when two Jesuits 
were killed, and the missions had to be abandoned. 

Father Pascual had labored in this field with great 
success for years, forming three towns of Chinipas, 
Varohios, and Guazdpares. A chief of the latter was 
at the head of the revolt, gaining adherents from the 
Varohios, while the Chinipas remained faithful and 
tried to protect their missionary. Father Martinez 
came to join Pascual in 1632, and the two were killed 
a week later after their house and church had been 
burned, brutal indignities being offered to their bodies. 
I*ifteen neophytes perished with their martyred mas- 
ters. Making a raid into the mountains Captain 
Perea killed many rebels, and new missionaries were 
sent to the country; but it was finally decided to 
abandon this field; and the faithful converts were 
removed to the towns of the Sinaloas. 

During the last half of the century the Sinaloa 
missions have no annals save such as are statistical 
and purely local. The submission of the natives was 
complete and permanent, and affairs fell: into the 
inevitable routine. In 1678 there were in the dis- 
trict of San Felipe y Santiago, corresponding nearly 
to the modern Sinaloa above Culiacan, nine missions, 
with 23 pueblos, 10,000 neophytes, and nine mission- 
aries. The northern district of San Ignacio de Yaqui, 
under the same jurisdiction but in modern times a 
part of Sonora, had 10 missions, 23 pueblos, 10 padres, 
and 24,000 converts. There had already been a large 
decrease in the neophyte population. The military 
force was a garrison of 40 soldiers at San Felipe, and 
one of 60 men at Fort Montesclaros. The Spanish 
population, exclusive of soldiers and military officers, 
was less than 500. 

The modern Sonora includes the three ancient prov- 
inces of Sonora, Ostimuri, and Pimeria; but in the 
seventeenth century the name Sonora was properly 


SONORA MISSION. 21 


that of the valley in which Arizpe, Ures, and Her- 
mosillo now stand. The name was sometimes extended 
for a long distance over adjoining regions, especially 
northward; but never covered the Yaqui missions or 
Ostimuri in the south. Missionary work was begun 
in the Sonora Valley by Father Castaiio in 1638, 
near the site of the old and ill-fated San Gerdnimo. 
The Opatas never gave any trouble; and in 1639 the 
new district of San Francisco Javier de Sonora was 
formed with five mission partidos. In 1641 Governor 
Perea obtained a division of the government, was 
made ruler of all the country north of the Yaqui 
towns, styling his new province Nueva Andalucia 
and his capital San Juan Bautista. In consequence — 
of a quarrel. with the Jesuits, he tried to put the 
Franciscans in charge; but this was a failure, and the 
new government came to an end in four years; though 
a garrison remained at San Juan. In 1753 seven 
Jesuits were serving twenty-five thousand converts in 
twenty-three towns. In 1678 the new district of San 
Francisco de Borja was formed of the missions south 
and west of Opozura; and the two consisted of eigh- 
teen missions with forty-nine pueblos and about twenty 
thousand neophytes. Ten years later there were 
three districts, the new one of Santos Martires de 
Japon extending northward from Batuco and Nacori. 
The Chinipas missions, which had been reoccupied 14 
1676, were now part of the Sonora district, and before 
the end of the century were in a most flourishing ¢on- 
dition, under Padre Salvatierra and his assoc'ates, 
though to some extent involved in the troubles, with 
eastern tribes. 

Father Kino in 1687 founded the mission of Jolores 
on the head-waters of the Rio de San Mi-uel, and 
thus began the conquest of Pimeria, through which 
Kino hoped to reach northern California. By 1690 
he had missions at, San Ignacio, Imuris, and Remedios. 
The Pimas were docile, intelligent, and ear;er for con- 
version; but Kino could neither obtain the needed 


22 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


priests, nor convince the military authorities that the 
Pimas were not concerned in the constant raids of the 
savages. In 1691 with Salvatierra he reached the 
modern Arizona line; and later, either alone or with 
such priests as he could induce to go with him, he 
explored the country repeatedly to the Gila and gulf 
coast, first reaching the latter in 1693 and the former 
in 1694. Three missionaries having been obtained, 
Tubutama and Caborca were founded; but all were 
destroyed in the great revolt of 1695, one of the friars | 
being killed. Two years later they had been rebuilt 
and Suamca added. By 1700 Kino, sometimes with 
a military escort, had made six entradas, or excursions, 
to the Gila, some of them by the eastern route via 
Bac, and others by the coast or Sonoita. In 1700 he 
first reached the Colorado junction. But he was dis- 
appointed in all his schemes for establishing missions 
in the north. The Rio San Ignacio was the northern 
frontier, not only of missionary establishments but of 
all Spanish occupation at the end of the century. 

In 1693 Sonora and all the north had been sepa- 
rated practically, perhaps formally, from Sinaloa; and 
Jironza as capitan-gobernador came with his ‘flying 
company’ of fifty men to protect the frontier, his cap- 
ital being still at San Juan. The next seven years 
were spent in almost constant warfare against raiding 
Apaches and other savage bands of the north-east. A 
garrison was stationed at Fronteras, or Corodeguachi, 
which in campaigns often acted in union with the 
presidial force at Janos in Chihuahua, and was often 
aided besides by the Pimas, whose mission towns were 
a favorite object of the raids for plunder. 

Finally the maritime annals and coast exploration 
of the century, terminating in the occupation of Baja 
California, demand our notice. In 1602 Sebastian 
Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco on a voyage of explora- 
tion which will be fully described later in this volume. 
For more than a century and a half Father Ascension’s 
diary of this voyage was the source of all information 





EXPEDITIONS TO THE GULF, 23 


extant respecting the western coast up to latitude 40°. 
Vizcaino’s voyage was the end of outer-coast naviga- 
tion, subsequent efforts being directed exclusively to 
the gulf and peninsula, though Monterey figured on 
paper in many of the schemes proposed. The Spanish 
crown was chary of incurring expense; without money 
the enthusiasm of neither navigators nor friars could 
be utilized; and the pearls of the gulf furnished the 
only incentive to action. A mere catalogue of suc- 
cessive enterprises must suffice here. 

Schemes to occupy Monterey in 1607-8 resulted in 
nothing. In 1615 Cardona and Iturbe went up the 
gulf to latitude 34° as they reckoned it, saw the strait 
that made California an island, and landed at several 
points on that supposed island and the main. Re- 
turning, they were captured by the Dutch pichilingues. 
These were Spilberg’s freebooters, who vainly sought 
to intercept the galleon, and had a fight with Spaniards 
on the Colima coast. Lezama began to build a vessel 
near San Blas, in 1627, for the gulf; and Ortega, com- 
pleting it, made a pearl voyage in 1632. He repeated 
the trip in 1633-4, founding a colony at La Paz. 
Many natives were baptized; some inland explora- 
tions were made, and all went well for several months, 
until food was exhausted. Then this third attempt at 
settlement was added to the failures of Cortés and 
Vizcaino. ‘There were, doubtless, unrecorded and un- 
authorized pearl-seeking voyages in those times. Car- 
bonel’s expedition made by Ortega’s pilot in 1636 was 
an utter failure. It was in 1640 that Fonte sailed 
through the net-work of straits, lakes, and rivers in 
the northern continent until he met a Boston ship 
from the Atlantic! Cafias by the viceroy’s orders 
crossed over from Sinaloa and explored the California 
coast for some forty leagues in 1642, accompanied by 
the Jesuit priest, Cortés. Casanate’s operations were 
in 1643-8; but after great expense and much ill-luck 
the only results were a cruise about San Liicas by 
Barriga in the former year, and in the latter a vain 


24 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


search for a colony site. For twenty years nothing 
was attempted, and then Pitadero obtained a com- 
mission to reduce California as a pretext for one or 
two profitable pearl-seeking trips in 1667. Lucenilla’s 
expedition in 1668 was -not unlike the preceding, 
though he had two Franciscans on his ship, who 
attempted conversion at La Paz and at the cape. 
After fruitless negotiations with other persons the 
viceroy made a contract for the settlement of Calli- 
fornia with Otondo, who was accompanied by Father 
Kino and two other Jesuits, sailing from Chacala with 
a hundred persons in 1683. The province was now 
formally called Californias and the locality of the 
colony La Paz. Some progress was made at first; 
but presently the men, panic-stricken by reason of 
Indian troubles, insisted on abandoning the settle- 
ment. Otondo came back before the end of the year, . 
reéstablishing the colony at San Bruno, above La Paz. 
Here it was maintained with difficulty until the end 
of 1685, when the enterprise was given up in disgust. 
The Jesuits foreseeing the result had baptized none 
but dying Indians. The barren peninsula was wholly 
unsuited for colonization. In 1685 the British free- 
booter Swan made an unfortunate cruise along the 
coast, failing to capture the galleon, and losing fifty 
men who were killed by Spaniards on the Rio Tololot- 
lan. Only one other expedition, that of Itamarra in 
1694, is recorded, but very vaguely, before the final 
occupation of the peninsula. | 

The country offered absolutely no inducements to 
settlers; and a military occupation, entailing constant 
expense without corresponding advantages, did. not 
accord with the Spanish system of conquest. Only 
by a band of zealous missionaries, protected by a 
small military guard, with supplies assured from 
abroad for years, could this reduction be effected. 
The Jesuits understood this, and when the govern- 
ment had been taught by repeated failures to un- 
derstand it also, the necessary arrangements were 


NUEVA GALICIA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 25 


concluded by Salvatierra and Kino; and in 1697 a 
mission was founded at Loreto, just below the San 
Bruno of Ortega. Difficulties were formidable at 
first and for a long time; the savages were stupid 
and often hostile; the guard was small; vessels came 
irregularly with supplies, and authorities in Mexico 
generally turned a deaf ear to appeals for aid. Sal- 
vatierra and Piccolo, however, never lost courage in 
the darkest days, and before 1700 they had two mis- 
sions and a guard of thirty men. 


Eighteenth century annals of Nueva Viscaya and 
the adjoining regions, so far as they precede the occu- 
pation of Alta California in 1769, may be presented 
with enough of detail for the present purpose very 
briefly; for throughout those broad territories affairs 
had fallen into the monotonous routine of peace in 
the south, of war in the north, that was to character- 
ize them as long as Spanish domination should last, 
and in many respects longer. To Nueva Galicia as a 
terra de paz may be added in these times Sinaloa 
and Durango to the north. The era of conquest, as 
in a great measure of missionary labor, was past. 
The authority of the audiencia and civil governors 
was everywhere respected. Curates under the bish- 
ops were in control of spiritual affairs in all the larger 
settlements. Mining was the leading industry, feebly 
supplemented by stock-raising and agriculture. Minor 
political and ecclesiastical controversies, the succes- 
sion of provincial and subordinate officials, fragmen- 
tary statistics of mining and other industries, and 
petty local happenings of non-progressive localities 
furnish but slight basis for an instructive résumé, 
even if such general review were called for here. 

There was, however, one exception to the unevent- 
ful monotony of Nueva Galicia affairs during this 
period, which should be noticed here—the conquest 
of Nayarit. This mountainous and almost imaccess1- 
ble region of northern Jalisco, near the frontiers of 


26 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


Sinaloa, Durango, and Zacatecas had been the last 
refuge of aboriginal paganism. Here the bold moun- 
taineers, Nayarits, Coras, and Tecualmes, maintained 
their independence of all Spanish or Christian control 
till 1721. It was these tribes or adjoining ones directly 
or indirectly supported by them, that caused all Ind- 
ian troubles of the century in Nueva Galicia. No 
white man, whether soldier or friar, was permitted to 
enter the narrow pass that led to the stronghold of 
the Gran Nayar. Along series of attempts at peace- 
ful conquest resulted in failure; and the difficulties 
of forcible entry were greatly exaggerated at the time, 
and still more at a later period by Jesuit chroniclers 
who sought to magnify the obstacles overcome by 
their order. The Nayarits made a brave but fruitless 
resistance, and their stronghold fell before the first 
determined and protracted campaign of the invaders 
in 1721-2. In 1725 the visitador or inspector found 
about four thousand natives living submissively in ten 
villages; and in 1767 seven Jesuits were serving in ag 
many Nayarit missions. 

North of Nueva Galicia, as I have remarked, Du- 
rango and Sinaloa require no special notice here. The 
provinces at whose annals a glance must be given, are 
New Mexico; Chihuahua, or the northern portion of 
Nueva Viscaya proper; Sonora, including the lower 
and upper Pimeria; and the peninsula of Baja Calli- 
fornia. All this region, though in its industries and 
some other phases of its annals very similar to the 
southern provinces, was for the most part still a terra 
de guerra, or land of war, always exposed to the raids 
of savage gentiles, and often to the revolts of Chris- 
tian converts. The rule was military rather than 
civil, missionary rather than ecclesiastic, save a a few 
of the larger towns. 

New Mexico from 1700 to 1769 was an isolated 
community of neophytes, Franciscan missionaries, 
Spanish soldiers, and settlers,. struggling, not very 
zealously, for a bare existence. Hach of these classes 


ANNALS OF NEW MEXICO. 27 


was slightly reénforced during the period; and aid, 
chiefly in the form of agricultural implements, came 
from time to time for the settlers, as did a salary for 
the friars, from Mexico. A few mines wer'e opened in 
different parts of the country; but about them, as about 
the agricultural and stock-raising industries which fur- 
nished the means of provincial subsistence, very little is 
known. Trade between the different towns, as with 
outside gentile tribes and with merchants who brought 
in caravans from the far south needed articles of foreign 
manufacture, was generally flourishing in a small way. 
The Pueblo Indians were for the most part faithful 
converts, though retaining a fondness for the rites and 
sorceries of their old faith, which gave the mission- 
aries no little trouble. All Spanish inhabitants, with 
the events of 1680 ever in their minds, were peculiarly 
sensitive to rumors of impending revolt, which, from 
one direction or another, were very frequent, but rarely 
well founded. There were occasional local troubles in 
frontiertowns; Zufiwaslonginrevolt; and the Moquis, 
though declaring themselves subjects of Spain, stead- 
fastly refused to become Christians. The Apaches 
were often troublesome on the south and west; as 
were the Yutas, Navajos, and Comanches on the north 
and east—each nation ready to make a treaty of peace 
whenever prospects for plunder seemed unfavorable. 
Rarely did a year pass without a campaign against 
one of these nations, or an expedition to the Moqui 
towns. Such time as the governor could spare from 
Indian campaigns was largely devoted to political con- 
troversies and defence against charges of corruption 
er incompetency. The governor was directly respon- 
sible to the viceroy, and a Franciscan custodian was 
in charge of the friars. In the later years of the 
period now under consideration, the population of 
native Christians was about ten thousand, in twenty- 
five towns under fifteen friars. Of Spanish and mixed 
blood, settlers and soldiers with their families, there 
were perhaps twenty-five hundred souls, chiefly at 


28 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


Santa Fé and Alburquerque, but also scattered to 
some extent on haciendas. Two or three curates under 
the bishop of Durango attended to their spiritual 
needs. } 

Chihuahua during this period, as before and later, 
was exposed to never ending raids from the murder- 
ous Apaches, which for the most part prevented all 
permanent progress. Though the savages from the 
Bolson de Mapimi were again troublesome at first, yet 
the mining settlements of San Bartolomé Valley in the 
south counted a Spanish population of over four thou- 
sand in 1766. Near Nombre de Dios, the rich mines 
of Santa Eulalia were discovered, and here in the early 
years of the century the Real de San Felipe, or Chi- 
huahua, sprang into existence. The new town grew 
rapidly for a time, but in 1766 the population had de- 
creased to four hundred families. A line of half a dozen 
presidios, or military posts, was established before 1720 
in the north as far as Janos and Paso del Norte; and 
these posts, some of them being moved from time to 
time according to need, kept the province from utter 
ruin, though there was hardly a mission, hacienda, or 
real de minas that was not at one time or another 
abandoned. The Franciscans continued their struggle 
against paganism, and in 1714 founded six new mis- 
sions at the jnnction of the Rio Conchos and Rio 
Grande, which, however, had to be abandoned within 
ten years. In the Spanish settlements curates relieved 
the friars, and the missions of the region about Pasu 
del Norte were secularized in 1756 only to be restored 
to the missionaries for a time in later years. Also in 
1756 the Jesuit missions of the Tepehuane and Baja 
Tarahumara districts were secularized. These missions 
and those of Alta Tarahumara had been constantly 
declining. Their troubles and those of their Jesuit 
directors at the hands of savage invaders, revolting 
neophytes, Spanish settlers and miners, and secular 
officials, were in every essential reepect similar to those 
of the Sonora establishments to | e noticed presently. 


EVENTS IN PIMERIA ALTA. 29 


The Jesuits were succeeded in 1767 by eighteen Fran- 
ciscans from Zacatecas. 

Sinaloa and southern Sonora in the eighteenth cen- 
tury present little or nothing of importance to our 
purpose. In the extreme north, Kino continues to 
labor as before with like discouraging results till his 
death in 1711. No missionaries can be obtained for 
the north; his only permanent associates in Pimeria 
Alta are Campos and Velarde. Military authorities 
still distrust the Pimas, or pretend to distrust them; 
but. the Jesuits believe these officials are really in 
league with the miners and settlers to oppose the 
mission work, desiring the hostility of the natives 
that they may be enslaved and plundered; at any rate 
a never ending controversy ensues. After Kino’s death 
there is no change for the better; and no increase of 
missionaries until 1730.. Father Campos makes several 
tours to the gulf coast, but communication with the 
north becomes less and less frequent; and Apache 
raids are of constant occurrence. The Spanish popu- 
lation of Pimeria in 1730 is about three hundred. 
The soldiers are said to give more attention to mining 
than to their proper duty of protecting the province; 
and an injudicious policy of non-interference with the 
Apaches is at one time adopted by orders from Mexico. 
In 1731 three new priests come, and are assigned to 
the northern missions of Suamca, Guevavi, and San 
Javier del Bac founded at this time, though the natives 
of each had been often before visited by the Jesuits. 
They are supplied irregularly with missionaries from 
this time. The names of Campos and Velarde pres- 
ently disappear from the records to be replaced by 
those of Sedelmair and Keler. In 1736-50 these 
Jesuits make several tours to the Gila region, in con- 
nection with vain projects for the conversion of the 
Moquis and the occupation of Northern California. 
It is in these years, 1737-41, that occurs the famous 
mining excitement of the Bolas de Plata, at a place 
between Saric and Guevavi called Arizonac, whence - 


30 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


the name Arizona. The presidio of Terrenate is 
founded about 1741. The Pimas become perhaps as 
bad as they had been accused of being from the first. 
They revolt in 1751-2, killing two priests and a hun- 
dred other Spaniards; and for five or six years there 
is a bitter controversy between the missionaries and 
the government touching the causes of the revolt. 
- But the presidio of Tubac having been established, 
and a small garrison stationed at Altar, the missions 
are reoccupied, and maintain a precarious existence 
during the rest of the Jesuit period. Six priests are 
serving in 1767. Near San Javier del Bac there is a 
native rancherfa, called Tucson, where after 1752 a 
few Spaniards have settled; but the place is tem- 
porarily abandoned in 1763. 

The Apaches of the north are not Sonora’s only 
savage scourge; but from 1724 the Seris, Tepocas, Sal- 
ineros, Tiburon Islanders, and other bands of the 
oulf coast above Guaymas, keep the province in almost 
constant terror by their ravages. There has been 
some mission work done at intervals, by the Califor- 
nian padres chiefly, in the Guaymas region, but no 
permanent missions are established. The Cerro Prieto 
is the rendezvous and stronghold not only of the tribes 
named, but at intervals of the Pimas Bajos and other 
bands of revolting neophytes. The danger from this 
direction is generally deemed greater than from the 
Apaches, who are somewhat restrained by the hos- 
tility of the Pimas Altos. Campaigns to the Cerro 
Prieto are frequent, and generally unsuccessful. In 
one of them in 1755 Governor Mendoza is killed. 

In 1734 the province of Sinaloa y Sonora is sepa- 
rated from Nueva Vizcaya, and put under a governor 
and commandant general, whose capital is nominally 
still San Felipe de Sinaloa, but really San Juan or 
Pitic in Sonora. Under him are the presidio captains. 
Civil affairs are administered as before by alcaldes 
mayores. The governor's time, or the little that is 
left from the almost continuous campaigns against 


JESUIT MISFORTUNES. 31. 


northern or western savages, is devoted to the defence 
of his own policy, to controversies with the mission- 
aries, and to the recommendation of divers measures 
for the salvation of the country, few of which are 
adopted and none effectual. In 1740-1 there is a seri- 
ous revolt of the Yaquis and hitherto submissive 
Mayos. The presidio of Pitic at Hermosillo is now 
founded, afterwards being transferred for a time to 
Horcasitas. In 1745 there are estimated to be six- 
teen hundred Spanish inhabitants, possibly men, in 
Sinaloa, Ostimuri, and Sonora, besides about two 
hundred soldiers in the different presidios. Visitador 
General Gallardo in 1749 reported the province to be 
in a most unprosperous and critical condition. The 
population is ever shifting with the finding of new 
mines, not a single settlement having over ten perma- 
nent Spanish families, though a regular town has been 
begun at Horcasitas. No remedy is found for existing 
evils before 1767, but affairs go on from bad to worse. 

The missions share in the general misfortunes. 
Before 1730 they had declined about one half in 
neophyte population from 1678; and the decline con- 
tinues to the end. The Jesuits gradually lose much 
of their influence except over women, children, and 
infirm old men. Indeed there grows up against them 
a very bitter popular fecling, and they become in- 
volved in vexatious controversies with the author- 
ities and gente de razon, or civilized people, generally. 
New-comers are largely German members of the com- 
pany with less patience and less interest in the mis- 
sions than the old Spanish workers; and all become 
more or less petulant in their discouragement under 
ever increasing troubles. They are for the most part 
good men, and in the right generally so far as the 
details of particular quarrels are concerned; but they 
cannot obtain the sine qua non of continued mission 
prosperity, protection in trouble, non-interference in 
success; and like missionaries everywhere they cannot 
submit gracefully to the inevitable overthrow of their 


32 INTRODUCTORY RESUME. 


peculiar system. Settlers and miners, desiring their 
lands and the labor of their neophytes, preach liberty 
to the natives, foment hatred to the priests, advocate 
secularization, and as the Jesuits believe even stir 
up revolt. 

Before secularization or utter ruin befalls the Sonora 
missions, all of the Jesuit order are expelled from 
Spanish dominions. The priests had been waiting for 
a change, and it comes in a most unexpected form. 
After months of confinement at Guaymas they are 
banished, thirty-seven in number, at the beginning of 
1768. Soon the missions are given to Franciscan 
friars, who like the Jesuits are faithful; but the 
change leaves the several establishments in no better 
condition than before. At the same period comes 
the grand military expedition of Elizondo under the 
auspices of Galvez, which is to reduce the savage foes 
of Sonora to permanent submission, but which is not 
brilhantly successful. Notwithstanding the radical 
changes of this period Sonora affairs proceed much as 
before ; but from the exhibition of energy accompa- 
nying these changes, as we shall see, results the occu- 
pation of Alta California. 

Maritime annals of the period have no importance 
in this connection, consisting almost entirely of the 
predatory efforts of Dampier, Rogers, Shelvocke, and 
Anson, who lie in wait at different times for the 
Manila ship. On the peninsula of Baja California 
Salvatierra and his associates labor with zeal and suc- 
cess. Gifts from rich patrons, forming the ‘pious 
fund,’ enable them to purchase supplies and thus 
counteract the disadvantages of their barren country. 
At the same time its barrenness and isolation relieve 
them from much of the interference suffered in Sonora. 
Yet there are Spaniards who desire to fish for pearls; 
and there are others who believe the Jesuits to be 
engaged secretly in pearl-fishing and thus amassing 
great wealth. Indeed there are few persecutions suf- 
fered by their brethren across the gulf, which in a 


MISSIONS OF THE PENINSULA. 33 


modified form do not affect them; while they endure 
many hardships and privations elsewhere unknown. 
Missions are founded till the chain extends nearly the 
whole length of the peninsula. Salvatierra dies in 
1717. In 1718-21 Ugarte builds a vessel and explores 
the gulf to its head. The Manila ship touches occa- 
sionally after 1734; and this same year marks the 
beginning of long-continued revolts in the south, dur- 
ing which two priests are killed. Governor Huidrobo 
comes over from Sonora for a campaign, and a presidio 
is founded at San José del Cabo. In 1742-8 an epi- 
demic destroys several missions. Father Consag in 
1746 and 1751 explores both the gulf and ocean 
coasts. About 1750 there is a general revival in com- 
mercial, mining, and pearl-fishing industries; but it is 
not of long duration, bringing blame also upon the 
Jesuits. Save the praiseworthy desire to improve the 
spiritual condition of its inhabitants, there is no 
encouragement for the Spanish occupation of this 
country. Sixteen Jesuits died in the country; sixteen 
were banished in 1768. Bitter feelings against the 
company in the North Mexican provinces, or indeed 
in America, had but slight influence in causing the 
expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions. 


Hist. Cau., You. I. 8 


CHAPTER II. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


List or AUTHORITIES—A CATALOGUE OF CALIFORNIA BOOKS—TAYLOR’S ListT— 
PROPOSED CLASSIFICATION—PERIODS OF HisToRY—SIXTEEN HUNDRED 
TITLES BEFORE 1848—PRINTED MATERIAL—EpocH oF DISCOVERY To 
1769—CosMOGRAPHIES AND VOYAGE COLLECTIONS—SPANISH EpocH 
1769-1824—Booxs oF Vistrors—Booxks, PERIODICALS, AND Docv- 
MENTS—THE MEXICAN PERIOD, 1824-1846—Voyaces—OVERLAND NarR- 
RATIVES—FIRST PRINTS OF CALIFORNIA— WORKS OF MEXICAN AUTHORS— 
GOVERNMENT DocuMENTS—HIsTorRIES—LocaL ANNALS—ONE THOUSAND 
TITLES oF Manuscripts—ARCHIVES, PuBiic, Mission, AND PRIVATE— 
VALLEJO AND LARKIN—DOCUMENTARY TITLES—SCATTERED CORRE- 
SPONDENCE—DICTATIONS OF NATIVES AND PIONEERS—VALUE OF REMIN- 
ISCENCES—AFTER THE GOLD DIscovERY—Manvuscripts—Books PRINTED 
IN AND ABOUT CALIFORNIA. 


I nave prefixed to this volume a list of authorities 
cited in the History of California, which includes about 
four thousand? titles of books, pamphlets, newspapers, 
printed documents, articles, and manuscripts. It is 
something more than a mere list of the works con- 
sulted and epitomized in this part of my history, 
being practically a complete catalogue of all existing 
material pertaining to California, down to the epoch 
of the discovery of gold, and of all historical ma- 
terial to a later period. J am of course aware that 
a perfectly complete bibliographical list of authorities 
on any topic of magnitude does not exist; and I do not 
pretend that mine is such a list; hence the limitation, a 

1 Throughout this chapter I employ round numbers, and in most instances 
the word ‘about’ should be understood with each number. The necessity of 
printing this summary before the list is put in type prevents absolute accu- 
racy; yet the numerical statements are by no means mere estimates, but may 


be regarded as practically accurate, the variation never exceeding two or 


three per cent. 
( 34 ) 





a OE ec ee 


CLASSIFICATION OF WORKS. 35 


‘practically’ complete catalogue. Additional research 
will add a few items to each, or most, of my sub- 
divisions; and even now, did space permit, several 
of them might be oreatly extended, as will be pres- 
ently explained, without really adding much to the 
value of the catalogue. As it stands aie list is more 
complete than any other within my knowledge relating 
to any state or territory of our union, or indeed to 
any other country in the world.’ 

Respecting each of the titles given there will be 
found somewhere in this history a bibliographic note 
affording all desirable information about the work and 
its author; so that if these notes were brought together 
and attached in alphabetic order to the items of the 
list, the result would be a Bibliography of Californian 
Ifistory,to which work the present chapter might serve 

as an introduction. Init I propose toa certain extent 
to classify the works which have furnished data for 
this and the following volumes, and briefly to describe 
and criticise such of the various classes and subdi- 
visions as may seem to require remark. A. few indi- 
vidual works of a general or representative nature 
may appropriately be noticed in this connection; 
but as a rule the reader must look elsewhere for such 
special notices. To the general reader, as must be con- 
fessed, bibliography 1s a topic not the most fascinating ; 

?So far as works on California are concerned, the only previous attempt at 
anything approaching a complete list is Alex. 8. Taylor’s Bibliografa Cali- 
fornica pubiished in the Sacramento Union of June 25, 1863, with additions 
in the same paper of March 13, 1866. In a copy preserved in the Library of ’ 
the California Pioneers in San Francisco, there are manuscript additions of 
still later date. This work contained over a thousand titles, but its neld was 
the whole territory from Baja California to the Arctic Ocean, west of the 
Rocky Mountains, only about one half of the works relating to Alta Califor- 
nia proper. Dr Taylor’s zeal in this direction was most commendable, and his 
success, considering his extremely limited facilities, was wonderful; yet his 
catalogue is useless. He never saw one in five of the works he names; blun- 
ders average more than one to each title; he names many books that never 
existed, others so inaccurately that they cannot be traced, and yet others 
several times over under different titles. His insufferable pedantry and af- 
fectation of bibliographic patois unite with the typographic errors of the 
newspaper press to destroy for the most part any merit that the list might 
otherwise have. I have no doubt there may be a few of Taylor’s items repre- 


senting books or documents that actually exist and are not in my list; but to: 
select them would be a well nigh hopeless task. 


36 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


but its novelty in Californian aspects and the brevity 
and comprehensiveness of its treatment in this instance 
may perhaps be offered as circumstances tending to 
counteract inherent monotony. 


In point of time bibliography, like the history, of 
California is divided into two great periods by the 
discovery of gold in 1848. I have some sixteen hun- 
dred titles for the earlier period and over two thousand 
for the later; though the division would be numerically 
much less equal were printed material alone considered. 
And if books and pamphlets only were taken into 
account, disregarding newspapers and articles and doc- 
uments in print, the numbers would stand two hundred 
and seventy for the primitive, and more than a thou- 
sand for the modern epoch. Yet there could be no 
good reason for restricting my list of authorities to 
books; and its extension to manuscript, documentary, 
and periodical material is entirely legitimate, as_ will 
be at once apparent to scholars. Where to stop in 
this extension, however, and in the consequent suab- 
division of documentary data is obviously a point re- 
specting which no two critics would be likelv to agree. 
The abundance of my material has put me beyond the 
temptation to exaggerate; and while some will doubt- 
less regret that in certain directions, notably that of 
original manuscripts, I have not multiplied titles, the 
ever present necessity of rigid condensation has con- 
trolled my course in this matter.® 

Tor the years preceding 1848 manuscript author- 
ities greatly outnumber those in print, being 1,030 out 
of a total of 1,650; but in later times, the era of news- 
papers and printed gvovernment records, manuscripts 
number less than 200, in a total of over 2,000. I be- 
gin naturally with the earlier period, and first give 
attention to printed material. 


* The reader is reminded also that in foot-notes of the following pages are 
references to thousands of documents in manuscript and print that are not 
given titles or mentioned separately in the list. 





PRINTED WORKS BEIORE 1769. 37 


Titles of printed authorities on this first of the two 
great periods number, as I have said, sométhing over 
600, of which 270 are books or pamphlets, 250 docu- 
ments or articles, and 90 periodicals or collections that 
nay be so classed. It is well, however, to subdivide 
the period chronologically, and to glance at the earliest 
epoch of discovery, namely, that preceding 1769. Up 
to this date California had not been the exclusive, or 
indeed the chief, topic of any book; yet my list con- 
tains 56 at least, which treat of the distant province 
and the voyages thereto. The number might be con- 
siderably augmented by including all general works, 
in which California was barely named at second hand; 
or in like manner lessened by omitting repetitions of 
Sir Francis Drake’s voyage; and indeed eight* would 
suffice to impart all the actual knowledge extant at 
the time in print, the rest being of interest mainly by 
reason of their quaint cosmographical conceits or con- 
jectures on the name California. Five of these are 
general Spanish works alluding to California only as a 
part of Spanish America, one being a romance naming * 
the province before its discovery.® Sixteen are de- 
scriptive cosmographical works of the old type, to 
which may be added four English records of a slightly 
different class. Then we have sixteen of the once 
popular collections of voyages and travels, to which as 
to the preceding class additions might be made with- 
out going out of my library." And finally we may 
notice eight works which treat of special voyages—none 
of them actually to California—or the lives of special 


“See in the list the following headings: Cabrera Bueno, Drake, Hakluyt, 
Herrera, Linschoten, Purchas, Torquemada, and Venegas. It is probable 
that these list notes will not be deemed of any importance to the general 
reader; but he can easily pass them by; and it is believed that their value to 
a certain class of students will more than pay for the comparatively little 
space they fill. 

5 See Acosta, Apostdlicos Afanes, Diaz del Castillo, Esplandian, and Villa 
Senior. 

6See America, Blaeu, D’Avity, Gottfriedt, Heylyn, Laet, Low, Luyt, 
Mercator, Montanus, Morelli, Ogilby, Ortelius, West Indische Spieghel, and 
Wytfliet; also Camden, Campbell, Coxe, and Davis. 

7See Aa, Hacke, Harris, Sammlung, Ramusio, and Voyages. 


38 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


navigators,° and a like number of important documents 
relating to this primitive epoch, which were not known 
in print until modern times.? As I have said, Califor- 
nia was but incidentally mentioned in the books of 
this early time; a few contained all that visitors had 
revealed of the coast; while the rest were content with 
a most inaccurate and superficial repetition eked out 
with imagination to form the wonders of the Northern 


Mystery. 


The next sub-period was that of inland exploration, 
of settlement, of mission-founding, of Spanish domina- 
tion in California, lasting from 1769 to 1824. I have 
about four hundred titles for this time; but the show- 
ing of printed matter is meagre, numbering not above 
sixty. Yet the number includes three works devoted 
exclusively to the province, two of them, Costansd’s 
Diario and the Monterey, Extracto de Noticias, being 
brief but important records of the first expeditions 
to San Diego and Monterey, while the third, Palou’s 
Vida de Jt untpero Serra, was destined to be the 
standard history of the country down to 1784, a 
most valuable record. Next in importance were ten 
works in which navigators described their visits to 
California and to other parts of the western coast.” 
One of these early visitors wrote in English; two in 
Spanish; three in German; and four in French. 
Several of them, notably La Pérouse and Vancouver; 
went far beyond their own personal observations, 
eleaning material by which the earliest history of the 
country became for the first time known to the world. 
To two of the voyage-narratives, unimportant in them- 
selves, were prefixed by competent and well known 
editors,’ extensive summaries of earlier explorations. 

8 See Purton, Clark, Dampier, Rogers, Shelvocke, and Ulloa. 

®See Ascension, Cabrillo, Cardona, Demarcacion, Evans, Niel, and Sal- 
meron. ‘lhere are many more minor documents of this class relating vaguely 
_to California in connection with the Northern Mystery. 

10See Chamisso, Choris, Kotzebue, Langsdorff, La Pérouse, Marchand, 


Maurelle, Roquefeuille, Suiil y Mexicana, and Vancouver. 
11 See Fleurieu and Navarrete. 





PERIOD OF SPANISH OCCUPATION. 39 


Yor the rest we have half a dozen general works on 
America; a like number of Mexican works with 
matter on California;® and as many collections of 
voyages and travels." | ' 

Of Mexican newspapers containing Californian news 
during this period, only the official journal, the Gacetu 
de Mexico, requires mention here. And printed docu- 
ments or articles are only seven in number; though 
there might be cited very many documents of the 
Spanish government relating to or naming California 
simply as a province of Mexico. ‘T'wo essays by vis- 
itors are printed with the books of voyagers that 
have been named.” Captain Shaler had the honor 
of being the first American visitor whose narrative was 
printed inthe United States; Governor Sola sent a 
report which was printed in Mexico; two instructions 
for Californians were put in type; ‘and in one of the 
Spanish voyage-collections appeared an account of the 
country’s history and condition in connection with 
Peninsular affairs.” Documents of this period not 
printed until much later are some of them important, 
especially those published in Palou, Notzcias, and the 
Doc. Hist. Mex. There are avaiad tilbe of this 
class. 


The final sub-period extending from 1824 to 1848 
may be divided historically into that of Mexican rule 
to 1846, and that of the conquest and American mili- 
tary rule to the gold discovery; but bibliographically 
no such subdivision is convenient, and I treat all as 
one epoch. It claims 700 titles in my list, 475 of 
which represent printed matter, and 180 books proper. 


12See Alcedo, Anquetil, Bonnycastle, Burney, Forster, Humboldt, and 
Raynal. 

13 Arricivita, Clavigero, Cortés, Guia, Presidios, and Rosignon. 

14 Berenger, Kerr, Laharpe, Pinkerton, Viagero Universal, and Voyages. 

18 Chamisso and Rollin. 

1€ Galvez and Ulloa. 

li California en 1799. 
. 38 Altamira, Armona, Crespf, Dominguez, Garcés, Hall, Heceta, Mangino, 
Palou, Reglamento, Revilla Gigedo, Serra, and Velarde. 


40 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


First in importance, with Petit-Thouars at the 
head of the list so far as history is concerned and 
Coulter at the foot, are fourteen narratives of voy- 
agers, who visited the coast and in many instances 
made good use of their opportunities. The works of 
Mofras and Wilkes are the most pretentious of the 
number, but not the most valuable.” To these should 
be added four scientific works resulting from some of 

hese voyages;” and three official accounts of explor- 
ing marches across the continent in book form ;” with 
which we may appropriately class a dozen accounts of 
California by foreign visitors or residents, generally in- 
cluding a narrative of the trip by land or sea.” Four 
foreigners who had never visited the country com- 
piled historical accounts,” one of which, by Forbes, 
has always enjoyed a merited reputation as a standard 
book. Then there were half a dozen or more works 
on Oregon with brief mention of California,” and 
lalf a dozen speeches in congress or elsewhere printed 
in pamphlet form, a number that might be very 
creatly increased if made to include all that men- 
tioned California in connection with the Mexican war 
and the Oregon Question.” To all of which titles 
from foreign sources may be added those of ten gen- 
eral works” containing allusions to our province. 

Chief among works in Spanish for this period should 
stand six which, though with one exception not very 
important for history, were the first books printed in 
California, most of them being entirely unknown until 
now.” And with these may be named eight other 


19 Beechey, Belcher, Cleveland, Coulter, Dana, Duhaut-Cilly, Huish (not 
a visitor), Kotzebue, Laplace, Mofras, Morrell, Petit-Thouars, Ruschenber- 
ger, Simpson, and Wilkes. 

20 Hinds, Richardson, and U. 8. Ex. Ex.—the later including many works 
by different authors. 

“1 Emory and Frémont. 

22 Bidwell, Bilson, Boscana, Bryant, Farnham, Hastings, Kelley, Pattie, 
and Robinson. 

23 Cutts, Forbes, Greenhow, and Hughes. 

24 Fédix, Lee, Nicolay, Twiss, etc. 

25 Clark, Hall, Thompson, Webster, etc. 

7 Beyer, Blagdon, Barrow, Combier, D’Orbigny, Irving, Lafond, eA 
Murray, and Tytler. 

27 Botica, Figueroa, Reglamento, Ripalda, Romero, and Vallejo. 





EARLY CALIFORNIA PRINTING. 4] 


pamphlets, printed in Mexico on Californian topics.” 
Then there are sixteen Mexican government docu- 
ments containing valuable allusions to California,” 
and many more if mere mentions be counted; and 
finally, we have thirty-five general works on Mexico, 
with like information often of some value, about a 
dozen of which are the writings of Carlos Maria Bus- 
tamante, found also more complete in my library in 
the original autograph manuscript.” 

Passing from books to documents, the productions 
of the Californian press merit first mention. They 
are fifty-five i number, each separately printed.* 
Three or four are proclamations of United States offi- 
clals, one is a commercial paper, one an advertisement, 
and one took a poetical form; but most were official 
documents emanating from the Hispano-Californian 
government. Then I note sixteen Mexican govern- 
iuent documents in collections or newspapers; and 
seven others of a sem1-official nature;*? while there 
are twenty-two topic-collections or separate reports, 
from United States officers, for the most part printed 
by the government and relating to the conquest.® 
Three titles belong to matter inserted in the books of 
navigators already named;* six to articles or documents 
in the Nouvelles Annales des Vor yages;* and twelve 
are English and American articles in periodicals.” 


28 Carillo, Castafiares, Fondo Piadoso, Garcia Diego, Junta de Fomento, 
and San Miguel. 

29 Under the heading ‘Mexico.’ 

30 Alaman, Ayala, Bermudez, Bustamante, Cancelada, Escudero, Fonseca, 
Guerrero, Iriarte, Muhlenpfordt, Oajaca, Rejon, Riesgo, Sales, San Miguel, 
Semblanzas, Thompson, Unzueta, and Wiilie. 

Bl Alvarado, California, Castro, Chico, Diputacion, Doctrina, Figueroa, 
Gutierrez, Hijar, Mason, Micheltorena, Plan, Pronunciamiento, Riley, Shu- 
brick, Vallejo, and Zamorano. 

na ‘Ayuntamiento, Compaiila, Decreto, Dictémen, Iniciativa, Jones, Mexico, 
Plan. Also Bandini, ‘C.,’ Castafiares, Chico, Flores, Iniestra, and Sinaloa. 

33 Cal, and N. Mex., ; Conquest, Cooke, Expulsion, Frémont, Johnston, 
Jones, Kearny, Kelley, Marcy, Mason, Monterey, Shubrick, Slacum, Sloat, 
Stockton, War with Mexico. Some of these are-the president’s messages 
and documents, containing a very large number of important papers. 

34 Botta, Documens, and Sanchez. 

=. Fages, Galitzin, Le Netrel, Morineau, Scala, and Smith. 

36 Americans, Campaign, Coulter, Evans, Far W est, Fourgeaud, Hist, 
Bear Flag, Larkin, Peirce, Reynolds, Squier, and Warner. 


42 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


There were some twenty periodicals, or publications 
that may conveniently be classed as such, some being 
collections or serial records, that contained material 
about this province before 1848; at least that is the 
number that my list furnishes.” Of newspapers about 
seventy titles—torty of them Mexican—appear in my 
catalogue; but as doubtless many more in different 
parts of the world contained at least a mention of this 
country at one time or another, I name only ten pub- 
lished in California, the Hawaiian Islands, and Ore- 
gon, all valuable sources of information. N¢les’ 
Register is the eastern journal that I have found most 
useful in my task. 

Finally I have about 150 titles of books, documents, 
and articles, which, though printed later, relate to 
Californian history before 1848, so far as they relate 
to that subject at all. Seventy-five of the number are 
in book form, including some valuable monographs on 
early affairs in California; several collections of docu- 
ments, some reprints and translations of early works; 
some treatises on Mexican law as affecting California; 
several important briefs in land cases, the number of 
which might easily be multiplied; United States docu- 
ments relating to the conquest and military rule, but 
printed after 1848; Russian works containing infor- 
mation on the Ross colony; one or two narratives of 
visitors; and a number of works on the Mexican war. 
Those appearing under the names of Dwinelle, Ide, 
Juancey, McGlashan, and Palou are the most impor- 
tant.” Documents and articles of this class are about 

37 American Quarterly, Register, American Quarterly Review, American 
Review, American State Papers, Annals of Congress, Arrillaga, Colonial 
Magazine, Congressional Debates, Congressional Globe, Edinburgh Review, 
Hansard’s Parl. Debates, Home Missionary, Hunt’s Merch. Magazine, Loa- 


don Mechanics’ Magazine, North American Review, Nouvelles Annales des 
Voyages, Quarterly ~ Review, Revista Cientifica, and Southern Quarterly Re- 
view. 

38 In California were four, or rather combinations of two; Monterey Cal- 
ifornian, San Francisco Californian, San Francisco Star, and San Francisco 
Star and Californian. At Honolulu, five; the Friend, Hawaiian Spectator, 
Sandwich Island Gazette, Sandwich Island News, and Polynesian. In Ore- 
gon was the Spectator. 


*9 Abbott, Bigelow, California, California Land Titles, California and North 





TUTHILL AND GLEESON. 43 


the same in number, and very similar in.their nature 
and variety to the books, including also some titles of 
pioneer reminiscences in the newspapers, titles that 
might be multiplied almost without limit.” 

Of works printed after 1848, relating chiefly to 
events subsequent to the discovery of gold, and there- 
fore belonging to a later bibliographic period, but 
yet containing information on earlier annals, I have 
occasion to cite about three hundred titles in these 
volumes. Most of them are unimportant in this con- 
nection; but some are formal attempts at historical 
research embracing both chronologic periods. The 
works of Tuthill and Gleeson, entitled, the one a 
Iistory of California, and the other a ITistory of the 
Catholic Church in California, are the only ones of a 
general nature requiring notice here. Tuthill’s his- 
tory merits much higher praise than has generally 
been accorded to it, being the work of a brilliant and 
conscientious writer. It is a satisfactory popular his- 
tory, making no claims to exhaustive research, but 
intelligently prepared from the best accessible author- 
ities. Gleeson is not so able a writer, is somewhat 
more of a partisan, wrote more hastily, and fell into 
more errors; yet as a Catholic priest he had some 
superior facilities. He read more of the old authori- 
ties, went more fully into details, and was quite as 
conscientious; and he has given us a pleasing and 
_tolerably accurate picture of mission life and annals. 
Neither of these authors had, or pretended to have, 
any facilities for writing history or annals proper, and 
Mexico, Calvo, Cavo, Colton, Cooke, Diccionario, Documentos, Doyle, Drake, 
Dunbar, Dwinelle, Figueroa, Flagg, Frémont, Furber, Gomez, Guerra, Hale, 
Halleck, Hartmann, Hawes, Hotiman, Homes, Ide, Jay, Jenkins, Jones, 
Lancey, Marcou, McGlashan, Mansfield, Mexican War, Palou, Phelps, Kam- 
say, Randolph, Revere, Ripley, Rivera, Stockton, Taylor, Upham, Vallejo, 
Velasco, Vischer, Tikhménef, Materialui, Rezinof, Markof, and Khlébnikof. 

40 Archbald, Arroyo,, Assembly, Biographical Sketches, Boggs, Bowers, 
Brooklyn, Brown, Buchanan, Clark, Dall, Daubenbiss, Degroot, Dwinel-e, 
Dye, Elliot, Espinosa, Folsom, Foster, Frémont, Hale, Halleck, Hecox, Hit- 
tell, Hopkins, Jones, Kern, Kearny, King’s Orphan, Kip, Leese, McDougall, 
McPherson, Marcou, Marsh, Mason, Mexico, Micheltorena, Peckham, Reed, 


Sherman, Stevenson, Stillman, Stockton, Sutter, Taylor, Toomes, Trask, 
Vallejo, Veritas, Victor, Warren, Wiggins, and Wolfskill. 


44 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


to criticise their failure to accomplish such a result 
would be affectation." Historical sketches published 
before 1848, either separately or in connection with 
narratives of travel, many of them of real value, will 
be noticed individually in their chronological place. 
Similar sketches, but for the most part of much less 
importance, published during the ‘flush times’ or 
later, often in connection with descriptive works, 
such sketches as those found under the headings 
Capron, Cronise, Frost, and Hastings, require no 
special notice. They contained no original material, 
and made but inadequate and partial use of such as 
was easily accessible. 

There is, however, another class of these recent 
publications that assumes considerable importance, 
that of local histories, of which my list contains over 
sixty titles. Hach in connection with descriptive 
matter gives something of local annals for both early 
and modern times. Some of them are the Centennial 
Sketches prepared at the suggestion of the United 
etates government, like that of Los Angeles by 
Warner and Hayes, and of San Francisco by John 
S. Hittell. This latter work was made also ‘inci- 
dentally a history of California,’ and, ike the oe 
Annals of San Prancisco. by Soulé and others, it is 
work of much merit. The authors were able men, 
though they had neither time, space, nor material to 
make anything like a complete record of local events 
in the earlier times. Hall’s Mistory of San José 
should also be mentioned in connection with the An- 
nals as a work of merit. And finally there are many 
county histories, often in atlas form and copiously il- 
lustrated with portraits, maps, and views. Each con- 
tains a preliminary sketch of California history, with 

“1 The History of California, by Franklin Tuthill, San Francisco, 1866, 
8vo, xvi. 657 pages. About one third of the book is occupied with the 
period preceding the discovery of gold. Dr Tuthill was connected with the 
San Francisco press, and died soon after the appearance of his work. 

History of the Catholic Church in California, by W. Gleeson, M. A., Pro- 


fessor, St Mary’s College, San Francisco, Cal., in two volumes, illustrated. 
San Franciseo. Printed for the author. 1872. 8vo, 2 vols, xv. 446, 351 pages. 





THE PUBLIC ARCHIVES, 45 


more detailed reference to the county which gives 
title to the work. Three or four firms have in late 
years been engaged in producing these peculiar pub- 
lications, with a dozen or more different editors. The 
books were made of course mainly to sell; yet not- 
withstanding this and other unfavorable conditions, 
some of the editors have done valuable work. As 
might be expected they are uneven in quality, abound- 
ing in blunders, especially in those parts that depend 
on Spanish records; yet in the matter of local annals 
after 1840, and of personal details, they have afforded 
mein the aggregate considerable assistance. Their 
chief defect is—I speak only of those parts relating 
to early times—that in their pages valuable informa- 
tion and glaring inaccuracies are so intermingled that 

the ordinary reader cannot separate them. They are 
not history; but they supply some useful materials 
for history. In the results of their interviews with 
old residents the editors have furnished some matter 
similar and supplemental to the pioneer dictations 
which I shall presently mention. 


I now come to the thousand and more titles of 
manuscript authorities in my list, far exceeding those 
in print for this early period, not only numerically, but 
in historical value; since the country’s annals down 
to 1846, at least, could be much more completely 
written from the manuscripts alone than from the 
print alone. Naturally these authorities lose nothing 
of their value in my estimation from the facts that in 
most instances no other writer has consulted them, 
and that essentially all of them exist only in my col- 
lection. 

Of the public archives of the Spanish and Mexican 
government in California, transferred -by copyists to 
my library, there are thirteen collections represented 
in the catalogue by as many titles, the originals making 
about 350 bound volumes of from 300 to 1 ,000 docu. 
ments each, besides an immense mass of unbound 


46 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


papers.” With a view to the convenience of the pub-. 


lic, rather than my own, I have made the numbers of 
my volumes of copies and extracts correspond in most 
cases to the originals. Tor historical purposes these 
copies are better than the originals on account of their 
legibility, and the condensation effected by the omis- 
sion of duplicates and suppression of verbiage in minor 
routine papers. ‘The originals are the official papers 
turned over by the Mexican government to that of the 
United States in 1846-7, now preserved chiefly in the 
United States surveyor-general’s office at San Fran- 
cisco, where there are nearly three hundred bulky 
tomes besides loose papers, but also in less extensive 
collections at other places, notably at Los Angeles, 
Salinas City, and San José. The main Archivo is 
divided into twenty-four sub-collections;* but beyond 
a slight attempt at chronology and the segregation of 
papers on a few topics involving land titles, the classi- 
fication is arbitrary and of no value; nor is there any 
real distinction between the papers preserved in the 
cifferent archives. Of the nature of these documents it 
must suffice to say that they are the originals, blotters, 
or certified copies of the orders, instructions, reports, 
correspondence, and act-records of the authorities, po- 
litical, military, judicial, and ecclesiastical; national, 
provincial, departmental, territorial, and municipal, 
during the successive rule, monarchical, imperial, and 
republican, of Spain, Mexico, and the United States, 
from 1768 to1850. Thevalue of archive recordsas a 
foundation for history is universally understood. Span- 
ish archives are not less accurate than those of other 
nations; and, since few happenings were so petty as 
not to fall under the cognizance of some official, they 
furnish a much more complete record of provincial 


#2 Archivo de California, Los Angeles, Monterey, Sacramento, San Diego, 
San José, San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Santa Cruz. 

48 Actas, Brands, Dept. Records, Dept. State Papers, Legislative Records, 
Provincial Records, Provincial State Papers, State Papers, Superior Govt 
St. Papers, and Unbound Documents. For further subdivisions of these titles 
see list. 





MISSION RECORDS. 47 


annals than would be afforded, for instance, by the 
public archives of an English province. Of the 
quarter of a million documents consulted in these col- 
lections I shall mention later about two hundred 
under distinct titles. The early archives of California, 
as preserved by the government, are not entircly com- 
plete, though more nearly so I think than those of 
any other state of our union; but I have taken some 
efi cotive steps to supply the defects, as will presently 
appear.“ 

Also in the nature of public Grolinest are the mis- 
sionary records. As the missions by the process of 
secularization passed into the control of the church, 
the old leather-bound registers of baptisms, mar- 
riages, burials, and confirmations at each establish- 
ment remained, and for the most part still remain, in 
the possession of the curate of the parish. Other 
inission papers were gradually brought together by 
the Franciscan authorities at Santa Bar beet where 
they now constitute the largest collection extant. 
Irom such documents as were not thus preserved, 
remaining in the missions or scattered in private 
hands, Taylor subsequently made a collection of five 
large volumes, now in the archbishop’s library in San 
I*rancisco. A third collection, chiefly of libros de 
putentes, is that of the bishop of Monterey and Los 
Angeles. These have furnished me, under four titles, 
eighteen volumes of copies, or not less than 10,000 
documents,* and my own efforts have resulted in four 
volumes of very valuable original documents, about 
2,000 in number, under three titles.“° Then the 
twenty-two collections of mission registers already 
mentioned as in custody of the curates, the libros de 


“4 There are at least seven collections in my list, which are public archives 
similar to those before named, except that instead of being copies they are 
the originals obtained by me from private sources. See headings, Larkin, 
Montere ey, San Francisco, Registro, and Sonoma. 

© Archivo del Arzobispado, Archivo del Obispado, Arch. de Sta Barbara, 
and Correspondencia de Misiones. 

46 Archivo de Misiones, Pico (Andrés), and San Antonio, Documentos 
Sucltos, 


48 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


mision proper with such scattering papers as have 
remained at some establishments, have been searched 
for my purp.es, each yielding a volume of extracts 
and statistics;*’ while from private sources I have 
obtained fifteen originals of similar nature.* I give 
separate titles to about 120 documents from the mis- 
sion archives; and it should be noted that they con- 
tain not a few secular records; while the public, or 
secular, archives contain many important mission 
papers. 

As I have said, neither the public nor mission 
archives are complete. Documents were not all 
turned over as they should have been to the United 
States and to the church; nearly every Mexican of- 
ficial retained more or less records which remained 
in his family archives together with his correspond- 
ence and that of his ancestors and relations. I have 
made an earnest effort to collect these scattered 
papers, and with flattering success, as is shown by 
about fifty collections of Documentos para la Historia 
de California, in 110 volumes, containing not less 
than 40,000 documents, thousands being of the ut- 
most hnportance as containing records nowhere else 
extant, and 116 of them receiving special titles in my 
list. About half of all these documents are similar 
in their nature and historic value—in all save that 
they are originals instead of copies on my shelves 
to those in the public and mission archives; and the 
rest are in some respects even ntore valuable for my 
purpose, being largely composed of the private corre- 
spondence of prominent citizens and officials on cur- 
rent public affairs, of which they afford almost an 
unbroken record. ‘Twenty-nine of these collections 
of private or family archives bear the names of the 





“7 Monterey Parroquia (S. Carlos), Purisima, S. Antonio, S. Buenaven- 
tura, S. Diego, S. Fernando, S. Francisco, 8. Gabriel, 8. José, S. Juan Bau- 
tista, S. Juan Capistrano, 8. Luis Obispo, 8S. Miguel, 8. Rafael, Sta Barbara, 
Sta Cruz, Sta Clara, Sta Inés, and Soledad. Only the mission books of 8. 
Luis Rey have eluded my search. 

*8 Arroyo, Loa, Mission, Musica, Oro Molido, Privilegios, Purisima, S. 
José, Sta Inés, S, Francisco Solano, Sarria, Sermones, 





PRIVATE ARCHIVES. 49 


Californian families by the representatives of which 
they were given to me.” Of these by far the largest 
and most valuable collection is that which bears the 
name of Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, in thirty-seven 
immense folio volumes of not less than 20,000 original 
papers. General Vallejo, one of the most prominent 
and enlightened of Californians, was always a col- 
lector of such documents as might aid in recording 
the history of his country; and when he became in- 
terested in my work he not only most generously and 
patriotically gave up all his accumulated treasures of 
the past, but doubled their bulk and value by using 
his influence with such of his countrymen as turned a 
deaf ear to my persuasions. As a contributor to the 
stock of original information respecting his country’s 
annals, General Vallejo must ever stand without a 
rival. The second collection in extent, and the largest 
from the south, is that of the Guerra y Noriega 
family in Santa Barbara. But bulk is by no means 
the only test of value; and many of my smaller col- 
lections, from men who gave all they had, contain 
records quite as important as the larger ones named. 

Twenty other collections bear foreign names, 1n 
some cases that of the pioneer family whose archives 
they were, and in others that of the collector or donor.” 
Except that a larger proportion of the documents are 
in English, they are generally of the same class as 
those just referred to. At the head of this class in 
merit stand Thomas O. Larkin’s nine volumes of 
Documents for the History of California, presented by 
Mr Larkin’s family through his son-in-law, Sampson 
Tams. This collection is. beyond all comparison the 
best source of information on the history of 1845-6, 
which in fact could not be correctly written without 


9 See the following headings, each followed by ‘Documentos’ or ‘Papeles;’ 
Alviso, Arce, Avila, Bandini, Bonilla, Carillo, Castro, Coronel, Cota, Estu- 
dillo, Fernandez, Gomez, Gonzalez, Guerra y Noriega, Marron, Moreno, Ol- 
vera, Pico, Pinto, Requena, Soberanes, Valle, and Vallejo. 

80 Ashley, eee Fitch, Griffin, Grigsby, Hayes, Hittell, Larkin, 
Janssens, McKinstry, Monterey, Murray, Pinart, Savage, Sawyer, and Spear. 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 4 


50 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


these papers. Larkin besides being United States 
consul, and at one time a confidential agent of the 
national administration in California, was also a lead- 
ing merchant who had an extensive commercial corre- 
spondence with prominent residents both foreign and 
native in all parts of the country, as also with traders 
and other visitors at the provincial capital. Business 
letters between him and such men as Stearns at Los 
Angeles, Fitch at San Diego, and Leidesdorff at 
San Francisco, from week to week furnish a running 
record of political, industrial, social, and commercial 
annals. The most influential natives in different sec- 
tions corresponded frequently with the merchant 
consul; he was on terms of intimacy with the masters 
of vessels, and with leading men in Mexico and at 
the islands. The collection contains numerous and 
important letters from Frémont, Sutter, Sloat, and 
Montgomery. Autograph communications fromJames 
Buchanan, secretary of State at Washington, exhibit 
the national policy respecting California in an entirely 
new light. Indeed it is difficult to overestimate the 
historical value of these precious papers, or the service 
rendered to their country by the family representa- 
tives who have made this material available to the 
historian. Besides the nine bulky volumes mentioned 
I have from the same source a large quantity of un- 
bound commercial documents; the merchant's account 
books for many years, of great value in supplying 
pioneer names and dates; and, still more important, 
his consulate records, containing copies of all his com- 
munications to the United States government, only a 
few of which have ever been made known to the 
public. Larkin and Vallejo must ever stand unri- 
valled among the names of pioneer and native contrib- 
utors to the store of original material for Californian 
history. 


My list contains about 550 titles of separate man- 
uscript documents, the number being pretty equally 


MANUSCRIPT DIARIES. ' 51- 


divided between those forming each a volume on my 
shelves and those to be found in the different pri- 
vate, public, and mission archives. So far as the 
archive papers are concerned, I might legitimately 
carry the multiplication of titles much further, since 
there are thousands of documents, which to a writer 
with a less abundant store of such material than mine 
would seem to amply merit separate titles; but here 
as elsewhere I have preferred to err, if at all, on the 
side of excessive condensation. Of the whole num- 
ber three fifths relate to the period preceding, and two 
fifths to that following, 1824. They may be roughly 
divided into four general classes. 

First there are eighty diaries or journals or log- 
books, of those who explored the coast in ships, or 
traversed the interior in quest of mission sites, or 
marched to attack hostile gentiles, or sought converts 
in distant rancherias, or came by sea to trade or 
smugele, or made official tours of inspection." The 
second class is that composed of what may be called 
government documents, one hundred and sixty-three 
in number. Twenty-seven of these were orders, in- 
structions, reports, and other papers emanating from 
the viceroy, or other Spanish or Mexican officials.” 
Seventy-five are like official papers written by the 
governor, comandante general, prefect, or other high » 
officials in California.” | Thirty-four are similar docu- 
ments from military commandants and other subordi- 
nate California officers; and twenty-seven are Mex- 

51 Abella, Albatross, Altimira, Amador, Anza, Arab, Arteaga, Bodega, 
Breen, Cabot, Canizares, Castillo, Clyman, Cooper, Cota, Coutts, Danti, Doug- 
las, Edwards, Font, Gonzalez, Goycoechea, Griffin, Grijalva, Hartnell, Has- 
well, Heceta, Libro de Bitacora, Lisalde, Log-books, Maiaspina, Martin, Mar- 
tinez, Maurelle, Mellus, Moraga, Muiioz, Nuez, Ordaz, Ortega, Payeras, 
Peirce, Petia, Peralta, Perez, Pina, Portilla, Portola, Robbins, Sal, Sanchez, 
Santa Maria, Sitjar, Soto, Tapis, Vallejo, Velazquez, Viader, Yates, and Zal- 
videa. In many cases more than one diary is found under a single name. 

52 Alaman, Areche, Azanza, Borbon, Brau ciforte, Bucareli, Carcaba, Cos- 


tansé, Croix, Flores, Galvez, Hijar, Montesdeoca, Nava, Revilla Gigedo, and 
Sanchez. 

53 Alvarado, Argiiello, Arrillaga, Borica, Castro, Chico, Echeandia, Fages, 
Figueroa, Flores, Gutierrez, Micheltorena, Neve, Pico, Rivera y Moncada, 
Romeu, Sola, Vallejo, and Victoria. 

54 Alberni, Amador, Argiiello, Bandini, Carrillo, Cérdoba, Estudillo, Gra- 


52 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


ican and Californian reglamentos provincial and muni- 
cipal, emanating from different authorities.” The 
third class consists of one hundred and four mission 
documents, of which fifteen are orders, regulations, 
and reports-from guardians of the college of San Fer- 
nando, and other high missionary and ecclesiastic 
authorities in Mexico or Spain.” Fifty-two are in- 
structions or reports of the mission presidents and pre- 
fects, or from the bishop;” while the rest, forty-seven 
in number, are reports, letters, and miscellaneous 
writings of the missionary padres.” The fifth and 
last class is that to which may be applied the con- 
venient term ‘ miscellaneous,’ consisting of nearly two 
hundred titles, and which may be subdivided as fol- 
lows: Twenty-six items of political correspondence, 
speeches, and narratives;” a dozen or more docu- 
ments of local record and regulation;® twenty-two 
collections from private sources, equivalent to public 
or mission archives;*' twenty-two other collections 
of material; thirty expedientes, or topic collections of 
documents, including many legal and criminal cases;* 


jera, Grijalva, Goycoechea, Guerra, Moraga, Ortega, Padrés, Perez Fernan- 
dez, Rodriguez, Sal, Soler, and Vallejo. 

55 Alvarado, Arancel, Californias, Colonizacion, Constitucion, Decreto, 
Kcheandia, Galvez, Indios, Instrucciones, Mexico, Micheltorena, Ordenanzas, 
Pico, Pitic, Plan, Reglamento, and Secularizacion. 

56 Bestard, Branciforte, Calleja, Gasol, Garijo, Lopez, Lull, Pio VI., Pan- 
gua, and Sancho. 

57 Duran, Garcia Diego, Indios, Lasuen, Misiones, Payeras, Sanchez, 
Sarria, Sefian, Serra, and Tapis. 

58 Abella, Autobiografia, Catala, Catecismo, Colegio, Escandon, Expe- 
diente, Facultad, Fernandez, Fondo Piadoso, Fuster, Hayes, Horra, Inform>, 
Lasuen, Lopez, Marquinez, Mission, Monterey, Mugartegui, Munguia, Oibés, 
Palou, Paterna, Pefia, Protesta, Purisima, Ripoll, Salazar, San Buenaven- 
tura, San José, Santa Barbara, Serra, Tapis, and Zalvidea. 

5® Alvarado, Argiiello, Bandini, Carrislo, Castillo Negrete, Castro, Gomez, 
Guerra, Osio, and Vallejo. 

_ © Estab. Rusos, Los Angeles, Monterey, Ross, Rotschef, and San Fran- 
cisco. 
61 See notes 44 and 48 of this chapter. 
6? Bear Flag Papers, Boston, California Pioneers, Cerruti, Hayes, Linares, 


Miscel. Hist. Papers, Nueva Espaiia, Pinart, Pioneer Sketches, Douglas. 


Papers, Mayer MSS., Russian America, Sutter-Sufiol, Taylor, Viages al Norte. 
6 Abrego, Albatross, Apalategui, Asia and Constante, Atanasio, Berreyesa, 
Bouchard, Carrillo, Castaiiares, Duarte, Elliot de Castro, Expediente, Fitch, 
Graham, Guerra, Herrera, Mercado, Mercury, Pea, Rae, Rodriguez, Romero, 
Rubio, San José, Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz, Soltis, Sonoma, and Stearns. 





SE NEA LOND PE, 


ee 


MISCELLANEOUS MANUSCRIPTS. 53 


half a dozen old sets of commercial and other account 
books, some of them of great historical value;* fifteen 
lists of inhabitants, vessels, pioneers, soldiers, etc. ;" 
and a like number of old narratives, some being sim- 
ilar to my dictations to be mentioned presently, except 
that they were not written expressly for my use, and 
others being old diaries and records;® also eight per- 
sonal records, hojas de servicio, and wills;” fifteen 
battles, treaties, juntas, or plans; three very impor- 
tant documents on relations with the United States; 
four on the Ross Colony; five items of correspond- 
ence of visitors or Nootka men; and a dozen, too 
hopelessly miscellaneous to be classified, that need not 
be named here. 

Thousands of times in my foot-notes I have occa- 
sion to accredit certain information in this manner: 
‘Padre Lasuen’s letter of ,m Arch. Sta Badr.; 
tom. —, p. —; ‘ Bandini’s Speech, in Carrillo, Doc. 
Fist. Cal., tom. —, p. —’; ‘Gov. Fages to P. Serra 
(date), in Prov. St. Pap.’; ‘Larkin to Leidesdorff, 
June —— 1526, in ta., Doc. Hist. (Cal., iv., etc., etc. 
Now one of these communications is not worth a 
separate place in my list; but a hundred from one 
man form a collection which richly merits a title. 
That the items are scattered in different manuscript 
volumes on my shelves, when they might by a mere 
mechanical operation have been bound in a separate 
volume, makes no difference that I can appreciate. 
Therefore from this scattered correspondence of some 
two hundred of the most prominent men whose 
writings as used by me are most voluminous, I have 





®t Cooper, Larkin, Russian American Company, and Vallejo. 

6 Dana, Espafioles, Estrada, Hayes, Los Angeles, Monterey, Padron, Mor- 
mon Battalion, Relacion, Richardson, Rowland, Salidas, Spence, Stuart, and 
Taylor. 

66 Compafiia Extrangera, Ford, Hartnell, Ide, Leese, Marsh, Morris, Mur- 
ray, New Helvetia, Ortega, Prudon, and Vigilantes. 

67 Amador, Argiiello, Arrillaga, Carrillo, Castro, and Ortega. 

68 Cahuenga, Carrillo, Conferencia, Consejo, Instrucciones, Junta, Plan, 
Pronunciamiento, Solis, Tratado, and Zamorano. 

®?Buchanan and Larkin. 

 Bardnof, Etholin, Potechin, and Zavalischin. 

71 Douglas, Kendrick, Malaspina, Saavedra, Wilcox. 


54 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


made a like number of titles. The author’s name is 
followed in each title by cartas, correspondencia, escri- 
tos, or some similar general term. Seventy belong 
to men who wrote chiefly before 1824; one hundred 
and thirty to those who flourished later. Of the 
whole number, twenty were Spanish or Mexican offi- 
cials who wrote beyond the limits of California; 
twenty were Franciscan friars of the California mis- 
sions; forty-eight were foreign pioneer residents in 
California; and one hundred and eleven were native, 
Mexican, or Spanish citizens and officials of Califor- 
nia. Several of these collections in each class would 
form singly a large volume.” 


One more class of manuscripts remains to be no- 
ticed. The memory of men as a source of historical 
information, while not to be compared with original 
documentary records, 1s yet of very great importance. 
The memory of men yet living when I began my re- 
searches, as aided by that of their fathers, covers in a 
sense the whole history of California since its settle- 


7 Spanish and Mexican officials, all before 1824: Apodaca, Azanza, Barry, 
Branciforte, Bucareli, Calleja, Carcaba, Croix, Galvez, Garibay, Haro y 
' Peralta, Iturigaray, Marquina, Nava, Rengel, Revilla, Gigedo, Ugarte y 
Loyola, Venadito, and Venegas. 

Padres or ecclesiastics, 8 before and 12 after 1824: Abella, Arroyo, Boscana, 
Cabot, Catal4, Dumetz, Duran, Esténega, Garcia Diego, Jimeno, Lasuen, 
Martin, Martinez, Ordaz, Palou, Payeras, Peyri, Quijas, Rouset, Seiian, 
Tapis, and Viader. 

Foreign residents and visitors: Belden, Bolcof, Burton, Colton, Cooper, 
Dana, Davis, Den, Douglas, Fitch, Fliigge, Forbes, Foster, Frémont, Garner, 
Gillespie, Green, Hartnell, Hastings, Hinckley, Howard, Jones, Larkin, 
Leese, Leidesdorff, Livermore, Marsh, Mason, Mellus, Mofras, Morenhaut, 
Murphy, Parrott, Paty, Prudon, Reid, Richardson, Semple, Spence, Stearns, 
Stevenson, Stockton, Sloat, Sutter, Temple, Thompson, Vignes, and Vioget. 

Californian officials and citizens, 36 before and 75 after 1824: Abrego, 
Alberni, Alvarado, Amador, Amesti, Archuleta, Argiiello, Arrillaga, Ban- 
dini, Bonilla, Borica, Botello, Buelna, Carrillo, Castaiiares, Castillero, Cas- 
tillo Negrete, Castro, Chico, Cérdoba, Coronel, Cota, Covarrubias, Echeandia, 
Escobar, Estrada, Estudillo, Fages, Fernandez, Figueroa, Flores, Font, 
Gomez, Gonzalez, Goycoechea, Grajera, Grijalva, Guerra, Gutierrez, Haro, 
Herrera, Hijar, Ibarra, Lasso, Lugo, Machado, Malarin, Maitorena, Marti- 
nez, Micheltorena, Moraga, Mufioz, Neve, Olvera, Ortega, Osio, Osuna, 
Pacheco, Padrés, Pefia, Peralta, Perez Fernandez, Pico, Portilla, Ramirez, 
Requena, Rivera y Moncada, Rodriguez, Romeu, Ruiz, Sal, Sanchez, Ser- 
rano, Sola, Soler, Sufol, Tapia, Torre, Valle, Vallejo, Victoria, Villavicencio, 
Zamorano, and Zuhiga. 





| 
| 


ee a ek ee a 


a 


ng en 


Fe a ae 


OO a 


PERSONAL REMINISCENCES. 55 


ment. I have therefore taken dictations of personal 
reminiscences from 160 old residents. Half of them 
were natives, or of Spanish blood; the other half 
foreign pioneers who came to the country before 1848. 
Of the former class twenty-four were men who occu- 
pied prominent public positions, equally divided be- 
tween the north and the south.” 

The time spent with each by my reporters was 
from a few days to twelve months, according to the 
prominence, memory, and readiness to talk of the 
person interviewed; and the result varied in bulk 
from a few pages to five volumes of manuscript. A 
few spoke of special events; most gave their general 
recollections of the past; and several supplemented 
their reminiscences by documentary or verbal testi- 
mony obtained from others. They include men of all 
classes and in the aggregate fairly represent the Calli- 
fornian people. Eleven of the number were women, 
and the dictation of one of these, Mrs Ord—Dotia 
Angustias de la Guerra—compares favorably in accu- 
racy, interest, and completeness, with the best in my 
collection. (General Vallejo’s narrative, expanded into 
a formal Historia de California, is the most extensive 
and in some respects the most valuable of all; that of 
Governor Alvarado is second in size, and In many 
parts of inferior quality. The works of Bandini and 
Osio differ from the others in not having been written 
expressly for my use. The authors were intelligent 
and prominent men, and though their narratives are 
much less extensive and complete than those of Va- 
llejo and Alvarado, they are of great importance. 
Those of such men as Botello, Coronel, Pio and Jesus 
Pico, Arce, Amador, and Castro merit special men- 


S Abrego, Alvarado, Alviso, Amador, Arce, Arnaz, Avila, Bandini, Bernal, 
Berreyesa, Bojorges, Boronda, Botello, Buelna, Burton, Carrillo, Castro, Coro- 
nel, Escobar, Espinosa, Estudillo, Ezquer, Fitch, Fernandez, Flores, Galindo, 
Garcia, Garnica, German, Gomez, Gonzalez, Hartnell, Hijar, Julio César, 
Juarez, Larios, Leese, Lorenzana, Lugo, Machado, Marron, Moreno, Ord, 
Osio, Palomares, Perez, Pico, Pinto, Rico, Robles, Rodriguez, Romero, San- 
ek Septilveda, Serrano, Torre, Torres, Valle, Valdés, Vallejo, Vega, and 

éjar. , 


56 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


tion, and there are many of the bricfer dictations 
which in comparison with the longer ones cited have 
a value far beyond their bulk. 

Of the pioneers whose testimony was taken,” twelve 
wrote on special topics, such as the Bear Flag, Don- 
ner Party, or Graham Affair. Twenty of them came 
to California before 1840. Thirty-five came over- 
land, twenty in immigrant parties, three or four as 
hunters, and the rest as soldiers or explorers in 
1845-8; while twenty came by sea, chiefly as traders 
or seamen who left their vessels secretly. William 
H. Davis has furnished one of the most detailed 
and accurate records of early events and men; and 
others meriting particular mention are Baldridge, 
Belden, Bidwell, Bigler, Chiles, Forster, Murray, 
Nidever, Sutter, Warner, and Wilson. As a whole 
the testimony of the pioneers is hardly equal in value 
to that of the native Californians, partly because they 
have in many cases taken less interest and devoted 
less time to the matter; also because the testimony 
of some of the most competent has been given more 
or less fully in print. 

While the personal reminiscences of both natives 
and pioneers, as used in connection with and tested 
by contemporaneous documentary evidence, have been 
in the aggregate of great value to me in the prepara- 
tion of this work, yet I cannot give them unlimited 
praise as authorities. A writer, however intelligent 
and competent, attempting to base the annals of Cali- 
fornia wholly or mainly on this kind of evidence, 
would produce a very peculiar and inaccurate work. 
Hardly one of these narratives if put in print could 


74 Anthony, Baldridge, Barton, Bee, Belden, Bell, Bidwell, Bigler, Birnie, 
Boggs, Bowen, Brackett, Bray, Breen, Brown, Burton, Carriger, Chamber- 
lain, Chiles, Crosby, Dally, Davis, Dittman, Dunne, Dye, Eaton, Findla, 
Forster, Foster, Fowler, Gary, Greyson, Gillespie, Grimshaw, Hargrave, 
Hopper, Hyde, Janssens, Knight, Marshall, Martin, Maxwell, McChristian, 
McDaniels, McKay, Meadows, Mone, Nidever, Ord, Osborn, Parrish, Peirce, 
Rhodes, Richardson, Roberts, Robinson, Ross, Russ, Smith, Spence, Streeter, 
Sutter, Swan, Swasey, Taylor, Temple, Tustin, Walker, Warner, Weeks, 
Wheeler, White, Wiggins, Wilson, and Wise. 


VALUE OF PIONEER TESTIMONY. 57 


escape severe and merited criticism. It is no part of 
my duty to pomt out defects in individual narratives 
written for my use, but rather to extract from each 
all that it contains of value, passing the rest in si- 
Jence. And in criticising this material in bulk, I do 

not allude to the few clumsy attempts in certain 
_ dictations and parts of others to deceive me, or to the 
falsehoods told with a view to exaggerate the im- 
portance or otherwise promote the interests of the 
narrator, but to the general mass of statements from 
honest and intelligent men. In the statements of 
past events made by the best of men from memory— 
and I do not find witnesses of Anglo-Saxon blood in' 
any degree superior in this respect to those of Span- 
ish race—will be found a strange and often inexplicable 
mixture of truth and falsehood. Side by side in the best 
narratives I find accounts of one event which are models 
of faithful accuracy and accounts of another event 
not even remotely founded in fact. There are nota- 
ble instances where prominent witnesses have in their 
statements done gross injustice to their own reputa- 
tion or that of their friends. There seems to exist a 
general inability to distinguish between the memory 
of real occurrences that have been seen and known, 
and that of idle tales that have been heard in years 
long past. If in my work I have been somewhat 
over cautious in the use of such testimony, it is a 
fault on which the reader will, 1 hope, look leniently. 


’ The history, and with it the bibliography, of Califor- 
nia after the discovery of gold may be conveniently 
divided into two periods, the first extending from 
1848 to 1856 over the ‘flush times,’ and the second 
from 1857 to date. For the first period a larger part 
of the authorities are in manuscript than would at first 
glance appear, though with the advent of newspapers 
and printed government records the necessity of 
searching the archives for the most part disappears; 
for itis to be noted that most of the documentary 


58 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


collections, public and private, already noticed, contain 
papers of value of later date than 1849; and, still 
more important, the reminiscences of natives and the 
earliest pioneers cited in preceding pages, extend in 
most instances past the gold discovery. Tor ‘this 
period I have also collected in manuscript form the 
testimony of about one hundred pioneers who came 
after 1848,” the number including a few narratives 
relating in part to Oregon, and a few miscellaneous 
manuscripts not quite properly classified with pioneer 
recollections; there are besides some twenty-five men, 
‘forty-niners’ for the most part, who have devoted 
their testimony chiefly to the vigilance committees of 
San Francisco, most being prominent members of 
those organizations.” What has been said of similar 
narratives on earlier events as authorities for history 
may be applied to these. In the aggregate they are 
of immense value, being the statements of men who 
had been actors in the scenes described. For impor- 
tant additions to this class of material, received too 
late for special mention here, the reader is referred to 
the supplementary list of authorities. 


Material printed in California during this period, 
including a few items of 1848 and of 1857-8, is repre- 
sented by about one hundred titles in my list; to 
which should be added the legislative journals and the 
numerous state documents printed from year to year, 


% See Allsop, Anderson, Armstrong, Ashley, Ayers, Bacon, Ball, Ballot, 
Barnes, Barstow, Bartlett, Bauer, Bigler, Boynton, Brackett, Bristow, Brock, 
Brodie, Brown, Burnett, Burris, Cassin, Cerruti, Chamberlain, Chapin, Clark, 
Colvin, Connor, Conway, Coon, Crosby, Davidson, Dean, Doolittle, Dowell, 
Duncan, Earll, Fairchild, Fay, Fitzgerald, Garniss, Gwin, Hancock, Hart- 
nell, Hawley, Hayes, Hearn, Henshaw, Herrick, Hinckley, Hitchcock, Hud- 
son, Keyser, Kirkpatrick, Kohler, Kraszewski, Lamotte, Lane, Lawson, 
Limantour, Little, Low, Mans, Massett, Matthewson, Merrill, Montgomery, 
Moore, Morris, Palmer, Patterson, Peckham, Powers, Rabbison, Randolph, 
Richardson, Roder, Ross, Rush, Ryckman, Safford, Sawtelle, Sayward, 
Schmiedell, Shaw, Shearer, Stuart, Sutton, Tarbell, Taylor, Thomes, Van 
Dyke, Vowell, Watson, Wheaton, Widber, Willey, Williams, and Winans. 

6 Bluxome, Burns, Cole, Coleman, Comstock, Crary, Dempster, Dows, 
Durkee, Farwell, Frink, Gillespie, McAllister, Manrow, Neall, Olney, Rogers, 
Schenck, Smiley, Staples, Stillman, Truett, Wadsworth, Watkins, and 
Woodbridge. 





AFTER THE GOLD DISCOVERY. 59 


and preserved as appendices to those journals, as also 
the series of California Reports and California Statutes. 
There are twenty-one books and pamphlets descrip- 
tive of the country, with life and events therein during 
the flush times, most of them having also an admix- 
ture of past annals and future prospects.” fifteen 
pamphlets are records of Californian societies, com- 
panies, or associations, the annual publication extend- 
ing often beyond this period.* <A like number are 
municipal records of different towns, besides a dozen di- 
rectories;” and as many more legal, , judicial, and other 
official publications, not including avery large number 
of briefs and court records which are not named in 
the list; besides nine speeches delivered in Califor- 
nia and published in pamphlet form; and as many 
miscellaneous publications, including one periodical.” 
Many newspapers might be enumerated besides the 
Alta, Herald, Bulletin, and Evening News of San 
Francisco, the Placer Times and Union of Sacramento, 
and the Gazette of Santa Bdrbara; there are some fif- 
teen articles on early Californian subjects;* and a like 
number of scrap-books in my collection, notably those 
made by Judge Hayes, contain more or less material 
on the times under consideration. 

™ Benton, California, Carrol, Carson, Crane, Delano, King of Wm., 
McGowan, Miners, Morse, San Francisco, Taylor, Terry, Wadsworth, 
Werth, and Wierzbicki. 

78 Cal. Bible Soc., Cal. Dry Dock Co., First Cal. Guard, Marysville & 
Ben. R. R., Mechanics’ Inst., Mercantile Lib., Mex. Ocean Mail, Overland 
Mail, Sac. Valley R. R., Sta Clara Col., Univ. Cal., Univ. Pacific, Young 
Men’s Christ. Ass. 

9 Los Angeles, Parkitt, San Diego, San Francisco Act, 8. F. Fire Dept., 
S. F. Memorial, S. F. Minutes, 8. F. City Charter, 8S. F. Ordinances, 8. F. 
Proceedings, S. F. Pub. Schools, S. F. Remonstrance, 8. F. Rept., S. F. 
Town Council, and Wheeler. Directories—Marysville, Sacramento, San Fran- 
cisco, Stockton, and Tuolumne. 

89 California (Circuit Court, Comp. Laws, Constit., Dist. Court, Sup. 
Court), Constit. Convention, Crocker, Hartman, Limantour, Marvin, Mason, 
Riley, Thornton, Turner. 

81 Baker, Bates, Bigler, Billings, Bryan, Freelon, Lockwood, Shaw, Speer. 

Cal. Text Book, Gougenheim, Democratic, . Limantour, Taylor (song 
book), Willey, Pioneer, and Almanacs. 

83 Franklin, Hittell, McCloskey, McDougal, McGowan, Nugent, Peckham, 
Randolph, Reid, Ryan, Victor, Trask, Weed, Willey, Vallejo. 


8 Bancroft Library, Barton, Bigler, Brooks, California, Dye, Hall, Hayes, 
Knight, Lancey, Levitt, Pac. Mail, Sta Cruz, 


60 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


Works about California printed elsewhere were 
three times as numerous as those of home manufacture, 
and in most respects much more important. First 
there were over eighty books, similar except in place 
of publication to those of a class already mentioned, 
which described California, its mines and towns, its 
people and their customs, the journey by land or sea 
to the country with personal adventures of the writers 
or others, books in different languages owing their 
existence directly to the discovery of gold.* Many 
of these were to a considerable extent fictitious, but 


there were others containing little or nothing but 


fiction. Next among works of real value should be 
noticed fifty reports on Californian topics, published 
by the United States government; and in this con- 
nection may receive attention the regular sets of U. 
S. government documents recording the acts of con- 
oress from session to session, and containing hundreds of 
valuable papers, bearing on affairs in the far west, with 
several other collections of somewhat similar nature.® 
There were a dozen or more pamphlets on various 
Californian topics not directly connected with the 
gold discovery and its attendant phenomena.® Then 


8 Abbey, Adam, Allsop, Auger, Berry, Ballenstedt, Borthwick, Boucha- 
court, Bound Home, Brooks, Bryant, Butfum, Cal. (Emig. Guide, Gold Reg., 
Gids Naar, Its Gold, Its Past, Notes), Californie, Californien (Ant. Nach., 
Rathgeber, Und sein Golt, sein Min.), Cassell, Colton, Diggers, Edelman, 
Farnham, Ferry, Foster, Gerstiicker, Gold-finders, Gregory, Hartniann, 
Helper, Holinski, Hoppe, Johnson, Kelly, King, Kip, Kunzel, Lambertie, 
Letts, McCollum, McIlvaine, Marryat, Mason, Meyer, Oswald, Palmer, 
Parkman, Praslow, Robinson, Ryan, Schwartz, Sedgley, Seyd, Seymour, 
Shaw, Sherwood, Simpson, Solignac, St Amant, Stirling, Taylor, Thompson, 
Tyson, Walton, Weil, Weston, Williamson, Wilson, and Woods. 

86 Such as Aimard, Amelia, Ballou, Bigly, Champagnac, Gerstiicker, Pay- 
son, and many more. 

87 Abell, Alexander, Bartlett, Beale, Beckwith, California (Amount, Com- 
mission, Copy, Dent, Establishment, Indians, Land Com., Message, Volun- 
teers), Cooke, Cram, Derby, Flagg, Fort Point, Frémont, Gibbons, Graham, 
Gray, Halleck, Homer, Jones, King, Mason, Meredith, Mex. Boundary, Pac. 
Wagon Roads, Reynolds, Riley, San Francisco, Sherman, Smith, Sutter, Ty- 
son, U. S. and Mex., Warren, Whipple, and Wool. 

8 U.S. Govt Doce. (two series), U. 8. Supreme Court Reports, Annals of 
Congress, Congressional Debates, Cong. Globe, Benton’s Abridgment, Smith- 
sonian Reports, and Pac. R. R. Reports. 

89 Atlan. & Pac. R. R., Browne, Cal. Appeal, California, Frémont, Liman- 
tour, Logan, Ringgold, Pac. M. 8. 8. Co., 8. F. Custom House, S. F. Land 
Assoc., Stillman, and Thompson. 





MODERN TIMES. - 61. 


we have more than fifty speeches chiefly delivered 
in Congress and circulated in pamphlet form, many 
of them pertaining to the admission of California as 
a state.” Besides the books relating wholly or mainly 
to California there were some thirty others on west- 
ern regions with allusions more or less extended to 
the gold regions;” and half as many general works 
with mention of California.” Both of these classes, 
and especially the latter, might be greatly extended 
in numbers; and the same may be said of the period- 
icals and collections that contained articles on our 
subject, there being few such publications in the 
world that gave no attention to the western El Do- 


~ rado.® 


Of works published in and about California since 
1856, I attempt no classification. Within my present 
limits it would be impossible satisfactorily to classify 
so bulky and diversified a mass of material, of which, 
indeed, I have not been able even to present the titles 
of more than half in the alphabetical list of authori- 
ties. The efforts of modern writers to record the his- 
tory of the Spanish and Mexican periods have already 
been noticed in this chapter; but I may add that 
these efforts have been much more successful in their 
application to events subsequent to the discovery of 


9 Averett, Baldwin, Bennett, Benton, Bowie, Breck, Brooks, Caldwell, 
Cary, Clark, Cleveland, Corwin, Crowell, Douglas, Estell, Foote, Fowler, 
Gwin, Hall, Hebard, Howard, Howe, Lander, Latham, McDougal, McLean, 
McQueen, McWillie, Marshall, Mason, Morehead, Olds, Parker, Pearce, Pres- 
ton, Putnam, Phelps, Seddon, Seward, Smith, Spaulding, Stanley, Thomp- 
son, Thurman, Thurston, Toombs, Van Voorhie, Weller, Wiley, Winthrop, 
and Worcester. 

91 Ansted, Briefe, Coke, Combier, Findlay, Gerstiicker, Gold-fields, Heap, 
Hines, Horn, Lauts, Perry, Pfeifer, Plumb, Rednitz, Rovings, Schmidt, 
Schmélder, Smucker, Stockton, Thornton, Upham, Wells, Western Scenes, 
Whiting, Wilkes, Wise, Wood. 

®2 Benton, Cevallos, De Bow, Diccionario, Dunlop, Garden, March y La- 
bores, Mayer, Shea, Weichardt, Wilson, Young, Zamacois. 

% Album Mex., Amer. and For. Christ. Union, Annual of Scientific Dis- 
cov., Bankers’ Mag., De Bow’s Review, Edinburgh Review, Hansard, Harper, 
Home Missionary, Hunt’s Merch. Mag., Ilustracion Mex., Mining Mag., 
Millennial Star, Niles’ Register, North Amer. Review, Nouvelles Annales, 
Panama Star, Quarterly Rev., Revue Deux Mondes, Silliman’s Amer. Jour., 
etc. , etc, 


62 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. 


gold, because material has been much more abundant 
and accessible. This applies particularly to the many 
works on local and county annals printed in late 
years, several of which have a standard value.™ 

It is to be noted that the pioneer reminiscences of 
my collection contain, and are supplemented by, the 
statements of prominent men on various practical 
topics connected with the industrial development of 
California in recent times; that several classes of 
printed matter already mentioned, such as municipal, 
state, and national documents, continue to throw light 
on events of the last thirty years; that travellers have 
never ceased to print their experiences in, and their 
views respecting, this western land; that resident and 
even native writers have contributed largely to our 
store of books on industrial, literary, educational, re- 
ligious, legal, political, and historical subjects; that 
numerous associations and institutions have helped to 
swell the mass of current pamphlets; and that news- 
papers—an invaluable source of material for local and 
personal history—have greatly multiplied. Indeed, 
California has not only by reason of her peculiar past 
received more attention at the hands of writers from 
abroad than any other part of our nation, but in re- 
spect of internal literary development she is not 
behind other provinces of like tender years. In con- 
clusion, I append a short list of works published since 
1856, which have somewhat exceptional historic value 
in comparison with others of the mass.” Most of 


%4 See in the list, besides the names of counties and towns: Banfield, Bar- 
ton, Bledsoe, Butler, Cooper, Cox, Dwinelle, Frazee, Gift, Hall, Halley, Hare, 
Hawley, Hittell, Huse, Lloyd, McPherson, Menefee, Meyrick, Orr, Owen, 
Perkins, Sargent, Soulé, Thompson, Tinkham, Western Shore, and Willey. | 

% See Alric, Ames, Barry, Bartlett, Bates, Beers, Bell, Blake, Bonner, 
Brooks, Browne, Bryant, Burnett, Bushnell, California (Arrival, Biog., 
Hardy, Leyes, Med. Soc.), Carvalho, Chandless, Clark, Contemp. Biog., 
Cooke, Cornwallis, Cronise, Coyner, Dixon, Gleeson, Fields, First Steamship, 
Fisher, King, Gray, Grey, Hittell, Hoffman, Hughes, Labatt, McCue, McGar- 
rahan, McGlashan, Mollhausen, "Morgan, Moulder, New Almaden, Norman, 
O’Meara, Palmer, Parsons, Patterson, Peabody, Peirce, Peters, Phelps, 
Player-Frowd, Randolph, Raymond, Redding, Rossi, Saxon, Schlagintweit, 
Sherman, Shuck, Simpson, Stillman, Tuthill, Tyler, Upham, Vallejo, Vis- 
cher, Wetmore, Willey, and Williams. 





ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 63 


them but for the date of their publication might be 
added to the different classes before named, as per- 
taining to the period of 1848-56. For further biblio- 
graphic information, including full or slightly abridged 
title, summary of contents, circumstances attending 
the production, criticism of historic value, and bio- 
graphic notes on the writer of each work mentioned 
in the different classes and subdivisions of this chapter, 
I refer the reader not only to the list at the beginning 
of this volume but to the foot-notes of all the seven 
volumes, which may be traced through the alpha- 
betical index at the end of the work. 


CHAPTER III. 


THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 
1542-1768, 


ORIGIN OF THE NAME—CoNJECTURES—SERGAS OF ESPLANDIAN—MR HALE’s 
DiscovERY—LATER VARIATIONS OF THE NAME—WHoO First Saw ALTA 
CALIFORNIA?—ULtoA, ALARCON, D1Az—FIvE EXPEDITIONS—V OYAGE OF 
Juan RopRIGUEZ CABRILLO, 1542-3—EXPLORATION FROM SAN DIEGO TO 
Point CoNncEPCION—FERRELO IN THE NoRTH—VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS 
DRAKE, 1579 —NEwW ALBION—DRAKE DID NoT DIscovVER SAN FRANCISCO 
Bay—Maprs—THueE PHILipPiIne SHIpS—GALI’s VoyaAGE, 1584—CaAPE MEN- 
DOCINO—VOYAGE OF SEBASTIAN RODRIGUEZ DE CERMENON, 1595—THE 
Oup San FRANCISCO—EXPLORATIONS OF SEBASTIAN VIZCAINO, 1602-3— 
Mar—DIscovERY OF MOoNTEREY—AGUILAR’S NORTHERN Limit—Ca- 
BRERA BUENO’s Work, 1734—SPANISH CHART, 1742—THE NORTHERN 
MystTEeRY AND EaRty Maps. 


TxHovucH the California which is the subject of this 
work inherited its name from an older country whose 
annals have been already recorded by me, yet a state- 
ment respecting the origin and application of the name 
seems appropriate here. When Jimenez discovered 
the peninsula, supposed to be an island, in 1533, he 
applied no name so far as can be known. Cortés, 
landing at the same place with a colony on the 3d of 
May 1535, named the port and the country adjoining 
Santa Cruz, from the day. There is no evidence that 
he ever gave, or even used, any other name, the name 
California not occurring in any of his writings.’ Ulloa 

1At least I have not found it. The ‘puerto y bahia de Santa Cruz’ is named 
in the original document of 1535. Cortés, Auto de Posesion, in Col. Doc. Jnéd., 


iv. 192. After his return to Spain in 1540 in a memorial to the king he testi- 
fied ‘T arrived at the land of Santa Cruz and was in it...and being in the said 


land of Santa Cruz I had complete knowledge of the said land.’ Cortés, Men:o- 


rial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 211. Other witnesses who had accompanied Cortés 
testified in Spain about the same time; one, that the country was called Tar- 
sis; another, that the country had no name, but that the bay was called Santa 
Cruz; several, that they remembered no name. Probanza, in Pacheco and Cdar- 
denas, Col. Doc., xvi. 12, 22, 27. 

( 64} 


K 








ns ee ate ie ee 


ee: Ole 


ee ee ee 


ORIGIN OF THE NAME. 65 


sailed down the coast in 1539, and the name Calli- 
fornia first appears in Preciado’s diary of that voyage. 
It was applied, not to the whole country; but to a 
locality—probably but not certainly identical with 
Santa Cruz, or La Paz.? 

Bernal Diaz, writing before 1568, speaks of the 
island of Santa Cruz, and says that Cortés after many 
troubles there ‘went to discover other lands, and came 
to California, which is a bay.”* This testimony is not 
of great weight, but it increases the uncertainty. The 
difference is not, however, essential. The name was 
applied between 1535 and 1539 to a locality. It was 
soon extended to the whole adjoining region; and as 
the region was supposed to be a group of islands, the 
name was often given a plural form, Las Californias. 

Whence came the name thus applied, or applied by 
Cortés as has been erroneously believed, was a ques- 
tion that gave rise to much conjecture before the 
truth was known. The Jesuit missionaries as repre- 
sented by Venegas and Clavigero suggested that it 
might have been deliberately made up from Latin or 
Greek roots; but favored the much more reasonable 
theory that the discoverers had founded the name on 
some misunderstood words of the natives.* These 

2 Printed in 1565, ‘in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 343. Having left Santa Cruz Oct. 
29th, on 10th of Nov. ‘we found ourselves 54 leagues distant from California, 
a little more or less, always in the south-west secing in the night three or four 
fires.’ (Sempre dalla parte di Garbino vedendo la notte, etc.) Hakluyt’s trans- 
lation of 1600, Voyages, iii. 406-7, is ‘always toward the south-west, seeing in 
the night,’ etc. From the 9th to the 15th they made 10 leagues; from the 
16th to the 24th, 12 or 15 leagues; and were then, having sighted the Isle of 
Pearls, 70 leagues from Santa Cruz. The author only uses the name California 
once; Hakluyt’s ‘point of California’ is an interpolation. The definite 
distance of 54 leagues indicates that California was a place they had passed; 
it could not be 54 leagues either south-west or north-east of their position, 
and I suppose the direction refers to the coast generally or the fires. ‘The dis- 
tances are not out of the way if we allow 6 or 9 leagues for the progress made 
on Nov. 9th. There is some obscurity of meaning; but apparently California, 
was at or near Santa Cruz. Throughout his voyage up and down the gulf 
Preciado uses the name Santa Cruz frequently to locate the lands in the west. 

3 Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Hist. Verdadera, 233, printed in 1632. This 
has often been called the first mention of the name. Some have blunderingly 
talked of Diaz as the discoverer and namer of California. 

4 Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 2-5; Clavigero, Storia deila Cal., 29-30. The Latin 
calida fornux, or ‘hot furnace,’ is the most common of the conjectural cleriva- 


tious, the reference being supposably either to the hot climate, though it was 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 5 . ) 


66 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


theories have been often repeated by later writers, 
with additions rivalling each other in absurdity. At 
last in 1862 Edward E. Hale was so fortunate 
as to discover the source whence the discoverers 
obtained the name. An old romance, the Sergas 
of Esplandian, by Ordoiiez de Montalvo, translator of 
Amadis of Gaul, printed perhaps in 1510, and cer- 
tainly in editions of 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526 in 
Spanish, mentioned an island of California ‘‘on the 
right hand of the Indies, very near the Terrestrial 
Paradise,” peopled with black women, griffins, and 
other creatures of the author’s imagination." There 
is no direct historical evidence of the application of 
this name; nor is any needed. No intelligent man 
will ever question the accuracy of Hale’s theory. 
The number of Spanish editions would indicate that 
the book was popular at the time of the discovery; 
indeed Bernal Diaz often mentions the Amadis of 
Gaul, to which the Esplandian was attached. 

Cortés, as we know, was bent on following the 
coast round to India, and confident of finding rich and 
wonderful isles on the way. It would have been most 
natural for him to apply the old fabulous name, if it 
had met his eye, to the supposed island when first 
discovered; but it appears he did not do it; and I 
not hot compared with others to which the discoverers were accustomed, or 
to the hot baths, or femescales, of the natives. Calidus fornus, Caliente for- 
nal'a, Californo, and Caliente horno are other expressions of the same root, 
Archibald noting of the last that it would be rather horio caliente, making 
the name ‘Fornicalia’ instead of California. Another derivation is from cala 
y fornix, Spanish and Latin for ‘cove and vault’ or ‘vaulted cove,’ fromapeculiar 
natural formation near Cape San Lucas. From the Greek we have kala phor 
nea, kala phora nea, kala phor neia, kala phorneia, kala chora nea, or kalos 
phornia—variously rendered ‘beautiful woman,’ ‘moonshine,’ or ‘adultery;’ 
‘fertile land;’ or ‘new country.’ Colofon or colofonia, the Spanish for resin, 
has also been suggested. In Upper California the idea was a favorite one 
that the name was of Indian origin; but there was little agreement respect- 
ing: details. According to the Vallejos, Alvarado, and others, all agreed that 
it came from kali forno, the information coming from Baja California natives; 
but there were two factions, one interpreting the words ‘high hill’ or ‘moun- 
tain’ and the other ‘native land.’ E.D.Guilbert, resident of Copala, Sinaloa, 
told me in 1878 that an old Indian of his locality called the peninsula Tchali- 
faliii-al, ‘the.sandy land beyond the water.’ 

5 Hale’s discovery was first published in the Amer. Antiq. Soc., Proceed., 


Apr. 30, 1862, 45-53; also in Atlantic. Monthly, xiii. 265; Hale’s His Level 
Best, eic., 234. 


APPLICATION OF THE NAME. 67 


strongly suspect the name was applied in derision by 
his disgusted colonists on their return in 1536. At 
any rate there can be no doubt the name was adopted 
from the novel between 1535 and 1539. The etymol- 
ogy of the name and the source whence Montalvo ob- 
tained it still remain a field for ingenious guesswork. 
Indeed most of the old conjectures may still be applied 
to the subject in its new phase. But this is not an 
historical subject, nor one of the slightest importance. 
In such matters the probable is but rarely the true. 
What brilliant etymological theories might be drawn 
out by the name Calistoga, if it were not known how 
Samuel Brannan built the word from California and 
Saratoga.® 

The name California, once applied to the island or 
peninsula, was also naturally used to designate the 
country extending indefinitely northward to the strait 
of Anian, or to Asia, except as interrupted in the 
view of some foreign geographers by Drake’s New 
Albion. Kino at the mouth of the Colorado in 1700 
spoke of Alta California; but he meant simply the 
‘upper’ part of the peninsula. After 1769 the north- 
ern country was for a time known as the New Estab- 
lishments, or Los Establecimientos de San Diego y 
Monterey, or the Northern Missions. In a few 


In Webster’s Dictionary, the Spanish califa, Arabic Khalifa, ‘successor,’ 
‘caliph,’ is adopted, as indeed suggested by Hale, as the possible root of the 
mame. Archbald, Overland M one, ii. 440, suggests Calphurnia, Czsar’s 
wife. Perhaps the coolest exhibition of assurance which this matter bas drawn 
out in modern times is Prof. Jules Marcou’s essay on the ‘true origin’ of the 
name. The whole pamphlet, although printed by the United States govern- 
ment, with the degree of intelligence too often employed in such cases, perhaps 
because of an old map attached toit, has about as many blunders as the pages 
can accommodate. I have no space to point them out; but this is what he 
says of the name: ‘Cortes and his companions, struck with the difference be- 
tween the dry and burning heat they experienced, compared with the moist 
and much less oppressive heat of the Mexican tierra caliente, first gave to a bay, 
and afterwards extended to the entire country the name of tierra California, 
derived from calida fornax, which signifies fiery furnace, or hot as an oven. 
Hernan Cortés, who was moreover a man of learning, was at once strongly 
impressed with the singular and striking climatic differences...to whom is 
due the appropriate classification of the Mexican regions into tierra fria, tierra 
templada, tierra caliente, and tierra California’! Marcow’s Notes upon the first 
Discoveries of California and the origin of itsname, Washington, 1878. See also 
U.S. Geog. Survey, Wheeler, Rept., 1878, p. 228. 


68 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


years, however, without any uniformity of usage the 
upper country began to be known as California Sep- 
tentrional, California del Norte, Nueva California, or 
California Superior. But gradually Alta California 
became more common than the others, both in private 
_and official communications, though from the date of 
the separation of the provinces in 1804 Nueva Cali- 
fornia became the legal name, as did Alta California 
after 1824. In these later times Las Californias meant 
not as at first Las Islas Californias, but the two 
provinces, old and new, lower and upper. Down to 
1846, however, the whole country was often called by 
Mexicans and Californians even in official documents 
a peninsula. 


It is not impossible that Francisco de Ulloa, at the 
head of the gulf in 1539, had a distant glimpse of 
mountains within the territory now called California; 
it is very probable that Hernando de Alarcon, as- 
cending the Colorado in boats nearly to the Gila 
and possibly beyond it, saw Californian soil in Sep- 
tember 1540; and perhaps Melchor Diaz, who crossed 
the Colorado later in the same year, had a similar 
view. 

Thus strictly speaking the honor of the first dis- 
covery may with much plausibility be attributed to” 
one of these explorers, though none of them mentioned 
the discovery, or could do go, boundary lines being 
as yet not dreamed of. Subsequently Juan de Onate 
and his companions, coming down the Colorado in 
1604, certainly gazed across the river on California, 
and even learned from the natives that the sea was not 
far distant. After 1699 Kino and his Jesuit asso- 
clates not unfrequently looked upon what was to be 
California from the Gila junction. No European, 
however, from this direction is known to have trod 
the soil of the promised land; therefore this phase 
of the subject may be dismissed without further | 
remark. 


] 


CABRILLO’S VOYAGE. 69 


All that was known of California before 1769 was 
founded on the reports of six expeditions; that of 


Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in 1542-3, that: of Francis 


Drake in 1579, that of Francisco de Gali in 1584, 
that of Sebastian Rodriguez de Cermefion in 1595, 
ethat of Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602-3, and that of 
Gemelli Carreri in 1696. To describe these expedi- 
tions—so far only as they relate to the coast of Alta 
California, for in a general way each has been pre- 
sented in the annals of regions farther south—with a 
glance also at a few other voyages bearing indirectly 
upon the subject, is my purpose in the present chapter. 

On the 28th of September 1542, Juan Rodriguez 
Cabrillo, coming from the south in command of two 
Spanish exploring vessels,’ discovered a “landlocked 
and very good harbor,” which he named San Miguel 
and, located in 34° 20’. The next day he sent a boat 
“farther into the port which was large;” and while 
anchored here ‘‘a very great gale blew from the west- 
south-west, and south-south-west; but the port being 
good they felt nothing.”® 


7On the fitting-out of the expedition and its achievements south of Cali- 
fornia, see Hist. North Mex. States, this series. 

8 Cabrillo, Relacion 6 diario, de la navegacion que hizo Juan Rodriguez Ca- 
brillo con dos navtos, al descubrimiento del paso del Mar del Sur al norte, ete. 
Original in Spanish archives of Seville from Simancas, certified by Navarrete, 
copy in Mufioz Collection, printed in Morida, Col. Doc., 173-89. ‘De Juan 
Paez’ is marked on the Muiioz copy. Another printed original from ‘ Archivo 
de Indias Patronato, est. 1, caj. i.,’is found in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., 
xiv. 165-91, under the title Relacton del descubrimiento que hizo Juan Rodri- 
guez, navegando por la contra costa del mar del Sur al norte hecha por Juan 
Paez. Thus it is probable that Juan Paez was the author. Herrera, Hicé. 
Gen., dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iii.-iv., gave in i600 a condensed account probably 
from the above original, but with many omissions, and a few additions, which 
became the foundation of most that was subsequently written on the subject, 
being followed by Burney and others. In 1802 Navarrete in his introduction 
to the Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, xxix.—xxxvi., gave a narrative from the orig- 
inal, with notes in which he located, for the most part accurately, the points 
named by Cabrillo. Taylor’s First Voyage to the Coast of California. ..by Ca- 
brillo, San Francisco, 1853, was a kind of translation from Navarrete, whose 
notes the translator attempted to correct without any very brilliant success. 
Finally in 1879 we have Evans and Henshaw’s Translation from the Spanish of 
the account by the pilot Ferrel of the Voyage of Cabrillo along the west coast 
of North America in 1542, printed in U.S. Geog. Surv., Wheeler, vii. Arche- 
ology, 293-314. Richard 8. Evans was the translator; H. W. Henshaw, who 
made antiquarian researches on the coast, was the author of the notes; and H. - 
C. Taylor, U. 8. N., of the Coast Survey, aided the gentlemen named with 
the results of his acquaintance with the coast. 


70 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


There is no further description ; the latitude is wrong; 
and the port must be identified if at all by its relation 
to other points visited by Cabrillo. It has usually 
been identified by those who have followed Navarrete, 
the earliest investigator, with San Diego; but recently 
by Henshaw and Taylor with San Pedro further north, 
San Diego being in that case Cabrillo’s San Mateo.° 
Here, as in most parts of this narrative, there is little 
room for positive assertion; but I prefer to regard 
San Miguel as San Diego. Difficulties arise at every 
step which no theory can remove. It is the fault of 
the narrative, respecting the genuineness of which, 
however, there is no room for doubt. Without attempt- 
ing to get over obstacles by ignoring them I shall 
treat them mainly in notes.” 

At any rate Cabrillo entered Upper Californian 
waters, never before disturbed by other craft than 
Indian canoes, and anchored in San Diego Bay in 
September 1542. If we suppose this port to have been 
his San Miguel, he remained six days. The natives 


San Mateo was also described as a good and landlocked (cerrado) port, 
with a little lake of fresh water, and with groves of trees like cezbas, except 
that the wood was hard. There were also many drift-logs washed here by the 
sea, broad grassy plains, high and rolling land, and animals in droves of 100 
or more resembling Peruvian sheep with long wool, small horns, and broad 
round tails. Latitude given 33° 20’. 

San Augustin Island, the last point on which Navarrete and Henshaw 
agree, is identified with San Martin in about 30° 30’ on the Baja California 
coast. Three days with little wind brought the ships, no distance given, to 
Cape San Martin, north of San Augustin, where the coast turns from north to 
north-west. This trend, and also the time, if we disregard the calm, favors 
Henshaw’s location of Todos Santos rather than Navarrete’s of San Quintin. 
Next they sailed four leagues N. E., or N. N. E.; but this is not possible from 
Todos Santos either by the best maps or the trend just noted. Next 21 leagues 
Nr W., and N. N. w. to San Mateo; the distance 25 leagues corresponding 
better with that from San Quintin to Todos Santos, than with that from the 
latter to San Diego. On the other hand, the next stage, 32 leagues to San 
Miguel, better fits that from San Diego to San Pedro than from Todos Santos 
to the former. But they passed a little island close to the shore on arriving 
at San Mateo, there being none at Todos Santos so far as the maps show; and 
on the other hand, on sailing to San Miguel, they passed three islas desiertas 
three leagues from the main, the largest being two leagues long, or possibly 
in circumference, which agrees better with the Coronados just below San 
Diego than with San Clemente and Santa Catalina. Moreover the description 
of San Mateo with its lake, and especially its groves of trees, does not corre- 
spond at all to San Diego. The strongest reason why San Miguel must be San 

Diego and not San Pedro will be noticed presently. The investigator’s troubles 
are not lessened by the non-existence of a perfect chart of the Baja California 
coast. 


4 


JUAN RODRIGUEZ AT SAN PEDRO. 71 


were timid in their intercourse with the strangers, 
whom they called Guacamal; but they wounded with 
their arrows three of a party that landed at night to 
fish. Interviews, voluntary and enforced, were held 
with a few individuals both on shore and on the ships; 
and the Spaniards understood by their signs that the 
natives had seen or heard of men like themselves, 
bearded, mounted, and armed, somewhere in the in- 
terior." 

Leaving San Miguel October 3d, they sail three 
days or about eighteen leagues, along a coast of val- 
leys and plains and smokes, with high mountains in 
the interior, to the islands some seven leagues from 
the main, which they name from their vessels San Sal- 
vador and Vitoria. They land on one of the islands, 
after the inhabitants, timid and even hostile at first, 
have been appeased by signs and have come off in a 
canoe to receive gifts. They too tell of white men on 
the main. On Sunday the Spaniards go over to tierra 
jirme to a large bay which they call Bahia de los 
Fumos, or Fuegos, from the smoke of fires seen there. 
It is described as a good port with good lands, valleys, 
plains, and groves, lying in 35°. I suppose the island 
visited to have been Santa Catalina, and the port to 
have been San Pedro.” 

Sailing six leagues farther on October 9th, Cabrillo 
anchors in a large ensenada, or bight, which is doubt- 
less Santa Monica.” Thence they go on the next day 

Tt is not impossible, though not probable, that the natives had heard of 
Diaz, Alarcon, and Ulloa, at the head of the gulf. The Indians of San Diego 
are described as well formed, of large size, clothed in skins. 

22 Henshaw, as we have seen, makes this Bahia de Fumos Bahia Ona (or 
Santa Monica), identifying San Pedro with San Miguel, and the island with 
Santa Cruz. The name San Salvador as mentioned later seems his strongest 
reason, though he*does not say so. He admits the difficulty of identifying 
Santa Catalina with the Islas Desiertas, hinting that other smaller islands 
may have disappeared; but a more serious objection still—conclusive to me— 
is the fact that San Pedro would never have been called a puerto cerrado, or 
landlocked port; nor would it have afforded protection from a south-west gale. 

18 Certainly not the Jaguna near Pt Mugu as Henshaw says. Santa Monica 
was exactly what the Spaniards would have called an ensenada; indeed, they 
did often so call it in later years as they did also Monterey Bay, and San 


Francisco outside the heads from Pt Reyes to Pigeon Point, always the Ln- 
senada de los saralloxes. Like the navigators of other nations, they were 


72 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


some eight leagues to an Indian town, anchoring 
opposite : a great valley. The town, called Pueblo de 
las Canoas and located in 35° 20’, is doubtless in the 
vicinity of San Buenaventura, the valley being that 
of the Santa Clara.“ The Spaniards take formal 
possession and remain here four days. The natives 
come to the ships in fine canoes, each carrying twelve 
or thirteen men,and they report other Christians seven 
days’ journey distant, for whom they take a letter, 
also indicating the existence of a great river. They | 
say there is maize in the valley, which assertion is 
confirmed later by natives who talk also of cae which 
the voyagers understand to be cows, calling the 
maize ocp. The natives are fishermen ; ‘they dress in 
skins, and live on raw fish and maguey. Their name 
for the town is Xucu, and they call the Christians 
Taquimine. 

Six or seven leagues bring them on the 13th past 
two islands each four leagues long and four leagues 
from the coast, uninhabited for lack of water, but 
with good ports.” The next anchorage is two leagues 
farther, opposite a fine valley, perhaps Santa Bar- 
bara, where the natives are friendly and bring fish in 
canoes for barter. The ten leagues of October 15th 
carry them past an island fifteen leagues in length, 
which they name San Liicas, apparently Santa Rosa." 


not very strict in their use of geographical terms; but to suppose that the 
little laguna would have been called by them ‘an ‘ensenada grande’ is too 
absurd for even refutation; ‘inlet’ is not a correct rendering of ensenada. 
Taylor identifies the ensenada with the cove or roadstead of Santa Barbara. 
I'irst Voyage to the Coast of California. He points out the glaring deficiencies 
in all that had been written on the subject, and flatters himself that by the 
aid of men familiar with the coast he has followed the route of the navigators 
very closely; and so he has, just as far as he copies Navarrete, blundering 
fearfully in most besides. 

14 Navarrete says in the ensenada of San Juan Capistrano, which is unin- 
telligible. 

15 Anacapa and the eastern part of Santa Cruz as seen from a distance and 
as explained by the natives’ signs, which were not understood. 

16Six leagues from the main, and eighteen leagues from Pueblo de Canoas. 
It was said to have the following pueblos: Niquipos, Maxul, Xugua, Nitel, 
Macamo, Nimitopal. Later it is stated that San Liicas was the middle island, 
having three pueblos whose names do not agree with those here given. There 
is a hopeless confusion in the accounts of these islands, but no doubt that this 
was the group visited. 


al ated 


SS ee ee ee ee en 


= mC 





OL aE = a ee 


CABRILLO IN THE SANTA BARBARA CHANNEL. 73 


Monday the 16th they sail four leagues to two towns, 


in a region where there is a place still called Dos 


Pueblos; and three leagues more on Tuesday. The 
natives wear their hair long, and intertwined with 
strings of flint, bone, and wooden daggers. Next day 
they come to a point in latitude 36°, which they name 
Cape Galera, now Point Concepcion in latitude 34° 
26’. The distance from Pueblo de Canoas is thirty 
leagues, Xexu being the general name of the province, 
which has more than forty towns.” 

The narrative of what Cabrillo saw on the shores 
and islands of the Santa Bdrbara Channel, except a 
uniform exaggeration in the size of the islands, confu- 
sion in locating them, and perhaps the casas grandes 
of Canoas town, agrees very well with the truth as 
revealed by later mission annals and by the. relics 
exhumed in late years by antiquarians. The region 
was certainly inhabited in early times by people who 
used canoes, lived mainly by fishing, and were much 
superior in many respects to most other natives of 
California. There was a tendency at first, as is usual 
in such cases, to ascribe the Channel relics to a pre- 
historic race;® but nothing indicating such an origin 


™ The pueblos, beginning with Canoas, were, Xucu, Bis, Sopono, Alloc, 
Xabaagua, Xocotoc, Potoltuc, Nacbuc, Quelqueme, Misinagua, Misesopano, 
Elquis, Coloc, Mugu, Xagua, Anacbuc, Partocac, Susuquey, Quanmu, Gua 
(or Quanmugua), Asimu, Aguin, Casalic, Tucumu, Incpupu, Cicacut (Sardi- 
nas), Ciucut, Anacot, Maquinanoa, Paltatre, Anacoat (or Anacoac), Olesino, 
Caacat (or Caacac), Paltocac, Tocane, Opia, Opistopia, Nocos, Yutum, Qui- 
man, Nicoma, Garomisopona, and Xexo; and on the islands. On Ziqui- 
muymu, or Juan Rodriguez, or Posesion (San Miguel), Xaco (or Caco) and 
Nimollollo. On Nicalque, or San Lucas (Santa Rosa), Nichochi, Coycoy, 
and Estocoloco (or Coloco). On the other San Lucas. See note 16. On Limu 
(or Limun) or San Salvador (Santa Cruz), Niquesesquelua, Pocle, Pisqueno, 
Pualnacatup, Patiquin, Patiquilid, Ninumu, Muoce, Pilidquay, Lilebeque. 
These names were those which the Indian natives were understood to apply 
to towns not visited, and very little accuracy is to be expected. Taylor, Dis- 
coverers and Founders, i. No. 1, claims to have identified Cabrillo’s names in 
several instances with those found in the mission registers, This is not un- 
likely, though the authority is not a safe one. He also says that the Indians 
in 1863 recognized the native names of San Miguel and its towns as given by 
Cabrillo. None of the many rancheria names which I have met and which 
will be given in later mission annals show any marked resemblance to the old 
names, 

18 On the Indians of this region see Native Races, i. 402-22; iv. 687-97. See 
also on archxological researches U. S. Geog. Survey, Wheeler, vol. vii. Arche- 
ology, Washington, 1879, passim. 


74 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


has ever been found there. Rumors, like those of the 
cows and maize, were far from accurate. 

From Cape Galera they go October 18th to dis- 
cover two islands ten leagues from the main, and they 
spend a week of stormy weather in a good harbor in 
the smaller one which they name La Posesion, prob- 
ably Cuyler’s Harbor in San Miguel. The two are 
called San Liicas.” Leaving the port Wednesday 
the 25th the ships are beaten about by adverse winds 
for another week, making little progress, barely reach- 
ing a point ten leagues beyond Cape Galera in 36° 30’. 
They do not anchor, nor can they find a great river 
said to be there, though there are signs of rivers, but 
on the 1st of November they return to the anchorage 
under Cape Galera, by them named Todos Santos, 
now Coxo, where is the town of Xexo. They have 
probably gone as far as the mouth of the Santa Maria 
in latitude 35°.% Next day they proceed down the 
coast to the town of Cicacut, or Sardinas, in 35° 45’, 
where wood and water are more accessible than at the 
cape. This seems a head town of the province, ruled 
by an old woman who passes two nights on one of the 
vessels.” Starting the 6th, it takes them till the 10th 
to get back to the cape anchorage of Todos Santos. 

Perhaps they pass the cape on the 10th. At all 
events on the morning of the 11th they are near the 
place reached before, twelve leagues beyond the cape; 
and that day witha fair wind they sail twenty leagues 
north-west, along a wild coast without shelter, “and 
with a lofty sierra rising abruptly from the shore. 
The mountains in 37° 30’ are named Sierra de San 
Martin, forming a cape at their end in 88’, or as is 


19 The islands are said to be 8 and 4 leagues respectively from east to west, 
twice their real size. Navarrete calls the island San Bernardo, a name that 
seems to have been applied to San Miguel in later years. 

20 Perhaps not so far, as the point named is nearer 15 than 10 leagues 
from Point Concepcion. I find no good reason to suppose it was off San Luis 
Obispo, as Henshaw thinks, which is over 24 leagues. 

21 Sardinas is identified by Henshaw with the present Goleta, which is not 
unlikely. Taylor loses his head completely, making 'Todos Santos the mod- 
ern San Luis Obispo, and identifying Sardinas with San Simeon. 


os 


I 


a Tae 
wh el 


DISCOVERY OF POINT PINOS. 75 


stated later in 37° 30’.. The sierra is that now called 
Santa Lucia, and I suppose the cape to have been 
that still called San Martin, or Punta Gorda in 35° 
54’, though this is not quite certain.” In the night 
being six leagues off the coast they are struck by a 
storm which separates the ships and lasts all day Sun- 
day and until Monday noon. Under a small fore- 
staysail Cabrillo’s ships drift slowly and laboriously 
north-westward with the wind. Monday evening, the 
weather clearing somewhat and the wind shifting to 
the westward, the flag-ship turns toward the land,” in 
search of the consort. At dawn she sights land, and 
all day in a high sea labors slowly to the north-west 
along a rough coast without harbors, where are many 
trees and lofty mountains covered with snow. They 
sight a point covered with trees in 40°; and at night 
heave to. , 

Of their course and progress next day, the 15th, 
nothing is said, but probably advancing somewhat . 
farther north-westward they see the consort and join 
her at nightfall, when they take in sail and heave to. 
At dawn next morning they have drifted back to a 
large ensenada in 89° or a little more, the shores of 
which are covered with pines, and which is therefore 
named Bahia de los Pinos, and one of its points Cabo 
de Pinos. They hope to find a port and river, but 
after working against the wind for two days and 
a night, they are unable to discover either. They 

22 Henshaw makes it Pt Sur in 36° 20’; and it is true that the coast of the 
day’s sailing corresponds better in some respects with that up to Pt Sur than 
to Pt Gorda. However, the latitude 37° 30’ with allowance for Cabrillo’s 
average excess, applies better to Pt Gorda; that point also, according to the 
U. S. Coast Survey charts, corresponds much better, from a southern stand- 
point, to the remate of the sierra as described; the distance from Pt Concep- 
cion, 32 leagues, has to be considerably exaggerated even to reach Pt Gorda; 
on the return it is noted that about 15 leagues south of the cape the character 
of the coast changed and settlements began, which agrees better with Gorda 
than Sur, and does not agree with the statement that all of the voyage of the 
11th was along a coast where the mountains rise abruptly from the water. I 
think the coast from San Luis to Pt Gorda agrees well enough with the 


description; and this supposition throws some light on proceedings farther 


north. 
2? «A la vuelta de la tierra.’ Not ‘at the turn of the land as Evans trans- 


lates it. 


76 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


anchor in forty-five fathoms to take possession, but 
dare not land on account of the high sea. Lying to 
for the night, on the 18th they descend the coast, 
under lofty snow-capped mountains so near that they 
seem about to fall on them. The Sierras Nevadas, 
they are called, and a point passed in 38° 45’ Cabo de 
Nieve. Then they proceed to Cape San Martin, and 
on the 23d arrive at the old harbor on Posesion, or 
San Miguel Island. 

Cabrillo had run along the coast, point by point, 
from Cape Pinos to the island; from Pinos to San 
Martin the coast was wild, rough, without shelter, 
and with no signs of inhabitants; but below San Mar- 
tin fifteen leagues—possibly for a distance of fifteen 
leagues—the country became better and inhabited. 
Many difficulties present themselves in connection 
with this northern navigation; but I am convinced 
that the Bahia de Pinos was Monterey Bay; Cabo 
de Pinos the cape still so called at the southern end 
of that bay; Cabo de Nieve, or Snowy Cape, the 
present Point Sur; and the point in 40°, Point Afio 
Nuevo, Pigeon Point, Pillar Point, or at most not 
above Point Reyes in 38°.” 


24 Navarrete agrees with this view, except that he does not identify the 
cape in 40°, and makes Cape Nieve the same as Afio Nuevo, which last-of 
course is a blunder. Taylor also identifies Monterey Bay, makes Point Reyes 
the cape in 40°, but falls into great confusion, especially in locating Point 
Martin above Monterey. Herrera makes Point Pinos the cape in 40°. Hum- 
boldt, Lssai Pol., 829, thinks the cape was Aiio Nuevo. Venegas, Lorenzana, 
and Cavo imply that the cape was Mendocino; and it is probable indeed that 
that name was given later to a cape supposed to be this one, as we shall see. 
Finally Evans and Henshaw identify the cape in 40° with Point Arenas (38° 
57’), the Bay of Pinos with Bodega Bay, Point Pinos presumably the south- 
ern point of that bay, and Cape Nieve they pronounce unidentifiable. I find 
very little, except the latitudes cited, to justify the conclusions last given, and 
I find much against them. Point Arenas is not a wooded point in any sense 
not quite as applicable to any of the points further south. Bodega Bay might 
possibly be called an ensenada, incorrectly translated inlet, but not a large 
one; if entered its peculiar ramifications would have called for other remark 
than that no port or river could be found; its-shores were never covered with 
pines; and Point Tomales in no way corresponds to Cabrillo’s Point Pinos. 
In coasting southward from Bodega, Point Reyes would certainly have been 
noted; and assuredly that coast has no mountains overhanging the water. 
Evans and Henshaw have to avoid this difficulty by mistranslating costa deste 
dia the ‘coast they passed from this day ;’ but even that does not suffice, for 
there is no such coast for a long distance. Again, Cabrillo claims to have 
followed the coast ‘point by point,’ from Pinos to the islands, finding no 





DEATH OF CABRILLO. - 77. 


At La Posesion the voyagers remained for nearly 
two months, and they renamed the island Juan Rodri- 
guez from their brave commander Cabrillo, who died 
there January 38, 1543. He had had a fall on the 
island in October, had made the northern trip suffer- 
ing from a broken arm, and from exposure the injury 
became fatal. His dying orders were to push the 
exploration northward at every hazard. He was a 
Portuguese navigator in the Spanish service, of whom 
nothing is known beyond the skill and bravery dis- 
played on this expedition, and the fact that his repu- 
tation was believed to justify his appointment as 
commander. No traces of his last resting-place, almost 
certainly on San Miguel near Cuyler’s harbor, have 
. been found; and the drifting sands have perhaps made 
such a discovery doubtful. To this bold mariner, the 
first to discover her coasts, if to any one, California 
may with propriety erect a monument.” 

On Cabrillo’s death Bartolomé Ferrelo, the Levan- 
tine piloto mayor, assumes command; but the weather 
does not permit departure till the 19th. Even then 
when they start for the main they are driven to the 
island of San Salvador, or Santa Cruz,” and finding 
no harbor are forced to beat about the islands in 
veering winds for eight days, until on the 27th they 
anchorage and no good inhabited country until past San Martin. This is very 
absurd when applied to Bodega, but true enough from Monterey. The trans- 
lators are indeed struck with this absurdity, which they very weakly explain 
_ by supposing that Cabrillo trusted to his observations in the storm and fog of 
the trip northward. There seems never to have been much doubt among the 
Spaniards about the identity of Cabrillo’s Pinos; and I deem it very unwise 


to plunge into such difficulties as those just mentioned for the purpose of con- 
firming Cabrillo’s observations of latitude, which are known to have been very 
faulty at best. 

2'Taylor, Discov. and Founders, i. No. 1, mentions unsuccessful researches 
by himself, Admiral Alden, and Nidever. In 1875, however, he found two pits 
on a level near Cuyler’s Harbor, about 10 feet in diameter, which he doubts 
not will prove to be the grave of Cabrillo and his men. Atany rate they ‘had 
a very peculiar look !’? And an old sailor of Santa Barbara told this author 
that in 1872 he opened a Spanish grave on Santa Cruz Island, which had a 
wooden head-board on which could be deciphered the date of about 1660! 

26 T suppose this was not the San Salvador first named, which was probably 
San Clemente. That there was confusion in the statements respecting these 
islands is certain; but in my opinion it is not lessened by Henshaw’s theory 
that San Clemente and Santa Catalina were the islas desiertas, or by Navar- 
rete’s that Fer:elo at this time went to San Clemente. 


78 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


return to the old harbor. Two days later they start 
again, first for San Lucas, the middle isle, to recover 
anchors left there and obtain water, then to Port Sar- 
dinas for other supplies, and back to San Salvador, 
whence they finally sail the 18th of February. With 
a north-east wind they follow a south-west course in 
quest of certain islands, which they see at nightfall, 
six in number,” having sailed about twelve leagues. 
At dawn they are ten leagues to windward of these 
islands. With a wind from the w.y.w., they stand 
off south-westward for five days,” making a distance of 
about one hundred leagues. Then they turn their. 
course landward on the 22d with a south-west wind 
which blows with increasing violence for three days 
until at dawn on Sunday, the 25th, they sight Cape 
Pinos, and anchor at night on a bleak coast twenty 
leagues to windward near a point where the coast 
turns from n.w. to nv. Nn. w.”—that is at Pigeon Point, 
or thereabout in 37° 12’. Herrera names it Cabo de 
Fortunas, or Cape Adventure.” 

From this point the narrative furnishes but little 
ground for anything but conjecture. There are no 
longer recognizable landmarks but only courses and 
winds with one solar observation. The latitude on 
Wednesday the 28th is 43°. If we go by this alone, 
deducting the two degrees of excess that pertain to 
all of this navigator’s more northern latitudes, we have 
41°, or the region between Humboldt and Trinidad 
bays, as Ferrelo’s position; but if we judge by his 
starting-point, and probable progress as compared 
with other parts of the voyage, it 1s more probable 

27 Of course the islands could have been no others than San Clemente, 
Santa Catalina, Santa Barbara, San Nicolas, and Beggs Rock, with Catalina 


appearing as two to make six; though these are not south-west of the northern 
roup. 

28) By the dates it could not have been quite 4 days. 

29 Evans incorrectly says to the N.w.; and though the point is not identi- 
fied, it must be the Pt Cabrillo of modern maps just above Pt Arenas accord- 
ing to Henshaw. 

30 Herrera, dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iv. He puts it in 41°, that is 1° beyond 
C. Pinos, which he identifies with the cape in 40°. He gives the date as Feb. 
26th. In other respects Herrera’s account contains nothing that might not 
have been taken from the original narative. 


FERRELO IN THE NORTH. 79 


that he is still far below Cape Mendocino, a conclusion 
that has shght confirmation in the fact that the nar- 
rative indicates no change in the general north-west 
trend of the coast. I append an abridged statement.” 
During the night of February 28th, and most of the 
next day, they are driven bya south-west gale towards 
the land, and as they estimate to latitude 44°.* They 
recognize their imminent peril, and appeal to our Lady 
of Guadalupe. In answer to their cries, a norther 
comes which sends them far southward and saves their 
lives. They imagine they see signs of the inevitable 
‘great river’ between 41° and 43°; they see Cape Pinos 
March 8d; and on the 5th are off the island of Juan 
Rodriguez, their northern wanderings being at an end. 

Of course there is no possibility of determining 
definitely Ferrelo’s northern limit. He thought that 
he reached 44°, being driven by the gale sixty miles 
beyond the highest observation in 43°; and there is no 
reason to suspect any intentional misrepresentation in 
the narrative, written either by Ferrelo or by one of his 
associates.” But in southern California the latitudes 
of this voyage are about 1° 30’ too high, increasing 
apparently to about 2° farther north; thus Ferrelo’s 
northern limit was at most 42° or 42° 30’, just beyond 
the present boundary of California. This is substan- 
tially the conclusion of both Navarrete and Henshaw.” 

31 Feb. 25th, midnight to dawn, course w. N. w., wind s. 8s. w; Feb. 26th, 
course N. W., wind w. s. w. very strong; Feb. 27th, course w. N. w., with 
lowered foresail, wind s. s. w. All night ran s. with w. wind and rough sea; 
Feb. 28th, wind s. w. and moderate; latitude 43°. In the right course N. w. 
with much labor. March 1, a furious gale from the s. s. w., with a high sea 
breaking over the ship; course N. E. towards the land. The fog thick, but 
signs of land in the shape of birds, floating wood, etc., also indication of 
rivers. At 3 Pp. M. a N. wind came to save them, and carried them s. all 
night. March 2d, course s. with rough sea; in the night aN. w. and N. N. w. 
gale; course s. E. and E. 8. E. March 3, cleared up at noon; wind N. w.; 
sighted C. Pinos. 

8? Herrera says they took an observation in 44° on March Ist. Venegas 
follows him, but makes the date March 10th. 

83 Perhaps Juan Paez as already explained. Herrera calls Ferrelo Ferrer. 
The original uses both the forms Ferrelo and Ferrer. 

34 Navarrete puts it ‘43° con corta diferencia segun el error de exceso que 
generalmente se noté en sus latitudes;’ but he himself makes the average 
excess 1° 30’, so that the limit was 41° 30’. Henshaw was not, as he implies, 


the first to note the uniform excess. He thinks the southern boundary of 
Oregon ‘not far out of the way.’ 


80 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


But if we disregard Ferrelo’s solar observations all 
other evidence to be drawn from the original nar- 
rative points to a latitude much lower even than 
42°, particularly if, as I tbink I have shown beyond 
much doubt in the preceding pages, the bay and point 
of Pinos are to be identified with Monterey. It is 
my opinion that the Spaniards in this voyage did not 
pass far, if at all, beyond Cape Mendocino in 40° 26’; 
and there is nothing to support the belief of later 
years that Ferrelo discovered that cape. It ma 
however have been named indirectly from Cabrillo’s 
supposed discovery; that is, the name may have been 
given after the return to the cape in 40° which Ca- 
brillo discovered and did not name, though Torque- 
mada says the discovery was made by vessels coming 
from Manila. Nor is it unlikely that Manila vessels 
noting the cape-in later years may have identified it 
with Cabrillo’s cape and given the name accordingly 
in honor of the viceroy Mendoza.* 

Unable by reason of rough weather to enter the 
old port in the island of Juan Rodriguez, on March 
5th Ferrelo runs over to San Salvador where he loses 
sight of the consort. On the 8th he proceeds to the 
Pueblo de Canoas, obtaining four natives and return- 
ing next day. - Two days later he goes down to San 
Miguel, or San Diego, where he waits six days for the 
missing vessel, taking two boys to be carried to Mex- 
ico as interpreters. On the 17th they are at San 
Mateo, or Todos Santos; and on the 26th join the 
Vitoria at Cedros Island. They have been in great 
peril on some shoals at Cabrillu’s island; but by 


35 Torquemada, i. 693. Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 181-3, seems to» have been 
the first to state that Cabrillo discovered and named the cape. Lorenzana, in 
Cortés, Hist. N. Espatia, 325-6, and Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 135, make the same 

statement; and it is followed by most later writers. The early writers, how- 

ever, all imply that the cape was discovered before Cabrillo’s death and not 
by Ferrelo, doubtless identifying it with the nameless cape in 40°, really Ano 
Nuevo or Pigeon Point. Laet, Novus Orbis, 306-7, makes C. Fortunas the 
northern limit of the voyage; ‘na Burney, Chron. Hist., i. 220-5, identifies 
Fortunas with Mendocino, and is followed by Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 62-3. 
A very absurd theory has been more or less current that Ferrelo gave his 
name to the Farallones of San Lrancisco. 


SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 81 


prayers and promises they are saved. They arrive 
at Navidad April 14th, and the first voyage to Alta 
California is at an end.* 


Francis Drake, made Sir Francis later, entered the 
Pacific by way of Cape Horn in 1578, having in view 
not only a raid on Spanish treasure, but a return by 
the long-sought strait of Anian, or, if that could not 
be found, at least a voyage round the world. His 
plundering cruise having been most successful, he 
sailed in April.1579 from Guatulco on the Oajaca 
coast to find the strait that was to afford him a passage 
through the continent. He kept well out to sea; but 
in June he became discouraged on account of the 
extreme cold, resolved to abandun the northern enter- 
prise, and having anchored in a bad bay, perhaps in 
latitude 43°, he came down the coast in the Golden 
Hind to refit, when a suitable place could be found, 
for a voyage round Cape Good Hope and home. The 
particulars of his operations both in the north and 
south are fully treated elsewhere; itis only with what 
he did and saw in California that we are now con- 
cerned.” 


36 On Cabrillo’s voyage, in addition to the works to which I have had occa- 
sion to refer, see the following, none of which, however, throws any addi- 
tional light on the subject, many being but brief allusions to the voyage: 
Forster’s [Tist.Voy., 448-9; Fleuricu, in Marchand, Voy.,i. viii.-ix.; Montanus, 
Nieuwe Weereld, 210-11, 101; /d., Neue Welt, 237-8; Clavigero, Stor. Cal., 
154-5; Hist. Magazine, ix. 148; Hutchings’ Way.,i. 111; ui. 146; iv. 116, 547; 
v. 265, 277; Cal. Farmer, May 4, 1860, April 18, 1862, Aug. 14, 21, 1863; Over- 
land Monthly, April 1871, 297; Lorbes’ Ifist. Cal., 9; Findlay’s Directory, 
i. 314; Browne’s L. Cal., 18-19; Capron’s Hist. Cal., 121-2; Domenech’s 
Deserts, i. 226; Frignet, L. Cal., 9, 26; Gleeson’s Ilist. Cath. Ch., i. 70-2; 
fines’ Voy., 352; Muhlenpfordt, Versuch; Murray’s N. Amer., ii. 79-80; 
Rouhaud, Reg., nouvelles, 26; St Amant, Voy., 393; Fédix, (Oregon, 53; 
Tytler’s Hist. View, 78-9; Trriss’ Oregon Quest., 22; Cronise’s Nat. Wealth, 5; 
Marina Espaiiola, ii. 274-7; Barber’s Hist., 459; Mofras, Kxplor., i. 96-7, 
328; Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin 2d Ep., ii. 199; Kerr’s Col. Voy., ii. 
112; and a large number of modern mentions in books and newspapers. 

37 See Ilist. North Mex. States, and Hist. Northwest Coast, i., this series, 
not only for details of Drake’s performances, but for bibliographical informa- 
tion touching the original authorities. Of the latter there are only three that 
narrate the doings in California; Drake’s Famous Voyaye, in Hakluyt’s Voy., 
iii. 440-2; Drake’s World Encompassed, London, 1628; and Discours» of ' ir 
Francis Drake’s lorney and Explo,jtes, MS. These are all republished in the 
Hakluyt Society edition of the Worl! Hneomnasse!, which is the edidon 
referred to-in my notes. Hardly a collection of voyages or any kind of work, 

Hist, Cat, Vou.’I. 6 


82 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


On the 17th of June Drake found a ‘“conuenient 
and fit harborough” for his purpose in latitude 38° 30’ 
where he cast anchor and remained over a month, 
until July 23d. Down to this point the coast was 
“but low and reasonable plaine,” every hill being cov- 
ered with snow; and during all their stay, though in 
the height of summer, the cold was nipping as farther 
north, the air for fourteen days being not clear enough 
by reason of ‘stinking fogges’ for an observation of 
the sun or stars, and the fur-clad natives shivering 
under a lee bank.” After a few days the ship was 
brought near the shore and lightened of her cargo for 
the purpose of repairs, tents being erected on shore 


relating to the early history of California has ever been published that has 
not contained a narrative or a mention of Drake’s voyage; but, particularly 
so far as California is concerned, they have contained nothing not drawn from 
the sources named. To point out the many errors resulting from carelessness 
and other causes would require much space and serve no good purpose. I 
shall have occasion to name a few works in later notes of this chapter; I refer 
the reader to the list of authorities on Cabrillo’s voyage given in note 36, which 
with few exceptions also describe Drake’s visit; and I also name the following 
in addition: Aa, xviii. 11; Berenger, Col. Voy., i. 63, 117; Harris, Nav., i. 
19; Circumnavigations of Globe, 85; Kerr’s Col. Voy., x. 27; Laharpe, Abrégé, 
xv. 15; Pinkerton’s Voy., xii. 169; Sammlung, xii. 5; Voyages, Col. Voy. and 
Trav.; Voyayes, Col. (Churchill’s), viii. 459; Voyages, Curious Col., v. 153; 
Voyages, Harleian Col., ii. 434; Voyages, New Col., ili. 15; Voyages, New 
Miscel. Col., i. 837; Voyages, New Univ. Col., i. 28; Voyages, Hist. Voy. round 
World, i. 1, 45; Voyages, World Displayed, v. 150; Barrow’s Life Drake, 
75; Clarke’s Life Drake, 30; Purchas his Pilgrimes, ii. 52; Gottfriedt, Newe 
Welt, 345; Boss, Leben, 341; Hns, West and Ost. Ind. Lustgart, 113; Humboldt, 
Essai Pol., 317, 330; Low, Meer oder Seehanen Buch, 44; Morelli, Fasti Nov. 
Orb., 27; Laet, Nov. Orbis, 307; Navarrete, Introd., xcviii.; Id., Viages A pdc., 
33; Burney’s Chron. Hist., i. 350; Le Maire, Spieghel, 77; Pauw, Recherches, 
i. 172; Edin. Review, No. clxii. 1879; Niles’ Register, xv. 174; Hunt's Merch. 
Mag., xii. 523; Hayes’ Scraps, Cal. Notes, iii. 10; Quigley’s Irish Race, 
146; N. Amer. Review, June 1839, 1382; Greenhow’s Or. and Cal., 70; Id. 
Memoir, 36; Nicolay’s Or. Ter., 24; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 214; Gleeson’s Hist. 
Cath. Ch., i. 73, ii. 35; Belcher’s Voy., i. 8316; Hazlitt’s Great Gold Fields, 4; 
« California, Past, Present, 53; Frost’s Half hours, 161; McClellan’s Golden State, 

43; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal., 17; Holmes’ An. Amer., i. 90; AMayer’s Mex. Aztec, 
168; Meyer, Nach dem Sac., 197; Norman’s Youth’s Hist., 29; Pagé’s Nouv. 
Voy., ii. 410; Poussin, Quest. de ?Orég., 23; Id. U. S., 237; Taylor, in Cal. 
farmer, March 29, 1861; April 25, Aug. 15, 22, 29, 1862; Willard’s Lust 
Leaves, 113; Douglass’ Summary, i. 35; Uring’s Hist., 376; Farnham’s List. 
Oregon, 11, 21; Goodrich’s Man upon the Sea, 241; Delaporte, Reisen, 457; 
Evans’ Puget Sd., 3; Falconer’s Oreg. Quest., 12, 39; Forbes’ Hist. Cal. 10, 79; 
Gazlay’s Pac. Monthly, 227; Soulé’s An. S. F., 32; also most of the recently 
published county histories of California. 

38 World Encompassed, 115. ‘A faire and good bay’ in 38°. Famous Voy. 
‘A harborow for his ship’ in 44°. Discourse, 184. 

39The excessive cold here is mentioned only in the World Encompassed. 
na a s absurd statements and explanations are not worth reproducing 
In ae 


DRAKE ON THE COAST. 83 


for the men, with a kind of fort for protection. Of 
the repairs the two chief authorities say nothing; but 
the third tells us that Drake’s men “grounded his 
ship to trim her,” and that they set sail after having 
“oraved and watred theire ship.” 

When the ship first anchored a native ambassador 
approached in a canoe to make a long speech, bringing 
also a tuft of feathers and a basket of the herb called 
tabéh." When the Englishmen landed the Indians 
came to the shore in great numbers, but showed no 
hostility, freely receiving and giving presents, and 
soon came to regard the strangers, so the latter be- 
lieved, as gods. The narratives are chiefly filled with 
details of the ceremonies and sacrifices by which they 
signified their submission, even crowning Drake as 
their hioh, or king. ‘The men went for the most part 
naked, the women wearing a loose garment of bul- 
rushes with a deerskin over the shoulders. Their 
houses, some of them close to the water, were partly 
subterranean, the upper parts being conical, of wood, 
and covered with earth. In details respecting the 
people and their habits and ceremonies there is much 
exaggeration and inaccuracy; but the descriptions in 
a general way are applicable enough to the Central 
Californians.” 

Before his departure Drake made a journey up into 
the land, ‘‘ to be the better acquainted with the nature 
and commodities of the country,” visiting several vil- 
lages. “The inland we found to be farre different 
from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitfull soyle, 
stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man: 
infinite was the company of very large and fat Deere 
which there we sawe by thousands, as we supposed, 
in a heard; besides a multitude of a strange kinde of 
Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their 
heads and bodies, in which they resemble other Conies, 


40 Discourse, 184. f 

41Qr tobah, called by the Famous Voyage, tabacco. They had also a root 
called petéh of which they made meal and bread. 

#2 See Native Races, i. 361 et seq. 


84 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


are but small; his tayle, like the tayle of a Rat, ex- 
ceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of a Want 
or moale; under his chinne, on either side, he hath a 
bagge, into which he gathereth his meate, when he 
hath filled his belly abroade...the people eate their. 
bodies, and make great account of their skinnes, for 
their kings holidaies coate was made of them.” * 

‘This country our Generall named Albion,” or Noua 
Albion according to the Famous Voyage, “and that for 
two causes; the one in respect of the white bancks and 
cliffes, which lie toward the sea; the other, that it 
might haue some affinity, euen in name also, with our 
own country, which was sometime so called.” ‘There 
is no part of earth here to bee taken up, wherein there 
is not some speciall likelihood of gold or silver.’ 
“ Before we went from thence, our Generall caused to 
be set vp a monument of our being there, as also of her 
maiesties and successors right and title to that king- 
dome; namely, a plate of brasse, fast nailed to a great 
and firme post; whereon is engrauen her graces name, 
and the day and yeare of our arriual there, and of 
the free giuing vp of the prouince and kingdome, both 
by the king and people, into her maiesties hands: 
together with her highnesse picture and armes, in a 
plece of sixpence currant English monie, shewing 
itselfe by a hole made of purpose through the plate; 
vnderneath was likewise engrauen the name of our 
Generall, etc. The Spaniards neuer had any dealing, 
or so much as set a foote in this country, the utmost 
of their discoveries reaching onely to many degrees 
Southward of this place.” They finally sailed on the 
23d of July, on a south-south-west course accord- 

8 World Encompassed, 131-2. ‘Wefound the whole country to bee a war- 
ren of a strange kinde of Conies, their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary 
Conies, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want, and the taile of 
a rat being of great length: under her chinne on either side a bagge,’ etc. 
Famous Voyage. 

** Famous Voyage, the rest being from World Encompassed. 

In this place Drake set up ‘a greate post and nayled thereon a vjd ,wch 
the countrey people woorshipped as if it had bin God; also hee nayled vppon 


this post a plate of lead, and scratched therein the Queenes name.’ Discourse. 
*©*Tn the latier ende of August.’ Discourse, 14. 


IDENTITY OF DRAKE’S ANCHORAGE. 85 


ing to the Discourse, and “not farre without this har- 
borough did lye certain Ilands (we called them the 
Ilands of Saint James) hauing on them plentifull and 
oreat store of Seales and birds, with one of which we 
fell July 24, whereon we found such prouision as might 
competently serue our turne for a while. We departed 
againe the day next following, viz., July 25.” No 
more land was seen till they had crossed the Pacific. 

It should be noted that no regular diary or log of 
this voyage is extant or is known to have ever been 
extant. Of the three narratives which I have cited 
one was perhaps written from memory by a companion 
of Drake. The others are compilations from notes of 
the chaplain, Fletcher, written under circumstances 
of which we know but little, by a man not noted for 
his veracity, and from the reminiscences probably cf 
others. Naturally they abound in discrepancies and 
inaccuracies, as is shown still more clearly in parts not 
relating to California. They are sufficiently accurate 
to leave no room for reasonable doubt that Drake 
really anchored on the coast in the region indicated, 
touching at one of the Farallones on his departure; 
but in respect of further details they inspire no confi- 
dence. 

Yet the identity of Drake’s anchorage is a most 
interesting point, and one that has caused much dis- 
cussion. ‘There are three bays not far apart on the 
coast, those of Bodega, Drake, and San Francisco, 
any one of which to a certain extent may answer the 
requirements, and each of which has had its advocates. 
Their positions are shown on the annexed map. The 
central bay under Point Reyes, the old San Francisco, 
is almost exactly in latitude 38°, and it agrees better 
than the others with the south-south-west course to 
the Farallones as given by one of the narratives; 
Bodega agrees well enough with the 38° 30’ of the 
Famous Voyage, and more properly than the other 
may be termed a ‘faire and good bay;’ while San. 
Francisco, though some twenty minutes south of the 


86 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


lowest latitude mentioned, is a very much more ‘con- 
uenient harborough’ than either of the others. 

For nearly two centuries after the voyage there 
was but slight occasion to identify Drake’s anchorage; 
yet there can be no doubt that it was to a certain 
extent confounded with the old San Francisco men- 
























































T oe 

























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































WHERE DID DRAKE LAND? 


tioned by Torquemada, and that the confusion was 
shown, or increased, by the occasional occurrence of 
the name S. Francisco Drak for Sir Francis Drake 
on old maps. And later when the new San Francisco 
was found, few if any but Spaniards understood the 
difference between the two;*" and therefore, as well 

41 Cabrera Bueno, Navegacion Especulativa, Manila, 1734, makes the dis- 
tinction perfectly clear; but of this work nothing was known to the world 
beyond its mere existence till 1874, when one of my assistants in the Over- 
land Monthly gave a translation of its contents so far as relating to this sub- 


ject. Doyle in his reprint of Palou, Noticias, i. ix.-x., gave the same in 
substance later, after consulting my copy. 





IDEAS OF THE SPANIARDS. 87 


as on account of the excellence of the new harbor, 
Drake’s anchorage was very naturally identified by 
most with the bay of San Francisco. The Spaniards, 
however, never accepted this theory, but were dis- 
posed from the first to claim for Portold’s expedi- 
tion the honor of discovering the new San Francisco, © 
and to restrict Drake’s discoveries to Bodega.* It 
cannot be claimed, however, that the Spaniards had 
any special facilities for learning the truth of the 
matter; and indeed some of them seem to have de- 
clared in favor of the bay under Point Reyes, which 
has for many years borne Drake’s name on the maps, 
though advocates of both the other bays have not 
been wanting. The general opinion in modern times 








Nuoua Albio scoperta del 
Drago Inglese nel 1579 


239 E. 





238 EE. 














































































































































































































































































































Mar From ArcANO DEL Marg, 1647. 


In Bodega y Cuadra, Viage de 1775, MS.., it is clearly stated that Bodega 
was Drake’s bay and that it was distinct from either San Francisco. Fleurieu, 
Introd. Marchand, Voy., i. lxxvi. et seq., by a blundering reference to J/au- 
relle’s Journal, 45 et seq., identified Bodega and San Francisco, making some 
absurd charges against the Spaniards of having changed the name, which 
charges Navarrete, Introd. Sutil y Mex. Viage, xcviii.-ix., refutes, at the same 
time implying his approval of the identity of Drake’s bay and Bodega. Hum- 
boldt, Hssat Pol., 327, takes the same view of the subject. 

#9 Vancouver, Voyages, i. 430, in 1792 understood the Spaniards to be of 
this opinion. Yet I find no evidence that this opinion was ever the prevail- 
ing one. The ‘Spanish tradition’ in California was very strong against new 
San Francisco; but was not very pronounced as between old San Francisco 
and Bodega, favoring, however, the latter. Padre Niel, Apuntaciones, 78, 
writing in about 1718 declared his opinion that Drake’s bay was at the mouth 
of Carmelo River! 


8s THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


has been that the great freebooter did not enter San 
I’rancisco Bay, and that he probably did anchor at 
Drake Bay. 

Early maps, it would seem, should throw some light 
on this question, but they fail to do so. With the 
exception of Vizcaino’s map, to be reproduced presently 
and having no bearing on Drake’s voyage, I have not 
found a single map of the California coast of earlier 
date than 1769 bearing the shghtest indication of 
having been founded on anything but the narratives 
still extant and the imagination of the map-maker. I 
reproduce two sections of maps from the Arcano del 
Mare to which Hale attaches some importance in 
this connection, with another by Hondius and sup- 
posed to represent Drake’s port in New Albion.” 






















































































; Albion scoperto 
del Drago Inglese 







































































ARCANO DEL MarRE. Honpivs’ Map. 


50 7Tale’s Karly Maps of America, and a note on Robert Dudley and the 
Arcano del Mare, Worcester, 1874, a paper read before the American Antiq. 
Soc. in 1873. The author is inclined to think that Dudley had some special 
authority unknown to us for his maps of this coast. ‘Our California friends 
must permit me to say that Porto bonissimo (an inscription for Drake’s port) 
is a very strong phrase for the open road-stead of ‘‘Sir Francis Drake’s Bay” 
as it isnow understood.’ Of the peculiar ‘bottle-shaped loop’ of the bay, it 
is said, ‘the bay of San Francisco after numerous reductions and copyings 
would assume much this shape.’ And the difficulty arising from the other 
bay of like shape just above San Francisco on both maps is thus ingeniously, 
if not very satisfactorily, explained away. ‘I confess that it seems to me that 
more than one navigator of those times probably entered the Golden Gate into 
the bay of San Francisco. Each one recorded his own latitude—and these 
two bays, almost identical in appearance, are due to an effort of the map- 
maker to include two incorrect latitudes in one map’! Hale reproduces one 
of the Arcano maps and adds the Hondius map in Bryant’s Hist. U. S., ii. 
570-7. Here he is non-committal about the identity of the bays, admitting 
that the maker of the Hondius map had no knowledge of San Francisco Bay, 
or indeed of any other bay on the coast. In one of the arguments against 
San Francisco that seems to have most weight with him he is however in error. 
‘It is quite certain that the Spaniards, who eagerly tried to rediscover the 
port, with this map in their possession, did not succeed until near two hun- 
‘ dred years after. Long before they did discover it they were seeking for it, 


THE EVIDENCE OF MAPS. 89, 


With due respect for Hale’s views, as those of an able 
and conscientious investigator, I find in them nothing 
to change my own as just expressed. ,These maps 
like all others represent Drake’s port from the current 
narratives as a good bay in about 38° of latitude; all 
the rest is purely imaginary. Tor like reasons I can- 
not agree with another able student of California 
history who finds proof in the maps given by Hale 
that Drake anchored in Bodega Bay. I do not object 
very strongly to the conclusion, but I find no proof, or 
even evidence in the maps.” 


calling it the bay of San Francisco, that name probably having been taken 
from no less a saint than the heretic, Sir Francis Drake.’ This is the old 
confusion already alluded to. Hale knew nothing of the distinction between 
the old and new San Francisco. The Spaniards were familiar with the 
position of the former after its discovery and naming by Cermeiion in 1595; 
Vizcaino entered it without difficulty in 1603; Portol4 was approaching it as 
a perfectly well known landmark when he stumbled on the new San Francisco 
in 1769. There is no evidence that the Spaniards ever sought San Francisco 
on any other occasion. 

51 [ allude to the writer of a review of Bryant’s Hist. U. S. in the S. F. 
Bulletin, Oct. 5, 1878, whom I suppose to have been John W. Dwinelle, and 
whose argument is worth quoting at some length. After some remarks on 
Hondius’ facilities for knowing the truth, Dwinelle writes: ‘This map does 
not accurately describe Bodega Bay. There is now a long spit of sand 
running from the east at the foot of the bay and nearly shutting it up. But 
that sand spit did not exist when Captain Bodega discovered the bay in 1775, 
although he reported his opinion that a bar was forming there. The long, 
narrow island represented on Hondius’ map of the bay as lying on the outside 
of the coast and parallel to the bay, really lies at the foot of the bay, below 
the peninsula; but, viewed from the point where Drake’s ship is represented 
as lying, the island appears to lie outside of the peninsula. Drake’s ship 
passed this island only twice, namely, when he sailed in and when he sailed 
out. But it was in sight every day from the place where his ship lay during 
the five weeks that he was there, and from that point, we repeat, this island 
avpears to be outside. The bay itself, there at its head, appears to be twice 
as wide as itis at its mouth some miles below, although the reverse is the 
fact. But it is just such a mapas a good penman ignorant of linear and aerial 
perspective would have made on the spot, if he had a taste for pen and ink 
maps, such as Fletcher, Drake’s chaplain, is known to have had. We have 
visited Bodega Bay with a photographic copy of Hondius’ map of Drake’s 
Bay, taken from that in the British museum, but enlarged to the dimension of 
5 by G inches. All the indications called for by Drake’s narrative exist there. 
Those we have mentioned; also the Indian villages; the shell-fish; the seals; 
the deciduous trees, the ‘‘conies” which honey-combed the soil; the eleva- 
tion of the coast, which commenced at about that latitude; the white sand- 
hills, which suggested the name of Albion. Also another indication which 
does not appear in the map as copied in the history, a line of rocks below the 
beach at the lower right-hand water-line, thus forming a double coast line. 
We have no doubt that Bodega Bay is Drake’s Bay, and that Hondius’ map 
was furnished to him by Fletcher, who made it on the spot. Drake’s ship 
could go in there now and anchor at its head in 15 feet water, 100 feet from 
the shore, where there is a good sandy beach on which to careen and repair 


90 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


The main question is, did Drake enter San Fran- 
cisco Bay? It would serve no good purpose to cata- 
logue the modern writers who have espoused one 
theory or the other. Able men like Burney, David- 
son, Tuthill, and Stillman have maintained that Drake 
anchored within the Golden Gate, against the con- 
trary opinions of other able men like Humboldt, 
Soulé, Doyle, Dwinelle, and Hittell. Some have been 
very positive, others cautious and doubtful. Most 


vessels, and where there was an Indian village ‘‘on the hill above,” as 
demanded by Drake’s narrative. The map from Arcano del Mar, edition of 
1647, given at page 571 in the history, in our opinion greatly strengthens this 
view. Directly opposite the mouth of Bodega Bay to the south is the mouth 
of Tomales Bay. Between the two the Rio Estero Americano of the Spanish 
Californians debouches into the ocean; a stream whose bed is almost bare in 
the dry season, but which, during the rainy season and for some time after- 
wards, poured into the sea a shallow volume of turbulent waters, several 
hundred feet in width. When Drake was on this coast, the winter or rainy 
season was unusually protracted, so far that the deciduous trees, which usually 
resume their foliage in March and April, had not done so as late as July, and 
it still snowed on the coast. Snow on the coast means rain in the interior at 
a short distance from the sea. It may be safely assumed that the Rio Estero 
Americano was swelling full to its margin—probably unusually full. The 
‘“bottle-shaped” bay on the reduced scale of the map from Arcano del Mar 
might well represent the two bays, the neck standing for the river. The 
latitude is precisely that required for Bodega Bay. Following down the map, 
the coast line corresponds with great exactness with that of the modern maps 
as given at page 576; C. (Cabo) di San Pietro, Cape St Peter, is Cape Punta 
de los Reyes, the western point of Jack’s, or Drake’s bay of modern times; and 
G. (golfo) di San Pietro, corresponds exactly to Jack’s, or Drake’s Bay, as it 
appears from the sea, and also exactly to its latitude. We are of opinion 
that this map must be regarded as authentic, and also the vignettes engraved 
upon the same sheet. Two of these represent Drake’s ship, the Pelican, the 
first as she lay stranded on the rocks at the Windward Islands, and the other 
as lying at anchor. They both correspond in all their details. Probably the 
drawings from which the engraving was executed were made from the ship 
itself. Drake returned to England in 1580. He never sailed again. The 
engravings were made between 1590 and 1600. Hondius was in England all 
this time. If not made from the ship, the engraving may be safely assumed 
to represent the style of naval architecture of the period. The ship is repre- 
sented as broad in the beam and round in the bow. Her burden, Drake’s 
narrative informs us, was 100 tons. She was therefore shallow and drew but 
little water. The ship-builders whom we have consulted inform us that with 
all her armament she could not have drawn more than from 5 to 6 feet of 
water. She could therefore have entered Bolinas Bay, Jack’s, or Drake’s 
(interior) Bay, Tomales Bay, Bodega Bay, Humboldt Bay, and any or all of 
the rivers which Drake encountered. Modern navigators and hydrographers 
who argue that Drake must have entered the Bay of San Francisco because 
no other bay was deep enough for the entry and repairing of a man-of-war, 
must have certainly had in their minds a modern 74-gun ship, and not a little 
caravel of 100 tons carrying six feet of draft.’ It will be noticed that the 
writer attempts no explanation of the two bottle-shaped bays. It is moreover 
remarkab!e that he should accept Fletcher’s statements about the climate and 
season as even remotely founded on truth. 





msl 


PID DRAKE ENTER SAN FRANCISCO? 91 


have written without a full understanding of the dis- 
tinction between the two San Franciscos. Few have 
been sufficiently impressed with the fundamental truth 
that Chaplain Fletcher was a liar. Besides certain 
special pleadings often more ingenious than weighty, 
the convincing arguments have been on the one side 
that Drake after a stay of five weeks would not have 
called any other bay but that of San Francisco a good 
harbor, or have thanked God for a fair wind to enter 
the same; and on the other, that, having entered San 
Francisco, he would never have dismissed it with mere 
mention asa good bay. The former argument is less 
applicable to Bodega than to the bay under Point 
Reyes. | 

The latter appears to me unanswerable. It is one 
that has naturally occurred to all, but I doubt if 
any have comprehended its full force. It grows on 
the student as he becomes acquainted with the spirit 
of the past centuries in relation to maritime affairs 
and particularly to the north-west coast of America. 
I treat this subject fully elsewhere.” That Drake 
and his men should have spent a month in so large 
and so peculiar a bay without an exploration extend- 
ing thirty or forty miles into the interior by water; 
that notes should be written on the visit without a 
mention of any exploration, or of the great rivers 
flowing into the bay, or of its great arms; that Drake’s 
companions should have evaded the questions of such 
men as Richard Hakluyt, and have died without im- 
parting a word of the information so eagerly sought 
by so many men, is indeed incredible. or sailors in 
those days to talk of inlets they had never seen was 
common; to suppress their knowledge of real inlets 
would indeed have been a marvel.” Drake’s business 


52 See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. chap. ii.-iv., this series. 

53 Stillman says, Seeking the Golden fleece, 300: ‘ He was not on a voyage 
of discovery; his was a business enterprise, and he had an eye to that alone. 
What was not gold and silver was of small consequence to him.’. Whence 
perhaps his minute details of Indian ceremonies! ‘Nor does it seem proba- 
ble that he knew the extent of the bay of San Francisco. He had already 
concluded...that there could be no northwest passage...and he had aban- - 


92 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


in the North Pacific was to find an interoceanic pas- 
sage; if he abandoned the hope in the far north, one 
glance at the Golden Gate would have rekindled it; 
a sight of the far-reaching arms within would have con- 
vinced him that the strait was found; San Pablo Bay 
would have removed the last doubt from the mind of 
every incredulous companion; in Suisun Bay the Golden 
fTind would have been well on her way through the 
continent; and a little farther the only question would 
have been whether to proceed directly to Newfound- 
land by the Sacramento or to Florida by the San 
Joaquin. That aman like Fletcher, who found sceptres 
and crowns and kings among the Central Californians, 
who found a special likelihood of gold and silver where 
nothing of the kind ever existed, who was so nearly 
frozen among the snow-covered Californian hills in 
summer, should have called the anchorage under Point 
Reyes, to say nothing of Bodega, a fine harbor would 
have been wonderful accuracy and moderation on his 
part. But supposing San Francisco Bay to have been 
the subject of his description, let the reader imagine 
the result. The continent is not broad enough to 
contain the complication of channels he would have 
described. 

Proof of the most positive nature, more definite than 
the vague narratives in question could be expected 
reasonably to yield, is required to overthrow the pre- 
sumption that Drake did not enter San Francisco 
Bay. This proof Stillman, who has made himself in 
these later years champion of the cause,” believes 
himself to have found. First, he declares, and forti- 
fies his position with the testimony of a coast-survey 
official and other navigators, that Drake could not 


doned the hope.’ And Tuthill, Hist. Cal., 24: ‘They did not go into ecstasies 
about the harbor. They were not hunting harbors, but fortunes in compact 
form. Harbors, so precious to the Spaniards, who had a commerce in the 
Pacific to be protected, were of small account to roving Englishmen.’ These 
are evasions of the issue, or the statements of men not acquainted with the 
maritime spirit of the time. 

4 Stillman’s Footprints in California of Early Navigators, in Id.; Seeking 
the Golden Hleece, 285 et seq.; Id., in Overland Monthly, i. 332. 


STILLMAN’S THEORIES. 93 


have graved his vessel in the bay that bears his name 
without the certainty of destruction. Navigators with 
whom I have conversed are somewhat ‘less positive 
on the subject, simply stating that the beaching of 
a vessel there would be venturesome, and a wise 
captain would if possible avoid it. It is not at all 
uncommon at many places on the coast for vessels to 
be beached in a storm, and safely released by the high 
tide. Stillman and his witnesses imply that Drake’s 
ship was grounded to be repaired and graved, but 
only one of the narratives, and that the least reliable, 
contains such a statement; the others simply mention 
a leak to be stopped, perhaps not far below the water- 
line, and I am sure that small vessels upon this coast 
have been often careened and graved without being 
beached at all. The coast survey charts declare the 
harbor to be a secure one except in south-east gales. 
There is an interior bay, communicating with the 
outer by a passage now somewhat obstructed by a 
bar, which possibly now, and very probably in 1579, 
would afford Drake’s small ship a safe anchorage. 
And finally this objection would lose its force if ap- 
plied to Bodega instead of Drake Bay. Thus we find 
in this argument nothing of the positive character 
which alone could make it valid. 

The other argument, urged is that Fletcher’s ‘conies’ 
were ground-squirrels and that these animals never 
existed in the region of Drake Bay. It must be 
admitted that the description in several respects fits 
the ground-squirrel better than the gopher or any 
_ other animal of this region; but a very accurate descrip- 
tion of anything would be out of place, and certainly 
is not found, in these narratives; the ‘conies’—liter- 
ally rabbits—were seen on a trip up into the country, 
how far we do not know; and no very satisfying proof 
is presented that ground-squirrels never frequented 
the region of either Drake Bay or Bodega. There- 
fore whatever weight might be given to Stillman’s 
arguments as against similar arguments on the other 


94 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


side drawn from the faulty descriptions available, 
they are in my opinion entitled to very little consider- 
ation as against the overwhelming and irresistible pre- 
sumption noted that Drake could not have entered 
San Francisco Bay.” 

Between Drake Bay and Bodega I have no decided 
opinion to express. JI find no foundation for such an 
opinion. It is not probable that there will ever be 
any means of ascertaining the truth. Drake’s post 
and plate were doubtless moved from their original 
site at an early date. If my supposition that Ca- 
brillo did not pass Cape Mendocino is correct, then the 
English navigator may perhaps be entitled to the 
honor of having discovered a portion of the California 
coast above that point; yet it is by no means certain 
that he crossed the parallel of 42°.% 


The Philippine ships from 1565 followed a northern 
route in returning across the Pacific to Acapulco; but 
of these trips we have for the most part no records. 
Their instructions were to keep as near to the line 
of 380° as possible, and to go no farther north than 
was necessary to get a wind. It is probable that, 
while they often reached latitude 37°, or higher, they 
rarely sighted the coast of Upper California, on ac- 
count of turning to the south as soon as they found 
sea-weeds or other indications that land was _ near. 
The lower end of the peninsula was generally the first 
land seen in these early years. 

In 1584, however, Francisco Gali, commanding one 
of these ships returning from Macao by way of Japan, 
sailed from that island east and east by north about 
three hundred leagues until he struck the great oce- 


55 Stillman’s reference to the Spanish map published by Anson, which I 
reproduce later, should be noticed. It certainly givesa peculiar form to the 
bay under Point Reyes; but it has no bearing on Drake’s voyage. It simply 
shows that the draughtsman failed to get a correct idea of the port from the 
text of Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno. 

56 On the report of one of Drake’s men having been landed in California, 
and having gone to Mexico overland, a report not founded on fact, see Hist. 
Northwest Coast, i. 60-1, this series, 


VOYAGE OF FRANCISCO DE GALI. ; 96 


anic current, which carried him some seven hundred 
leagues to within two hundred leagues of the Ameri- 
can coast. Then, “being by the same course upon the 
coast of New Spain, under 37° 30’, we passed by a 
very high and fair land with many trees, wholly with- 
out snow, and four leagues from the land you find 
thereabout many drifts of roots, leaves of trees, reeds, 
and other leaves like fig-leaves, the like whereof we 
found in great abundance in the country of Japan, 
which they eat; and some of those that we found, I 
caused to be sodden with flesh, and being sodden, they 
eat like coleworts; there likewise we found great store 
of seals; whereby it is to be presumed and certainly 
to be believed, that there are many rivers, bays, and 
havens along by those coasts to the haven of Aca- 
pulco. From thence we ran south-east, south-east 
and by south, and south-east and by east, as we found 
the wind, to the point called Cabo de San Liicas, which 
is the beginning of the land of California, on the 
north-west side, lying under 22°, being five hundred 
leagues distant from Cape Mendocino.” This is all 
that Gali’s narrative contains respecting the California 
coast.” 

Gali’s seems to be the first mention of Cape Men- 
docino, though it is not implied that the name was 
given by him, as nevertheless it may have been. We 
have seen that the name was not, as has been generally 
believed, applied by Cabrillo or Ferrelo in 1542-3; 
and Torquemada’s statement has been noted to the 
effect that the cape was discovered by the Manila 
ships. It is possible that it had been thus discovered 
in an unrecorded voyage preceding that of Gali; but 
it is quite as likely that the name was given in Mexico, 


57 This narrative was translated into Dutch aud published by Linschoten in 
his famous and oft-reprinted [tinerario of 1596. From this source an English 
translation is given in Hakluyt’s Voy., iii.442-7. A blunder in a French trans- 
lation by which 37° 30’ was substituted for 37° 30’ has caused a fictitious im- 
portance to be at’ached to the voyage, not however affecting California. See 
Burney’s Chron. fHist., ii. 58-61; v. 163-4; Navarrete, Introd., Sutil y Mezx., 
xelvi.-ix.; Jd. Viages Apéc., 42-3; Twiss’ Or. Question, 58-62; and mention in 
many of the works cited on the voyages of Cabrillo, Drake, and Vizcaino. 


96 ‘ THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


of course in honor of the viceroy Mendoza, to a point 
discovered but not named by Cabrillo. 


The fourth voyage of Californian annals was like 
the third one from the far west. The piloto Sebastian 
Rodriguez de Cermefion in charge of the San Agustin 
coming from the Philippines in 1595, was ordered by 
Governor Gomez Perez das Marifias, in accordance 
with royal instructions through Viceroy Velasco, to 
make some explorations on the coast, doubtless with 
a view to find a suitable station for the Manila ships. 
Of Cermefion’s adventures we know only that his 
vessel ran aground on a lee shore® behind what was 
later called Point Reyes, leaving on the land a large 
quantity of wax and silk in boxes. It is possible that 
the San Agustin was accompanied by another vessel 
on which the officers and men escaped; but much more 
probable I think that the expression ‘was lost’ in the 
record is an error, and that the ship escaped with a 
loss of her cargo. One of the men, Francisco Bolaiios, 
was piloto mayor, or sailing-master, under Vizcaino in 
1603, when he anchored in the same port to see if 
any trace of the cargo remained, but without landing. 
The statement of Bolaiios as reported incidentally in 
the narrative of Vizcaino’s voyage by Ascension and 
Torquemada is, so far as I can learn, the only record 
extant of this voyage.” 


58 ‘Se perdid, y did 4 la costa con vn viento travesia.’ ‘Que en aquel puerto 
avia dado A la Costa el afio de 1595.’ 

89 Jorquemada, Monarg. Ind., i. 717-18. ‘En la costa reconocimos el puerto 
de San Francisco, adonde en tiempos pasados se perdié una nao de China que 
venia con 6rden de descubrir esta costa, y creo que hoy dia hay mucha cera y 
losaza [loza?] que el navio traia.’ Ascension, Relacion, 558. ‘Here was where 
the ship S. Agustin was lost in the year 1595, coming to make discoveries, 
and the cause of her being lost was rather the fault of him who steered than 
stress of weather.’ Cabrera Bueno, Navegacion, 303. Venegas, Noticia, i. 
183, says ‘the viceroy Velasco, desirous of making a station for the Philippine 
ships on the outer coast, sent a ship called San Ayustin, which soon returned 
without any results.” And Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp.,326. Also, from 
Torquemada, Salmeron, Relac., 20; Niel, Apunt, 74; and Navarrete, Introd., 
lvi.—vii. It does not clearly appear that any of these writers saw anything in 
addition to the statement in Torquemada. In Bodega ., Cuadra, Vinge de 
1775, MS., it is said that Cermefion was wrecked in a south-east wind, as he 
could not have been at Bodega or the new San Francisco. Where this infor- 
mation was obtained does not appear. 


CERMENON’S SHIPWRECK. 97 


It is somewhat remarkable that no additional light 
has ever been thrown on this voyage; but, slight as 
is the record, there is no good reason to question its 
accuracy, especially as no grand and impossible discov- 
erles of interoceanic channels are involved. There 
can be very little doubt that Cermejion named the 
port of his disaster San Francisco, perhaps from the 
day of his arrival. There is nothing to support the 
view sometimes expressed that he came in search of 
a San Francisco Bay, or of the port discovered by 
Drake; though it is not unlikely that rumors of 
Drake’s fine bay had an influence with othe: motives 
in promoting this exploration. That the Spaniards, 
now or at any other time, founded the name of San 
Francisco on that of Sir Francis, the English free- 
booter, is so improbable as to merit no consideration; 
but it is certain that subsequently foreign writers and 
map-makers confounded the names to some extent, as 
was natural enough. That Vizcaino, Cabrera Bueno, 
and other Spaniards of the early times mistook the 
identity of Cermeiion’s bay is hardly possible. The 
timely circulation of a paragraph from Cabrera 
Bueno’s work of 1732 and another from Crespi’s 
diary of 1769 would have well nigh removed all diffi- 
culties in this matter, which has proved so puzzling 


to the annalists. 


Sebastian Vizcaino, commanding a Spanish explor- 
ing fleet of three vessels, anchored in San Diego Bay 
on November 10, 1602. He had sailed from Acapulco 
in May of the preceding year, with a force of nearly 
two hundred men including three Carmelite friars. 
His special mission, in addition to that of general ex- 
ploration and the ever potent purpose of finding an 
interoceanic strait, was to find a suitable port for the 
Philippine ships. Details of his expedition to the 
date mentioned and of his explorations along the outer 
coast of the peninsula have been presented in another 


part of this work. It is only with his experience on 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 7 


98 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


the coast of Upper California that we are now con- 
cerned.” 

It had been sixty years since Cabrillo had visited 
this bay and named it San Miguel; but here as else- 
where on the Californian coast Vizcaino pays no heed 
to the discoveries of his predecessor; giving indeed no 
indication that they were known to him. The name 
was now given doubtless with reference to that of the 
flag-ship, and also to the day of San Diego de Alcala 
occurring on the 12th of November. A party landed 
to explore, climbed to the summit of the hills on the 
northern peninsula, had a view of the grand harbor 
and a glimpse of the False Bay, found plenty of wood, 
and came back to report. The general decided to clean 
and pay his ship, and to obtain a supply of wood and 
water. A tent church for the friars was pitched 
somewhere on the western shore between what are 
now La Playa and Point Loma. Wells were dug on 
the opposite sand island, or peninsula, and the work of 


60 Hist. North Mex. States, this series. The vessels were the flag-ship, or 
capitana, San Diego, on which sailed Vizcaino as captain-general; the Santo 
Tomds, under Toribio Gomez de Corvan as admiral; and the 7'’res Reyes under 
Alférez Martin Aguilar and the piloto Antonio Flores. Other officers were 
Captain Alonso Estévan Peguero, Captain Gaspar Alarcon, Captain Gerdé- 
nimo Martin Palacios, cosmographer; Alféreces Juan Francisco Suriano, 
Sebastian Melendez, and Juan de Acevedo Tejeda; pilotos Francisco Bolaiios, 
Baltasar de Armas, and Juan Pascual; sergeants Miguel Legar and Juan 
Castillo Bueno; and corporals Estévan Lopez and Francisco Vidal. The 
friars were Andrés de la Asuncion, Tomds de Aquino, and Antonio de 
la Ascension, the first serving as comisario and the latter as chronicler 
and assistant cosmographer and map-maker. The standard and original — 
authorities are Padre Ascension’s account, perhaps but little changed from 
the original diary, in Torquemada, i. 694-726; the same author’s Relacion 
Breve, 539-74, written in 1620, and adding not much of importance to the 
other; Salmeron, Relaciones, 14-21, the author of which was personally 
acquainted with Ascension and other companions of Vizcaino; Cabrera Bueno, 
Naveyacion, 302-13, which contains a derrotero of the coast from Cape Men- 
docino south, drawn from Vizcaino’s log and charts; Venegas, Not., i. 193- 
201; iii. 22-139 and Navarrete, Sutil y Mex. ix.—xviii., the author of which 
saw in the Spanish archives certified copies of all the papers relating to the 
expedition, including 32 maps, a small reduction from which combined in one 
he published in his atlas. This map, which I reproduce, was also published 
in Burney’s Chron. ist., ii. 236-59. It is very much to be regretted that the 
narratives and maps of this voyage have never been published, and that Nav- 
arrete has made so inadequate a use of them. For accounts of the voyage 
adding nothing to information derived from those mentioned I refer the 
reader to the account in an earlier volume of my work; it may be added that 
very many of the works cited in this chapter on the voyages of Cabrillo and 
Drake contain also a mention of Vizcaino, 


VIZCAINO’S EXPEDITION. © 99 


refitting went on, though many were sick with the 
scurvy of which some had already died. Indians 
armed with bows and arrows soon appeared on the 
beach but were neither hostile nor very timid, gladly 
consenting to an interchange of gifts. They were 
understood to say by signs that other bearded men 
like the Spaniards were in the interior. All were de- 
lighted with the port and its surroundings. Vizcaino 
with Fray Antonio and an escort made an expedition 
on land, how extensive or in what direction we may 
not know, but probably including the eastern shores. 
After a stay of ten days, they set sail on the 20th of 
November." The islands known as Los Coronados 
were noted and named by Vizcaino; and Cabrera 
Bueno, giving a full description of the port which he 
puts in latitude 34°, names also the Punta de Guijar- 
ros, that is the point of cobble-stones, or ballast.” 

A. voyage of eight days against a north-west wind, 
the Tres Reyes hugging the coast and the others keep- 
ing farther out, brought them to an anchorage at the 
island which from the day they named Santa Cata- 
lina, sighting another large island in the south-west 
named San Clemente.” Before arriving here they 
had gone to a bight on the main, where smoke and 
ereen vegetation were seen, but there seemed to be 
no protection from the winds. This was probably 
the bay they called San Pedro,® a name still retained, 


61 The narratives enter somewhat into descriptive details for which I have 
no space. Says Ascension: ‘In the sands of the beach there was a great quan- 
tity of marcasite, golden (dorada) and spongy, which is a clear sign that in 
the mountains round the port there are gold-mines, because the waters when 
it rains bring it from the mountains.’ They also found in the sand masses of 
a gray light substance like dried ox-dung, which it was thought might be am- 
ber. Some very heavy blue stones with which powdered and mixed in water 
the natives made shining streaks on their faces were thought to be rich in 
silver. The fertility of the soil, abundance of game and fish, and indeed all 
the natural qualities of the place are highly praised. San Diego was deemed 
a fine site for a Spanish settlement. 

62 Cabrera Bueno, Navegacion, 305. 

63 Name only in Cabrera Bueno, Nav., 305. The island is not on the map. 

6!On the map it is Ensenada de S. Andrés. Cabrera Bueno names San 
Pedro in 34° 30’, and mentions the little island there. Nov. 26th is the day 
of St Peter, bishop of Alexandria. It will be remembered that Cabrillo had 
called this bay Bahia de los Humos 


100 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


like those of the islands. Santa Catalina had a large: 
population of fishermen and traders, who had large 
well built canoes and houses, as well as a temple 
where they sacrificed birds to an idol. They had no 
fear and were friendly, though skillful thieves. One 
or two days were spent here,® and then they went on 
through the waters which they named the Canal de 
Santa Barbara,” between the main and a chain of 
islands which commanders of the Philippine ships 
_are said to have regarded before as tierra firme. The 





































































































































































































































































































No se vid fondo 























TO DOS=SA NTEOSSS 











VizcAIno’s Map. 


country was very attractive on both sides of the 
channel, but Vizcaino did not anchor, deeming it 
important to take advantage of favorable winds to 
reach northern latitudes. A chief came off in a canoe, 
however, and used all his eloquence to induce the 
strangers to visit his home, offering ten women for 
each man to supply a need that he noted on board 
the ships. I give here a copy of Vizcaino’s map of 
the coast up to Monterey. Between the narrative, 


& Torquemada, i. 713, says they departed on December 25th, but this must 


be an error. 
66 The day of Santa Barbara is December 4th. 


VIZCAINO AT MONTEREY. ; 101 


the map, and Cabrera’s description there is no little 
confusion in details.” 

There were other friendly visits from the natives 
as the Spaniards advanced northward; but after 
emerging from the channel and passing Point Concep- 
cion the coast was so hidden froin view by fogs as to 
greatly interfere with the search for a harbor.® On 
the 14th of December the fog lifted and revealed to 
the voyagers the lofty coast range which from the 
preceding day was named Sierra de Santa Lucia, and 
which as the chronicler states had been the landmark 
usually sighted by the China ships. Four leagues 
beyond, a river flowing from lofty hills enters the ocean 
with fertile and well wooded banks between the shore 
cliffs. It was named the Rio de Carmelo in honor of 
the Carmelite friars who accompanied the expedition.” 
Then Vizcaino’s fleet rounded and named Punta de 
Pinos, and on the 16th of December anchored in a 
jamoso, or excellent, harbor which in honor of the 
viceroy who had despatched the expedition was named 
Monterey.” 

Next day the church tent was pitched under the 
shade of an oak whose branches touched the tide- 
water, twenty paces from springs of good water in a 
ravine, which barranca, with similar trees not quite 
so near the shore, is still a prominent landmark at 
Monterey. There were now but few men on the ships 

8’ Map from Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas No. 4. Torquemada gives 
no names except Santa Catalina Island and Santa Barbara Canal. Cabrera 
Bueno, 304, gives a page of not very clear description. He names Punta de 
Concepcion in 35° 30’, Farallon de Lobos, Canal de Sta Barbara, Punta de la 
Conversion (perhaps identical with the Punta de Rio Dulce of the map, and 
with the modern Pt Hueneme) Isla de Sta Barbara, Isla de Sta Catalina in 
34° 30’, Isla de San Clemente in 43° (a little less). 

68Qn the map is named Ensenada de Roque, which is either San Luis 
Obispo or Estero Bay; and ‘point which looks like an island,’ evidently Pt 
Sur. Cabrera gives no names except Tierra de Santa Lucia, mentioning how- 
ever the ‘morro’ corresponding to Pt Sur. 

6 Not shown on the map. Called by Cabrera Bueno a ‘famoso puerto que 
tiene abrigo de todos vientos, y tiene un rio de muy buena agua, y de poco 
fondo, el qual por las orillas esta muy poblado de muchos Alamos negros;’ also 
“alamos blancos’ as the others say. 

70 Often written in early times in two words Monte Rey or Monte-Rei, 


also Monterei and very commonly Monterrey. Of course the European origin 
of the name in very remote times was monte del rey or ‘ king’s mountain,’ 


102 “THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


not affected by the scurvy. Many were seriously ill, 
and sixteen had died. In a council held immediately 
after religious services it was decided to send back one 
of the vessels to carry the sick and report progress. 
Accordingly after such rest and relief as could be 
obtained from a short stay on shore, the Santo Tomds 
was despatched on the 29th of December for Acapulco, 
carrying Father Aquino among the disabled. The 
voyage was one of great suffering; twenty-five men 
died either on the way or soon after arrival; and only 
nine survived, among whom were the admiral, Corvan, 
and Fray Tomas. Five days after Corvan’s depart- 
ure the San Diego and Tres Reyes having obtained a 
supply of wood and water sailed from Monterey for 
the north on January 3, 1603. 

The qualities of Monterey as a harbor protected 
from all winds were somewhat exaggerated, though 
no minute description was given in the diary; and 
the explorers were very enthusiastic in their praises 
of its surroundings, its abundance and variety of ani- 
mals and fishes, its fertile soil, and plentiful wood and 
water. It was deemed especially well fitted for a re- 
fitting station for the Philippine ships, being in the 
latitude where they often sighted the coast. The 
natives, respecting whom less information is given 
than about the fauna and flora of the region, were 
friendly.” 

For three days from Monterey no discoveries are 
recorded; and on the 7th of January the vessels are 
separated, not to meet again, by some misunderstand- 
ing of signals. Vizcaino on the San Diego turns back 
by a point passed on the sixth, and named from the 
day Punta de los Reyes, to enter the port of San 
Tfrancisco under that point in search of traces of 
Cermefion’s visit in 1595. He anchors, but does not 


" Both Torquemada and Ascension give some details of animals, plants 
trees, and fishes. The latter mentions the fact that a dead wha!e was lying 
on the beach, which bears came down to eat at night. Cabrera Bueno puis 
the port in 37°, gives a very accurate description of it, and states that the 
anchorage is well protected except aguinst north-west w ‘inds. 





VIZCAINO AT CAPE MENDOCINO. 103 


land, and next day sails on in quest of the consort, 
making inconsiderable progress till the 12th, when 
they sight what they believe to be Cape Mendocino, 
in latitude 41° 30’... Next day the ship is hove to in 
a south-east gale; and as only six men are fit for work, 
it is decided to return to La Paz in the gulf, but the 
















































































Costa que guia al Co. blanco 
C>Memdocino TIERRAS DEL CO, BLANQUISCAS Y SIERRAS NEVADAS 













































































Aun que este rio corra algunas leguas de N.S. como dicen no puede tener 
su nacimto al N. porg. tendria breve termino pa, ser tan Caudaloso 






































-—de-la—Ba—grand 











B. Grande cerca del Cabo 














TT 









































Costa de barrancas asperas 























TTT 


























Costa Seguida entre el rio grande de S. Sebastian 
y la bahia grande del Co. Mendocino 
























































































































































































































































> Costa de arboleda 
= ampit__ g, Sebastian, 
ost glee de 8 

= an 





















































—— Rw IZ 




















































































































= Costa de arboleda 


\ Costa de barrancas taxadas 




























































































































































































Vizcaino’s Map. : 


gale causes them to drift northward. On the 14th 
they are close to Cape Mendocino, but on the 19th 
the weather clears and they find themselves in latitude 
42,° in sight of a white point near high snowy moun- 
tains. They name the point Cabo Blanco de San 


104 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


Sebastian, and, with a favorable wind, turn south- 
ward on St Sebastian’s day. They keep near the 
shore, but. without discoveries that have left any 
traces in the narrative, and without anchoring until 
they come to Cedros Island on the 7th of February. 
The suffering and loss of life from scurvy have been 
terrible, but relief is found at Mazatlan. 

Meanwhile Aguilar in the Tvs [eyes advances to 
latitude 41° and is then driven by the gale to an 
anchorage behind a great cliff near Cape Mendocino. 
Continuing his voyage after the storm, he finds his 
latitude on the 19th to be 48°, near a point named 
Cape Blanco, beyond which the coast turns to the 
north-west,” and also near a large river. On account 
of sickness and because he has already reached the 
limit of the viceroy’s instructions, Aguilar resolves to 
return. Both he and Flores die on the voyage, only 
five men surviving. I give a copy of the map repre- 
senting discoveries above Monterey, not agrecing in 
all respects with the narrative, and showing nothing 
above Cape Mendocino. The sreat river, supposed by 
Padre Ascension to be the entrance to Anian Strait, 
must have been either imaginary or a small stream, 
It is not possible to determine accurately the northern - 
limit of this exploration; but the indications are that 
it was not beyond the present Oregon line of 42° and 
that Vizcaino’s Cape San Sebastian and Acuilar’s Cape 
Blanco were identical with the modern Trinidad and 
St George.” 


72 Ascension says north-east and names the river Santa Inés. 

3 See /Zist. Northwest Coast, i. 147-8. Cabrera Bueno’s description of the 
northern coast is as follows: ‘In latitude 42° is a high cape, apparently cut 
down perpendicularly to the sea, and from it runs a . lower coast some eight 
leagues southward, where the land forms another high point, bare, with soma 
white cliffs which rise from the water’s edge; this point is in 41° 30’ and is 
called Cape Mendocino. From here the coast trends s. E. to lat. 39° 30’, the 
land being of medium elevation and thickly wooded, with some small hills bare 
along the shore. In the said latitude it forms a low point of white cliffs cut 
down to the sea; and from here the coast trendss. E. one quarter s. to 33° 30’, 
where the land forms a point of medium height, separated from the coast so 
as to appear from a distance to be an island, which is called Punta de los. 
Reyes. It forms asteep cliff (morro), and on its north side affords a good 
shelter from all winds, in lat. 38° 30’, andis called San Francisco. Ina south 
or south-east wind the anchorage is at the end of the beach where it forms an 


RESULTS OF AGUILAR’S EXPLORATION. 105 


Hxcept the discovery of Monterey Bay Vizcaino 
had accomplished no more, and indeed in several 
respects less, than had Cabrillo sixty years before; but 
the results of his voyage were clearly recorded, while 
the expedition of his predecessor had left practically no 
trace in the world’s knowledge. From 1608 the trend 
and general character of the Salanyis coast, together 
with its chief harbors, always excepting the undiscov- 
ered San Francisco, were well known to the Spaniards 
by these records; but for more than a century and a 
half there was no addition to this knowledge. No 
ship is known to have entered the northern waters 
from the south, while the Manila ships from the far 
west neither touched at the new ports nor left any 
record of what they saw as they passed. Vizcaino 
made strong efforts to be intrusted with a new expe- 
dition for the occupation of Monterey; and in 1606 
there was a prospect of his success; but attention was 
civerted to the far west; and though this navigator, 
returning as a passenger from Japan, on the San Fran- 
cisco, again sighted Cape Mendocino on December 26, 
1613, no more attempts were made on the outer coat 
Gamelli Carreri, however, describes his trip down the 
coast on the galeon of 1696." 

Herrera’s history containing an account of Ca- 
brillo’s discoveries had been published in 1601-15, and 
new Spanish editions appeared in 1728 and 1730. 
Torquemada’s great work with a record of Vizcaino’s 


angle on the N. w.; while on the N. E. are three white rocks very near the 
sea, and opposite the middle one an estero makes in from the sea with a good 
entrance and no breakers. Inside are found friendly Indians, and fresh water 
may be casily obtained. S.s.w. from this port are six or seven small white fara- 
llones some larger than others, occupying over a league in circuit... About 14 
leagues s. E. $8. from Pt Reyes, the land makes a point, before reaching which 
the land is of medium elevation, bare along the shore, with some steep cliffs, 
though inland it is high and wooded, until a low point is reached in 37° 30’ 
called Pt Aiio Nuevo.’ Navegacion, 302-3. This author’s latitudes are from 
30’ to a degree too high. He evidently saw a more minute account of Viz- 
caino’s voyage than the one published, or what is not unlikely, had access to 
Curmeiion’s report. 

74 Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 191, 201; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., 159-60; Cali- 
fornia, Estab. y Proy., 9, 10; "Doe. Hist. Mezx., ser. 1i. tom. 111. 443; Cardona, 
ilem. 46; Vizcaino Rel., 1611-13, p. 199; see Hist, North Mex. St., Ge- 
melli Carreri, Voyage, v. 286 et seq. The ‘only land sighted was the Sta ‘Cata 
lina Islands, said to be in 36°, and near Baie de la Toque. 


106 THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


voyage and Cermeifion’s mishaps appeared in 1613 
and was republished in 1723. Drake’s adventures 
were related in scores of popular voyage collections 
besides the original printed accounts. In 1734. Ca- 
brera Bueno’s sailing directions were printed across 
the Pacific, but the work was not widely circulated.” 
In 1742 Anson, the English navigator, found on a 
captured galleon the Spanish chart of which I re- 
produce that part showing the coast of California. 
There is nothing to indicate that the maker had 
access to any information not given by Vizcaino and 














110 











os Reyes 


























































































































Pta.dé Ano Nuevo 



































































































































































































































Pta,de Sn.Diego 






































1 Ensenada de los Virgines 














































































































SpanisH CHart, 1742. 


% Navegacion Lspeculativa, y Practica, con la Laplicacion de algunos instru- 
mentos, qve estan mas en vso en los naveyantes, con las reglas necesarius para su 
verdadero vso, etc.; Tabla de las declinaciones del sol, computadas al meridiano de 
San Bernardino; el modo de navegar por la geometria; por las tablas de rumbos; 
por la arithmética; por la trigonometria; por el quadrante de reduccion ; por 
los senos logarithmos; y comunes; con los estampas, y figuras pertenecientes c lo 
dicho, y otros tratados curiosos. Compvesta por el almirante D. Ioseph Gon- 
zalez Cabrera Bueno, piloto mayor de la Carrera de Philipinas, y natural de la 
isla de Tenerife una de los Canarias, qvien la dedica al M. Ill.tre Sen D. Fer- 
nano de Valdés y Tamon...Governador y Capitan General de las Islas Phili- 
pinas, etc. Manila, 1734, fol. 11 f. 392 pages. 2f. The bulk of the work is a 
treatise on navigation; but Part V., 292-364, is devoted to derrotas, containing 
sailing directions for the various Philippine and Pacific routes; and chap. v., 
302-22, relates to the coast from C. Mendocino to Panamdé. Portola and 
Crespi in 1769 had a copy of this work, or at least were familiar with its con- 
tents; but from that time to 1874, when it was described and quoted in the 
Overland Monthly by my assistant, I have found no indication of its having 
been consulted by any writer. 


THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. 107 


Cabrera Bueno.” In 1757 appeared Venegas’ work 
on Baja California, from which, more than from any 
other, a popular knowledge of the northern expedli- 
tions was derived.” 

The topic that I designate the Northern Mystery— 
that is what was thought and written and pictured in 
maps respecting the coast region above the Californian 
gulf from 1530 to 1769, the voyages which I have 
described in this chapter furnishing a slight founda- 
tion of actual knowledge on which an imposing struct- 
ure was reared by imagination, theory, and falsehood— 
might very plausibly be regarded as a part of the his- 
tory of California as a country stretching indefinitely 
from the peninsula to the mythic strait of Anian. 
Yet much more essential is this subject to the annals 
of the regions above latitude 42°, and therefore, 
especially as a general view of the theories involved 
has already been presented,” to avoid undesirable 
repetition I treat the subject very fully, with a repro- 
duction of many quaint old maps, in another volume 
relating to the northern countries,” confining my re- 
marks here to a very brief: statement. 

The. chief element of the Northern Mystery was 
the belief in and search for an interoceanic strait sepa- 
rating the Mexican regions from Asia. This strait 
at first was between South America and the Asiatic 
inain; but was pushed constantly northward by ex- 
ploration, and was to be found always just beyond the 
highest latitudewisited. Hach inlet was the entrance 
to the strait until the contrary was proved; inlets 
were discovered or written about that existed only in 
imagination, and navigators even went so far as to 
claim boldly that they had sailed through the strait. 


76 Anson’s Voyage, ed. 1776, 384. Also in Venegas, Not. Cal., iii. 235-6. 
The dotted line shows the route of the galleons. 

™ Here may be mentioned a report given by the natives of San Luis 
Obispo to Father Figuer and recorded in Anza, Diario, MS., 192-3, in 1776, 
that 23 years before, in 1753, twelve white men dressed lke the Spaniards 
landed from a boat and were subsequently cast away on the coast and perished. 

78 See Fist. North Mezican States, i., this series. 

7 See List. Northwest Coast, i, chap. i.-iv., this series. 


108 | THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 


At first the belief in rich islands on the way to India 
had been strong, and with reports of the strait, rumors 
of great kingdoms, cities, amazon isles, gold, and pre- 
cious stones naturally multiplied. 3 

Next by some strange blunder, apparently of the 
historian Gomara, the wanderings of Coronado in 
Arizona, New Mexico, and the far north-east, were 
transferred to the Pacific coast, and for many years 
Tiguex, Cicuic, Quivira, and the rest appeared dis- 
tributed along the shore with names from Cabrillo 
and Drake. For no other reason apparently than to 
provide room for all these names, it was customary to 
make the coast trend but little north of west between 
25° and 40°, thence extending north to the strait. 
One map, however, placed California far north of the 
strait of Anian, and very near the north pole. 

In the third great development of the imaginary 
geography, California played a more definitely im- 
portant part than in those mentioned. The New 
Mexican names were removed from the coast, but 
California from Cape San Liicas to latitude 44° be- 
came agreat island. At first the gulf and peninsula 
were mapped with remarkable accuracy. But Lok in 
1582 turned the coast abruptly eastward above 44°. 
Ascension in 1603 argued that Aguilar’s river in 43° 
was the entrance of Anian, and probably connected 
with the gulf. Ofiate at the Colorado mouth in 1604 
convinced himself that the gulf extended north and 
east to the Atlantic. Cardona in 1617, having as he 
believed seen deep water extending far beyond 34", 
openly declared the whole country an island. And 
finally a party of adventurers about 1620 had no dif- 
ficulty in circumnavigating California. For many 
years the country was so mapped and described, Nova 
Albion forming the north end of the island. From 
1700 to 1746 the Jesuits labored to restore the belief 
in a peninsula, and were successful. ‘The last phases 
of the mystery were those of 1751 and 1774 that the 
Colorado River sent off a branch to Monterey or San 


ANCIENT MAPS. 109 


Francisco, and then the search for northern wonders 
was transferred to the far north, beyond the farthest 


— limits of our California. 


Of the many maps of the early times which [ re- 
produce elsewhere, and of the many more similar ones 
which I have studied, not one except those presented 
in this chapter contains any real information about 
the coast of Upper California. On them the reader 
will find a coast line varying in its trend from north 
to west, marked with capes, bays, rivers, and towns, 
which, except so far as founded on the narratives and 
maps which I have noted in this chapter, are purely 
imaginary, the names being traceable to the same nar- 
ratives and maps, except such as come from Coronado’s 
inland explorations. These maps afford an interesting 
study, but have no bearing on real discovery. It is 
not unlikely, however, that useful original maps of 
Cabrillo’s, Cermeiion’s, or Vizcaino’s explorations may 
yet come to light, or that in the mean time men will 
continue to build grave theories of local discovery on 
the vagaries of the old cosmographers. 


CHAPTER IV. 


MOTIVES AND PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 
1767-1770. 


STATE OF THE SPANISH COLONIES—ACCIDENTAL AWAKENING FROM APATHY— 
REVIVAL OF OLD MoTIvVEsS—FEAR OF THE RUSSIANS—VISITADOR JOSE DE 
GALVEZ ON THE PENINSULA—CHARACTER AND AUTHORITY OF THE MAN— 
CoNnDITION OF AFFAIRS IN LOWER CALIFORNIA—INSTRUCTIONS AND PLANS 
oF GALVEZ FOR THE OCCUPATION OF SAN DrEGO AND MontTEREY—A Tour- 
FOLD EXPEDITION BY SEA AND LAND—VESSELS, TROOPS, AND SUPPLTES— 
Porto.dA, RIVERA, AND SERRA—PLANS FOR THE Conquista EsPIRITUAL 
—GALVEZ CONSULTS THE PADRE PRESIDENTE—SACRED ForcED Loans— 
ACTIVE PREPARATIONS—SAILING OF THE FLEET FROM LA Paz AND CAPE 
San Ltcas—MaRcH OF THE ARMY FROM THE NORTHERN FRONTIER— 
Loss oF THE ‘San Josk’—TIDINGS oF SUCCESS. 


In all the historical phases briefly alluded to in the 
introductory chapters of this volume, and fully pre- 
sented in early volumes of this work, I have shown an 
epoch of decadence, of varying length in different 
provinces, but nowhere much less than half a century 
induration. ‘The adventurous spirit of the conquerors 
had for the most part faded away. Poorly equipped 
soldiers performed their routine of garrison duty, and 
of entradas against frontier savages, in a listless me- 
chanical way that but feebly reflected old-time glories. 
Presidios were a kind of public works for the support 
of officials, and the drawing of money from the royal 
coffers. Missionary zeal had not perhaps materially 
abated; but one of the great religious orders had been 
driven from the country. The friars were impeded 
in their efforts by discouraging difficulties; and the 
mission establishments, reduced in number by secular- 


ization in the south, by destruction and consolidation 
(110 ) 


AWAKENING FROM LETHARGY. 11] 


in the north, decimated in population by pestilence, 
desertion, and diminished fecundity, ever coveted and 
disturbed by vicious pobladores, or settlers, had passed 
the era of their greatest prosperity. The most famous 
mineral districts had yielded their richest superficial 
treasures and were now, by reason of savage raids, 
inefficient working, and the quicksilver monopoly, 
comparatively abandoned. Commercial, agricultural, 
and manufacturing industries were now as ever at a 
low ebb. The native population had lost more than 
nine tenths of its original numbers, the survivors liy- 
ing quietly in the missions as neophytes, toiling in the 
mines or on the haciendas practically as slaves, or 
ranging the mountains as apostates more dreaded 
than the savages of the frontier. The fables of the 
Northern Mystery had lost something of their charm, 
and were no longer potent to inspire at court the fit- 
ting-out of armies or fleets. For more than a century 
and a half no exploring vessel had sailed up the north- 
ern coasts. Province after province had settled into 
that stagnation which sooner or later became the lot 
of every Spanish colony. , 
We come now to the partial awakening from this 
lethargy which caused, or permitted, the occupation 
of Alta California by Spain in 1769. This occupa- 
tion was in a certain sense accidental; that is, all the 
motives leading to it had long existed and had with 
one exception no new force at this time. For over 
one hundred and sixty years, or since the voyage of 
Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602,as much had been known 
of the country as was now known. This knowledge em- 
braced the general trend and appearance of the coast, 
the comparative fertility of the country and intelli- 
gent docility of its people, the existence, location, and 
general description of ports San Diego, Monterey, and 
that under Point Reyes called San Francisco, with a 
tolerably accurate account of the Santa Barbara chan- 
nel and islands. Thus it was no new information about 
the country that prompted the Californian conquest. 


112 PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 


During all those years the Spanish Court had fully 
realized the importance of extending its dominion 
over the north and especially over the coast region; 
but various troubles at home and abroad had encour- 
aged procrastination. Year after year the Manila 
galleon, coming from the west by the northern route 
sadly in need of a refitting and relief station, had 
borne her strained timbers and oriental treasure and 
scurvy-stricken crew down past the California ports; 
yet no practical effort was made to possess and utilize 
those ports, though it was always intended to do so 
at some future convenient season, and scores of un- 
heeded communications on the subject passed between 
Mexico and Spain. Tales of the Northern Mystery, 
of great empires and rich cities, of golden mountains, 
pearl islands, and giant queens, so effective in the 
earlier days, had lost, as we have seen, much of their 
power at court, if not elsewhere; yet little doubt was 
ever felt that the strait of Anian afforded a northern 
passage by which a fleet of English cruisers might 
any day appear from the north-east to seize upon 
Anian and Quivira, and to ravage more southern 
coasts. The fear was real enough to the Spaniards, 
but it was by no means sufficient to rouse them from 
their apathy, which also successfully withstood the 
better-founded fear of Russian encroachments from 
the north-west across rather than through the famous 
strait; a fear that furnished the only motive for north- 
ern conquest which had any new or unusual weight at 
this time. Finally among operative incentives must 
be mentioned the missionary ambition to convert 
northern gentiles. Many times was the king re- 
minded of the rich spiritual harvest to be gathered 
in California, by friars who never allowed him to for- 
get the secular advantages to be gained by complying 
with their wishes; but of late the petitions of Jesuits 
and Franciscans, even for aid and protection in the 
old frontier districts, had received but little attention. 
Indeed, it does not appear that the Franciscans were 


* “~~ 


GALVEZ IN THE PENINSULA. 113 


especially urgent at this juncture in their claims to 
be sent up the coast. 

The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 fixed the 
attention of the Spanish and Mexican authorities on 
the north-west, where were situated the principal 
missions of the expelled order. California, by reason 
of the old mysterious charm hanging about the name 
and country, the strangely exalted value and impor- 
tance which the Jesuits had always attached to the 
barren peninsula, and the current tales of immense 
treasure hidden there by the society, attracted a very 
large share of this attention. Moreover the explora- 
tions of the Russians on the Alaska coasts from 1741 
to 1765 were tolerably well known to the Spanish 
authorities; the danger of Russian encroachment 
seemed more threatening than in past years; and 
finally the fitting-out of a military expedition for the 
relief of Sonora suggested the expediency of taking 
steps at this time for the protection of the peninsula. 
Accordingly José de Galvez decided to visit in person 
the western coast, and not only to superintend prep- 
arations for the Sonora campaign, but to cross the 
culf, investigate the state of affairs in Baja California, 
and to adopt such measures as might be found neces- 
sary for its safety. 

Galvez set out from Mexico for San Blas April 9, 
1768. Shortly after his departure Viceroy Croix re- 
ceived from King Carlos III. orders to the effect that 
in connection with other precautions against the Rus- 
sians on the north-west coast, San Diego and Mon- 
terey should be occupied and fortified. It had occurred 
to the monarch, or his advisers, that this would be an 
opportune time to carry into effect an old scheme, 
give to the galleons their long-desired harbor, and 
secure an important coast line from foreign aggression. 
How the order was worded, whether peremptory in its 
terms or in the form of a recommendation, does not 
appear. But that under ordinary circumstances it 
would have been obeyed with any degree of prompti- 


Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 8 


114 PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 


tude may well be doubted. The governor instructed 
to investigate and report; zealous friars called upon 
for their views; the Franciscan authorities consulted 
as to the supply of missionaries; treasury officials 
questioned about ways and means; preliminary explor- 
ations, conflicting reports, petty quarrels—all these 
with the interminable complication of red-tape com- 
munications therewith connected, resulting in vexa- 
tious delay, if not in absolute failure, may be readily 
pictured by the reader of preceding volumes, familiar 
with the ways of the period. 

Fortunately none of these obstacles was in this case 
interposed. The royal order was clear that San Diego 
and Monterey should be occupied; the movement was 
not a complicated or apparently difficult one; it was 
promptly and effectually executed. The cause of this 
unusual promptness was in the man who undertook to 
carry out the order. The whole matter was by the 
viceroy turned over to José de Galvez, who was, as we 
have seen, on his way to the Jalisco coast to embark 
for the peninsula. Galvez had come to Mexico in 1765 
as visitador general of New Spain. He was a member 
of the Council of the Indies, and subsequently minis- 
ter of state, holding the latter position at the time 
of hisdeath in 1789. He was invested by Carlos III. 
with well nigh absolute powers to investigate and 
reform the administration of the government in its 
different branches, particularly in matters pertaining 
to the royal finances. Independent of the viceroy in 
many respects by virtue of his position, only nominally 
subordinate in others, assuming probably some prerog- 
atives that did not belong to him, he was to all intents 
the highest authority in New Spain. The viceroy 
Cruillas was removed from office largely because of 
his opposition to the visitador, and was replaced by 
the more complaisant Marqués de Croix. If there 
were any viceregal attributes not originally possessed 
by Galvez, or arbitrarily assumed by him, they were 
especially delegated to him by Croix when he started 


DON JOSZ DE GALVEZ. 115 


for the west. Thus powerful and independent, Galvez 
was also remarkable for his practical good sense, busi- 
ness ability, untiring energy, and disregard of all 
routine formalities that stood in his way. He is 
entitled to the first place among the pioneers of Cal- 
ifornia though he never set foot in the country.’ 
Galvez sailed from San Blas in May, but was driven 
to the Tres Marfas and back to Mazatlan, not reach- 
ing the peninsula till the first week in July. At this 
time Captain Gaspar de Portold, an easy-going, pop- 
ular man, but brave and honest withal, was ruling the 
country as civil and military governor, while Captain 
Fernando Javier Rivera y Moncada commanded the 
garrison of about forty soldiers at Loreto, Portola 
was a new-comer of the preceding year; Rivera had 
been long in the country.” The missions were in the 


1Galvez was ‘alcalde de casa y corte, ministro del consejo de Indias, mar- 
qués de Sonora, ministro de estado y del despacho universal de Indias.’ Rivera, 
Gobernantes de Mex., 402-16. This is the only authority I have seen for the 
exact date of the departure from Mexico. In an edict dated Nov. 2, 1768, 
in Lower California, Galvez signs himself ‘del consejo y cAmara de Su Mages- 
tad en el real y supremo de las Indias, yntendente de exército, visitador gen- 
eral de todos los tribunales de justicia, caxas, y demas ramos de real hacienda 
de estos reynos, y comisionado con las amplisimas facultades del Ex. Sr. Mar- 
qués de Croix.’ Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 6. In his report to the viceroy dated 
June 10, 1769, he gives as the chief object of the northern expedition the 
establishment of a presidio to protect the peninsula from the danger always 
threatened .by foreign nations ‘y con especialidad las (tentativas) que ultima- 
mente han hecho los rusos pretendiendo familiarizarse con la navegacion del 
mar de Tartaria.’ Palou, Not., i. 183. See also for notices concerning Galvez’ 
coming to lower California. Jd., i. 248-50. Fear of the Russians as the leading 
motive for the northern establishment is mentioned in Armona, Carta, 1770, 
in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser., tom. ii. 156-7; Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 1793, 
according to Cavo, T'res Siglos, iii. 117; by Navarrete, introd. to Sutil y Mex. 
Viage, xci.-ii.; and by other writers. Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 105, tells us 
that Galvez wasa man of the most violent and tyrannical disposition. If this 
be true it is to be regretted that violence and tyranny were not more common 
qualities in Spanish officials. Hughes, California, 119, learns from Harper’s 
Biog. Cyclopedia, that Galvez visited California in search of gold-mines dis- 
covered by the Jesuits; that his companion, Miguel José de Arenza, became 
discouraged after a few weeks, recommending the abandonment of the search 
and accusing Galvez of insanity for continuing it, for which he was cast 
into prison! Galvez was ill in Sonora after leaving California, and is said 
to have imprisoned his secretary Azanza, afterward viceroy, for saying 
that his malady was mental. Such was the origin doubtless of the story. 
Venegas, Not. Cal., ii. 290, 543-4, iii. 4-14, has something to say on the 
proposals to settle Alta California and how the matter stood in the middle 
of the century. 

* Biographical sketches of these officers will be given later. As authority 
for the form of Portola’s name I cite his signature in an original letter of 1779 


116 PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 


hands of sixteen Franciscan friars from the college of 
San Fernando in Mexico, who had been in possession 
only about three months, and were under the direc- 
tion of Father Junipero Serra as president.’ There is 
nothing to show that either governor, or commandant, 
or president had come to the peninsula with any ex- 
pectation that their authority was to be soon extended 
to the northern coast. Yet all doubtless shared the 
prevalent impression, amounting to a hope in the 
minds of the padres, that sooner or later Monterey 
and San Diego were to be occupied and missionary 
work begun. Galvez set himself to work most zeal- 
ously to investigate the condition and supply the needs 
of the peninsula establishments. His policy and acts 
in this direction are fully set forth in connection with 
the annals of Lower California.* } 

But the visitador kept always in mind his project 
of northern conquest. Rapidly his busy brain ma- 
tured a plan of action, which had probably been con- 
ceived before he left San Blas, and which a few months 
after his arrival he was ready to carry into execution. 
Means and methods were fortunately under his exclu- 
sive control, and he had resolved on an expedition in 
four divisions, two by sea and two by land, to start 
separately, but all to meet at San Diego, and thence 
press on to Monterey. Thus a practical knowledge of 
both routes would be gained, transportation econo- 
mized, and risks of failure lessened. Available for the 
sea-going divisions weretwosmall vessels, thepaquebotes, 
or snows, San Carlos and San Antonio, under the com- 
mand of captains Vicente Vila and Juan Perez, expe- 
rienced pilotos of the royal navy. They had been built 


among the MSS. of Molera; Portold, Diario del Viage, 1769, MS., a contem- 
porary copy; Ortega in Santa Clara, Arch. Parr., MS., 48; Palou, Vida; and 
Monterey, Estracto de Noticias; though Serra wrote it Portala in San Dieyo, 
Lib. Mision, MS., 63; and in Palou, Noticias, it is printed Portola. 

3 Father Serra was a native of Mallorca, 55 years of age, who had come 
to America in 1749, had served as a missionary in the Sierra Gorda district 
for nine years, and about the same time in the college, or travelling as comi- 
sario of the inquisition. Palow, Vida, 1-13, 43-6. See preceding note. 

4See list. North Alexican States, vol. i., this series. 





VISITADOR AND PRESIDENT. 117 


for the transportation of troops to Sonora, and the co- 
mandante at San Blas had orders to fit them out and 
send them over to La Paz with the least possible delay. 
The land expeditions under Portold and Rivera were to 
march from Santa Maria on the northern frontier. An 
additional military force would be required, to supply 
which Colonel Elizondo was instructed to send over 
twenty-five Catalan volunteers’ under Lieutenant 
Pedro Fages. The peninsular missions must assist at 
the birth of the new ones, by furnishing church orna- 
ments, live-stock, and other supphes to the full extent 
of their ability. 

From his head-quarters at Santa Ana Galvez super- 
intended the collection at La Paz and Cape San Liicas 
of everything that was to be forwarded by sea. He 
sent north supplies for the land expedition, and ap- 
pointed Captain Rivera, a man practically acquainted 
with the country, as comisario with instructions to 
proceed northward from mission to mission, and take 
from each all the live-stock, provisions, and imple- 
ments that could be spared. Likewise he was to re- 
cruit some people for the new settlements, and bring 
everything to Santa Maria with all possible despatch. 
Rivera set out upon this work in August or Septem- 
ber 1768.° 

The proposed occupation of the northern country, 
however, was to be spiritual as well as military. The 
natives were to be converted after their subjection, 
and not only presidios but missions were to be 
founded. Preparations having been effectually set on 
foot en lo secular, it was now time for the spiritual 
aspect of the scheme to receive attention. Accord- 
ingly the padre president was invited to come down 
to Santa Ana for a personal interview with the visita- 
dor, as he did, arriving at the end of October. Serra 
doubtless had before this time made himself pretty 
well acquainted with what Galvez was doing and pro- 

5The Catalonia company, Ist battalion, 2d Pepe light infantry, had 


left Cadiz May 27, 1767. Prov. Stat. Pap., M 
6 Palou, Wot. i. 252, says August; but in Vida, 65, September, 


118 PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 


posed to do; but he listened patiently to the visita- 
dor’s explanations, and then not only expressed his 
approval of the scheme, but announced his intention 
to join the land expedition in person. It was thought 
best to found, besides the missions at San Diego and 
Monterey, another at some intermediate point,’ and 
still another on the frontier of Lower California in 
order to facilitate communication between the old 
establishments and the new. Three priests were to go 
north by sea and three by land; and in order that so 
many might be spared three were drawn from the 
college of San Fernando. Serra agreed with Galvez 
that church furniture, ornaments, and vestments, 
must be supplied by the old missions. Surplus grain 
and other articles of food were to be taken as gifts, 
while live-stock and implements must be regarded as 
loans, and as such repaid in kind. This burden, al- 
though in accord with the past policy of both Jesuits 
and Franciscans that old missions must support the 
new, might have met with opposition had there been 
any to oppose. 

The king’s and viceroy’s representative, the civil 
and military governor, and the president of the 
missions were in accord on the subject. The natives 
were not consulted, and the priests were new-comers, 
not very deeply interested in the country or in their 
respective missions.2 Galvez and Serra had only 
themselves to convince that the measure was right, 
and the task was not a hard one. The Francis- 
cans were bound by their vows, said the visitador, 
the president echoing approval, to spread the faith, 
not to accumulate wealth or build up grand establish- 
ments—a doctrine that subsequently lost something 
of its force in the land whither they were going. Serra 
took a list of the church property that Galvez had 
already collected, and promised to continue this sacred 

" According to Palou, Vida, 57, this intermediate mission was to be called 
San Buenaventura. 


§Palou, Not., 1. 43-56, claims also that Galvez, the viceroy, and the king 
fully repaid the missions later for all that was taken, 





A PATRON SAINT. 119 


though enforced loan in the north, as he did some 
months later.® 

During the month of November, Father Junifpero 
made a tour of the southern missions, completing 
arrangements for secularization which should release 
two more priests for duty in the north. A slaughter 
of wild cattle in the south furnished meat for the first 
sea expedition. Stores of all kinds were collected 
at La Paz. Galvez issued a proclamation naming St 


Joseph the patron saint of the adventure,” and shortly . 


after Lieutenant Fages arrived from Guaymas with 
twenty-five Catalan volunteers of the compaita franca, 
who were to go by sea as a first detachment of the 
invading army to overcome gentile battalions that 
might oppose the landing and progress of the Spaniards. 


® Palou gives long lists of all the church property taken from each mission, 
which I have thought it worth while to combine into the following, which is 
as nearly accurate as the author’s occasional use of the terms ‘several’ and ‘a 
few’ will permit: 7 church bells, 11 small altar bells, 23 altar cloths, 5 choir 
copes, 3 surplices, 4 carpets, 2 coverlets, 3 roquetes, 3 veils, 19 full sets sacred 
vestments, different colors, 6 old single vestments, 17 albas, albs, or white 
tunics, 10 palios, palliums, or short cloaks, 10 amitos, amices, or pieces of linen, 
10 chasubles, 12 girdles, 6 hopas, or cassocks, 18 altar-linens, or corporales, 21 
purificadores, purificatories, or chalice cloths, 1 pall cloth, 11 pictures of the 
virgin, 12 silver or gilded cualices, 1 cibary, or silver goblet, 7 crismeras, or 
silver phials for chrism, or sacred oil, 1 custodia, or silver casket for holy 
wafers, 5 conchas, or silver conchs for baptism, 6 incensarios, or silver censers 
with incense dish and spoon, 12 pairs of vinageras, silver and giass cruets for 
wine and water, 1 silver cross with pedestal, 1 box containing Jesus, Mary, 
and Joseph, 1 copper platter for baptismal font, 2 copper baptismal fonts, 29 
brass, copper, and silver candlesticks, 1 copper dipper for holy water, 1 silver 
jar, | tin wafer box, 3 statues, 2 silver suns or dazzlers, 4 irons for making 
wafers, coins and rings for arras at marriages, 5 aras, or consecrated stones, 
4 missals and a missal-stand, 1 Betancurt’s Manual; also quantities of hand- 
kerchiefs, curtains, and tinsels; with laces, silks, and other stuffs to be made 
into altar upholstery, taken from the royal almacen at Loreto. This church 
property was for the most part sent by water to the new establishments. 
Many of the old vestments and church ornaments, some dating back perhaps 
to this first invoice, are yet preserved in the missions. See Visit to Southern 
California, MS. 

10Tn his proclamation, dated Nov. 21st, and preserved in Arch. Santa Bar- 
bara, MS., i. 15, 16, Galvez refers to the driving away of the locusts in 1767, at 
San José del Cabo by aid of St Joseph’s image, as a reason why the Monterey 
expedition is to be under him as patron. He charges the priests to say mass 
on the 19th of every month, and the rogative litany while the expeditions con- 
tinue, imploring through the intercession of the saint divine protection, and 
this in addition to the regularsalve to Maria, patron of all the Californian con- 
versions, and also in addition to the regular fiesta of San José. On the same 
day he calls the attention of Padre Lasuen to this matter. Letter in /., xi. 
369-70, with another letter of Nov. 23d, relating to supplies from the Loreto 
warchouse. 


120 PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 


Early in December the San Cérlos arrived at La Paz 
fron. San Blas. She had been hastily and, like all 
Pacific coast craft of the time, imperfectly constructed, 
had encountered stormy weather, and was in a leaky 
condition. She was already partially laden with effects 
for the north from the San Blas warehouses; but had 
to be unloaded, careened, and loaded again, all of which 
labor Galvez personally superintended, often lending 
a hand in the stowing of an unwieldy package, greatly 
to the encouragement of his men and to the admira- 
tion of the chroniclers." The 9th of January 1769 
the San Carlos was ready. All who were going in 
her confessed, heard mass, partook of the communion, 
and then listened to a parting address from Galvez. 
The visitador reminded his hearers that theirs was a 
glorious mission, that they were going to plant the 
cross among the heathen, and charged them in the 
name of God, the king, and the viceroy to respect 
their priests and maintain peace and union among 
themselves. Finally Junipero Serra pronounced a 
formal blessing on the pilgrims, their vessel, the flag, 
the crew, and on Father Parron, to whom was in- 
trusted the spiritual care of the conpany. The cere- 
mony over, the San Carlos put to sea. Galvez in the 
Concepcion accompanied her down the gulf from La Paz 
to Cape San Liicas, watching her until she doubled the 
point and struck bravely northward before a fair wind.” 

While the president returned to Loreto Galvez 
gave his attention to the San Antonio, which was to 
follow the San Carlos. Touching at La Paz the 15th 
of January, she arrived at Cape San Liicas the 25th.* 

11 Palou, Vida, 60, notes that Galvez was particularly zealous in packing 
for San Buenaventura which he called his mission, and was delighted at having 
done his work quicker than Padre Junipero who packed for his mission of 
San Carlos. 

12 Crespi, in Palo, Not., ii. 149, says the San Carlos sailed January 10th. 
Leaving La Paz on the 9th, she may have been last seen by Galvez on the 10th, 
though Palou, Noé., i. 216, says it was the 11th. For further details respecting 
the oilicers, men, cargo, instructions, and plans, see description of the voyage 
in the next chapter. 

'3 Galvez’ letter in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 44. Palou, Vida, 61, tells us 


that the San Antonio had gone to San Lucas because prevented by the wind 
from reaching La Paz. 


. 





PEREZ SAILS ON THE SAN ANTONIO. | 121 


Her condition being no better than that of the 
capitana, or flag-ship, she was unloaded and careened, 
and so was not ready for sea till the 15th of Feb- 
ruary. Then, after an exhortation by Galvez and the 
usual religious ceremonies, Perez shook out his sails 
and with a fair wind struck northward from San 
José del Cabo. “God seems to reward my only 
virtue, my faith,” writes Galvez to Fages, ‘for all 
goes well.”™ 

Meanwhile active preparations for the land expe- 
dition were being made in the north. Rivera had 
left Santa Ana in September, as we have seen. On 
his way northward he had visited each mission and 
had taken such live-stock and other needed supplies 
-as he and the different friars thought could be spared. 
The 200 cattle, 140 horses, 46 mules, and two asses, 
with various implements and articles of food thus 
acquired,” were collected at first at the frontier mis- 
sion of Santa Maria, but the pasturage there being 
insufficient for his animals, Rivera soon transferred his 
camp to Velicatd eight or ten leagues farther north.” 
From this point he sent word to Galvez at Santa Ana 
and to Serra at Loreto that he would be ready to 
start for San Diego in March. The president had 
returned to Loreto at the end of January, and had 
since been busily engaged in his preparations, forward- 
ing such articles as he could get to La Paz or to Santa 
Maria according as they were to go by water or by 
land. On receipt of Rivera’s message he at once noti- 
fied Fray Juan Cresp{f, who was to accompany the first 
land expedition, to join the force at Velicaté without 
delay. Crespf, an intimate personal friend as well as 

14 Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 46. 

1 The articles, not including the Loreto contribution, were 54 aparejos, or 
pack-saddles, 28 leather bags, 1 case of bottles, 13 sides of leather, 28 arrobas 
of figs, 1 bale and 4 arrobas of sugar, 340 arrobas ¢asajo, or dried meat, 28 
arrobas flour, 35 almudes pinole, 21 fanegas wheat, 23 arrobas raisins, 4 
cargas biscuits, 10 arrobas lard, 2 jugs and 12 bottles wine. Eatables were 
eer Prine Not., i. 43-5. Galvez sent some implements and seeds. Jd. 


16 He reached Velicatd before Dec. 20th on which date he wrote to Galvez. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 45. 


122 PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 


obedient subordinate of Serra,” accordingly left his 
mission of Purisima the 26th of February and reached 
Rivera’s camp on the 22d of March, having been 
joined at Santa Maria by Padre Lasuen who had 
journeyed from San Francisco de Borja in order to 
bestow the customary blessing on the departing pil- 
orims. Everything was in readiness, and two days 
after the coming of the friars Rivera’s little army 
began its march into the land of gentiles. 

Portoldé with the second division of the land expe- 
dition was already on his way to the northern frontier, 
having left Loreto on the ninth of March;”* but he 
was obliged to await at Santa Maria the transporta- 
tion from San Luis Bay of supplies which had been 
sent up by water.” Serra was unable to accompany 
the governor because his work of collecting church 
utensils and ornaments was not yet completed, and 
he was besides suffering from a sore foot, obtained 
long before on a walk from Vera Cruz to Mexico, 
which made it doubtful to every one but himself 
whether he would be able to go with the expedition 
at all. However, he promised to follow as soon as 
possible, and meanwhile sent Campa from San Jenacio 
in his place. At the end of March, though still very 
Jame, he was ready to start, and after spending several 
days at San Javier with Francisco Palou,” whom he 
appointed president of the old missions during his 
absence, he journeyed slowly and painfully northward, 
stopping at each mission except Mulegé, and finally 


17 Crespi was like Serra a native of Mallorca, had come to America in the 
same vessel, and had served 16 years in the Sierra Gorda missions. He 
was at this time 48 years of age. Many old Californians say they were 
accustomed to hear his name pronounced by their fathers Crespi, and it is so 
written in Portold, Diario and other MSS. 

* Sergeant José F. Ortega, who was with Portola on this march, says that 
he left Loreto March 14. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 171. According to a frag- 
ment in Ortega’s handwriting in Sta. Clara, Arch. Parroquia, MS., 48, the 
date was March 14th or 16th. Palou makes it the 9th. 

19 They had been sent by the canoas San Ignacio and San Borja, which 
returned to San Lucas before Feb. 14th. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,i. 45. 

*° Palou was now 47 years of age. He had been a pupil of Serra in Spain, 
was perhaps also a native of Mallorca, had come with him to America, and 
had served with him in the Sierra Gorda. 


—_ 


a a 


ALL EN ROUTE. 123 


joining the governor’s party at Santa Marfa the 5th 
of May. The whole company left Santa Marfa on the 
11th, and arrived at Velicaté the 14th.” The same 
day a mission was founded there under the name of 
San Fernando, Campa being left in charge; then on 
the 15th of May Portoldé with the second land expe- 
dition set out and followed the track of Rivera. 

Thus within a period of four months Galvez had 
despatched the four divisions, and only an extraordi- 
nary series of misfortunes could prevent the successful 
occupation of San Diego and Monterey. He had not, 
however, quite reached the limit of his efforts in that 
direction, since he had caused to be built at San Blas 
a new vessel, especially intended for northern coast 
service, and named for the patron saint of the expedi- 
tion the San José. She arrived at Cape San Liicas on 
the 13th of February, two days before the departure 
of the San Antonio,” but it was found necessary to 
overhaul her for repairs at the cape harbor, whence 
she was convoyed by Galvez in a sloop to Loreto in 
_ April. In Mayshe bore the visitador across the gulf 
to the Rio Mayo, and brought back part of a cargo of 
supplies to Loreto, where she completed her lading 
and sailed for San Diego on the 16th of June.* She 
was to have touched at San José del Cabo to take on 
board Father Murguia and some church ornaments; 
but nothing was seen of her there or elsewhere, until 
three months later she appeared at Loreto with a 
broken mast and otherwise disabled. Word was sent 
to Galvez in Sonora, and he ordered her to San Blas 
for repairs. The cargo was taken out and sent in 
boats to Cape San Liicas, except a quantity of corn 
left on board. A trunk of vestments was sent to 
Velicatdé by land, and the vessel sailed for San Blas 


21 Portold, Diario, MS., 1, 2. The leader and friars went in advance and 
reached Velicata on the 13th. 

22 Galvez, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 45. 

23 Palou, Vida, 63, says the vessel was never heard of again, and it is only 
in his other work, Noticias, i. 54, 276-9, in which, however, he says nothing 
of her trip to Sonora, that he describes her subsequent movements. 


124 PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 


in October. The unfortunate paquebot came back 
next year, and sailed from San José del Cabo in May 
with a cargo of supplies and a double crew to reén- 
force the other vessels, but without Mureguia, who 
was detained by illness. Nothing was ever heard 
subsequently of either vessel or crew. The captain’s 
name was Callegan. 

The proceedings of Galvez and other events in the 
peninsula after the departure of the northern expedi- 
tions have been fully narrated elsewhere; and there 
is but little in connection with those annals for several 
years that has any bearing on the new establishments 
of San Diego and Monterey. As early as July 1769, 
the San Antonio returned to San Blas, and on the 7th 
of September a schooner brought up to Loreto news 
that all the expeditions had reached San Diego.” The 
25th of February 1770 Rivera returned to Velicata 
for cattle and other supphes left there, with San Diego 
news to the 11th of February, and with reports for 
Galvez and the viceroy on the failure of the first 
attempt to find Monterey. A month later two natives 
arrived from San Diego with April letters to Palou 
and the viceroy which reached Loreto late in May.” 
The 2d of August messengers arrived from Monterey 
at Todos Santos, bringing to Governor Armona and 
Father Palou news of the founding of San Carlos 
mission. The event was celebrated by a mass of 
thanksgiving and by a discharge of fire-arms at Santa 
Ana. From Portolé who returned by sea the good 
news was received in Mexico about the same time.” 
I have already noticed the despatching of the ill-fated 
San José in May 1770. Palou, the acting president, 

*4See /Zist. North Mexican States, vol. i., this series. 

* Aug. 20, 1769, Juan B. Anza writes from Tubac, Sonora, to Gov. Pineda 
that an Indian from the Gila has reported that a nation beyond the Cocomari- 
copas met four Spaniards with guns, whom the writer thinks may be part of 
the Monterey expedition. Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. tom. ii. 117-18. 

26Gov. Armona of Baja California writes from Santa Ana J uly 19, 1770, 
that he arrived June 13th, and found good news of the northern expeditions, 
including the discovery of the ‘prodigiosisimo puerto’ called San Francisco 


and’ which may be Monterey. Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv. tom. ii. 156-7. 
*7 Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., [xxxvii. 10. 


i 


oP on ae 


ee de ee ee ee ee 


PALOU IN THE PENINSULA. 125 


kept himself in constant communication with Serra, 
and in the midst of all his cares and vexations respect- 
ing peninsular affairs, never lost sight of the new 
northern establishments.” 


28 On preparations in the peninsula for the northern expeditions the standard 
authority is Palou, Noticias, i. 29-56, 247-79, and /d., Vida de Juntpero Serra, 
57-75, besides the original sources of information to which I have referred on 
special points in past notes. So large and complete is my collection of original, 
and especially manuscript, authorities on California history that I shall not 
attempt any systematically complete reference to all the printed works which 
touch upon each point or each brief epoch, but which give information at 
second hand only. I shall refer to such works to point out errors worth notic- 
ing, or for other special purposes; and I shall also for bibliographical purposes 
give occasional lists of these secondary authorities bearing on definite historic 
periods. For such a list on the occupation and early mission history of Cal- 
ifornia see end of this volume. 


CHAPTER V. 


OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO—EXPEDITIONS BY SEA AND LAND. 
1769. 


VoyYAGE OF PEREZ IN THE ‘San ANTONIO’—ARRIVAL IN SAN DrEGo Bay— 
A MrracLte—DIscovERY oF SANTA Cruz ISLAND—WAITING FOR THE 
CAPITANA—VOYAGE OF VILA IN THE ‘SAN CARLOS’— FAGES AND HIS 
CATALAN VOLUNTEERS—INSTRUCTIONS BY GALVEZ—A SCURVY-STRICKEN 
Crew —A PEsST-HOUSE AT SAN DrEGO-- ARRIVAL OF RIVERA y¥ Mon- 

. CADA—CREspPi’s D1iary—Camp AND HospitaL Movep To Nortu San 
Dieco—Comina oF PorTOLA AND JUNIPERO SERRA—REUNION OF THE 
Four EXxPEDITIONS—THANKSGIVING TO SAINT JOSEPH—THE ‘San AN- 
ToNIO’ Sent To SAN BLas—PortTOLA SETS OUT FOR MONTEREY—FounpD- 
ING oF SAN Dreco Mission—A BATTLE WITH THE NAtTIVES—A MISSION 
WITHOUT CONVERTS. 


Turn now to the northern coasts, to the bay of San 


Diego, whose waters had lain for more than a century — 


and a half undisturbed by European keel, whose 
shores had known no tread of iron heel since Sebas- 
tian Vizcaino was there. The nativé inhabitants yet 
preserved a traditional remembrance of white and 
bearded visitors, kept alive perhaps by an occasional 
rumor wafted overland from the south-east, and by 
distant glimpses of the white-winged galleon which 
year after year bore its oriental treasure down past 
this port, which, so far as can be known, was never 
entered. And now the aboriginal solitude is destined 
to be forever broken. 

The 11th of April 1769' a Spanish vessel appears 
and anchors in the bay. It is the San Antonio some- 
times called Ll Principe, and is commanded by Juan 

1Crespi, in Palow, Not., ii. 149, gives the date as April 14th. Humboldt, 


Essai. Pol., 318, says it was in April 1763. 
(126) 


ef i i ae 


te ee Nett 


ARRIVAL OF THE FIRST EXPEDITION. 127 


Perez, an experienced Mallorcan who has seen service 
in the Pacific as piloto, or master, of the Manila gal- 
leon. She had been despatched from Cape San Liicas 
in February, after religious services and a parting 
address from the visitador general José de Galvez, the 
highest official who had visited the north-western 
coast since the days of Hernan Cortés. On board are 
the friars Juan Vizcaino and Francisco Gomez, a few 
carpenters and blacksmiths, then there is the crew, 
whose number is not known, and a miscellaneous 
cargo of supplies for two settlements which it is 
designed to found on the upper coast. Under the 
protecting care of Saint Anthony of Padua, patron, 
indeed, of the day of sailing as well as of the vessel 
herself, the voyage of twenty-four days has been a 
prosperous one, the only misfortune recorded being 
the illness of a few seamen who suffered from scurvy, 
a scourge rarely escaped by voyagers of the period. 

The first land made was an island in the Santa Bar- 
bara Channel, which was named Santa Cruz from the 
honesty of the natives in restoring an iron cross left 
on shore. Here they received the best of treatment 
and obtained plenty of fish and water in exchange for 
beads; but their observations showed that they were 
above the supposed latitude of San Diego,’ and Perez 
accordingly returned southward along the coast until 
he passed Point Guijarros and entered the desired 
port, as we have seen, on the 11th of April. Here 
also the natives are kind to the strangers,’ but Perez 
finds no sign of Vila, his superior in command of the 

2 According to observations the vessel was in 34° 40’, but really in about 
34°; while San Diego, supposed to be in 34°, Cabrera Bueno, Navegacion, 305, 
was nearly a degree and a half further south. 

3 The natives at first took the vessel for a great whale, but soon discovered 
their error, and regarded it as the forerunner of wonderful things, especially 
as an eclipse of the sun and an earthquake occurred simultaneously with the 
arrival of the vessel. This story was told by them later, and is recorded by 
Serra, Representacion sobre Misiones, 21 de Mayo 1773, MS., who says the 
Spaniards noticed neither eclipse nor temblor, and regards it as a miracle by 
which, though the padres could not yet begin their teachings, ‘ comenzaron 
4 predicar prodigiosamente 4 aquellos miseros gentiles las criaturas insensibles 


del Cielo y de la tierra.’ These phenomena are also noticed, from the same 
source, in the §. /. Bulletin, Oct. 12, 1865. 


128 OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO. 


flag-ship, which had sailed from the peninsula more 
than a month before the San Antonio, and which he 
had hoped to find at San Diego. Neither are there 
any tidings to be obtained of the overland party to 
the same port. Under these circumstances the cap- 
tain’s orders call for a stay of twenty days before pro- 
ceeding to Monterey. As there are no soldiers, and 
as the instructions of Galvez had been to run no risks, 
the friars do not land, nor is any attempt made to ex- 
plore the country. Two days before the twenty days 
elapse, that is on the 29th of April, the tardy capr- 
tana comes in sight. 

The San Carlos, otherwise called the Golden Fleece, 
is commanded by Vicente Vila, a native of Andalucia, 
and sailing- -master of the first class in the royal Spanish 
navy.* She had sailed from La Paz having on board 
Vila, a mate not named, Alférez Miguel “Costzas0 
acting as cosmographer, and a crew of twenty-three 
sailors and two boys. Also on board were Lieutenant 
Pedro Fages, with twenty-five Catalan volunteers, 
including a sergeant and corporal; Hernando Parron, 
a Franciscan friar; Pedro Prat, a Frenchman and 
surgeon of the royal army; four cooks and two black- 
smiths—sixty-two persons in all; with supplies for 
eight months or a year, implements of various kinds, 
and a quantity of church furniture and other mission 
property.® All the proper religious ceremonies had 


{Vila’s appointment by Galvez, dated La Paz, Dec. 27, 1768, names as 
‘Capitan, Piloto Mayor, y comandante del San Cdrlos, 4 D. Vicente Vila, 
piloto de los primeros de la Real Armada, por las apreciables circunstancias 
que en él concurren, con la jurisdiccion y prerogativas que le corresponden por 
la Real Ordenanza de Marina,’ with $120 per month and $30 additional if the 
voyage is successful. Officers and crews of both vessels are ordered under 
severe penalties to obey Vila as commander of the capitana. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., i. 66-8. 

5 Printed Costansé in Monterey, E'stracto de Noticias, and so signed by him- 
self in several autographs now before me. Often printed Costanzo or Constanzo. 

6 The manifest of the San Carlos signed by Vila on Jan. 5th is preserved in 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 18-21. The list of supplies includes: 4,676 lbs. meat, 
1,783 lbs. fish, 230 bush. maize, 500 lbs. lard, 7 jars vinegar, 5 tons wood, 1,272 
Ibs. brown sugar, 5 jars brandy, 6 tanates figs, 3 tanates raisins, 2 tanates dates 
300 lbs. red pepper, 125 lbs. garlic, 6,678 lbs. bread, common, 690 lbs. bread, 
white, 945 lbs. rice, 945 lbs. chickpeas, 17 bushels salt, 3,800 gallons water, 
450 lbs. cheese, 6 Jars Cal. wine, 125 lbs. sugar, 275 lbs. chocolate, 10 hams, 








. 


ee ee ee 


VOYAGE OF THE SAN CARLOS, 129 


been attended to at the start; Junipero Serra, presi- 
dent of the California missions, had invoked the 
blessing of heaven upon this first detachment of pa- 
cificators; Miguel de Azanza, subsequently viceroy of 
New Spain, had acted as shipping-clerk at the em- 
barkation of the supplies; and José de Galvez, the 
foremost man in America, had not only aided in the 
lading and delivered a parting address, but had ac- 
companied the vessel to the cape, seeing her safely 
headed for San Diego. 

Yet despite such favorable auspices the San Carlos 
was unfortunate. The water-casks leaked and noth- 
ing but water of a bad quality could be obtained at 
Cedros Island. This greatly aggravated the scurvy, 
always prevalent on the coast, and soon no sailors 
were left with sufficient strength to work the vessel 
or to launch the boats for fresh water. Vila, in accord- 
ance with his instructions,’ was obliged to go up the 
coast to 34° as had Perez before him, the increased 
distance and cold adding greatly to his troubles. At 


11 bottles oil, 2 Ibs. spice, 25 smoked beef-tongues, 6 live cattle, 575 lbs. len- 
tils, 112 lbs. candles, 1,300 Ibs. flour, 15 sacks bran, 495 lbs. beans, 16 sacks 
eoal, hens for the sick and for breeding, $1,000 in money, etc. The brandy and 
cheese were for stormy weather only, the former being considered conducive 
to scurvy if used habitually on this coast. The wine was for cabin use, or for 
the missions. Many of the articles named, or specified portions thereof, were 
intended for the missions, or for the land expedition; and part of the panocha 
was to be used in sweetening the temper of the natives. 

7 Galvez’ instructions to Capt. Vila, dated Jan. 5th, are preserved in Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., i. 22-31, under the title, ‘Instruction to be observed by D. 
Vicente Vila, first-class master in the royal navy and Captain Comandante 
of the paquebot of his majesty called the San Cdrlos alias Toison de Oro in 
the voyage which by divine aid this vessel is to make to the ports of San 
Diego and Monterey, situated on the northern coast of this peninsula of Cali- 
fornias in 33° and 37° of latitude.’ The different articles of this document are 
in substance as follows: Ist. The object is to establish the Catholic faith, to 
extend Spanish domain, to check the ambitious schemes of a foreign nation, 
and to carry out a plan formed by Felipe III. as early as 1606. Therefore no 
pains can be spared without offense to God, the king, and the country. 2d. 
The vessel being new, strong, and well supplied for over a year, to be followed 
by the San Antonio with additional supplies, having only 300 leagues to make, 
having a strong military force, and going to a land whose natives are docile, 
have no arms but bows and arrows, and are without boats, there can be no 
. excuse en lo humano for failure. 3d. Vila is to sail Jan. 7th, weather per- 
mitting, keep out to sea according to his judgment in search of favorable 
winds, to take careful observations, and to stand in shore at 34°, San Diego 
being in 33° according to the cédula of Felipe III., and being easy to find by 
Vizcaino’s narrative enclosed with this document in print in the third volume 

Hisr. Cau., Vou. I. 9 


130 OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO. 


last, however, a tedious navigation of a hundred and 
ten days was ended by the San Carlos, almost mi- 
raculously it would seem, by turning into San Diego 
Bay the 29th of April.® 


Perez has already deposited a letter at the foot of 
a cross on shore, and has completed his preparations 
to sail on the Ist of May, when the San Cédrlos ap- 
pears and drops anchor, but without lowering a boat. 
A visit to the vessel soon reveals the fact that all 
hands are down with scurvy. The sick are at once 
removed by the crew of the San Antonio to the shore, 
where they are sheltered by sail tents and receive 
from Dr Prat and the three friars such care as cir- 
cumstances allow. It does not clearly appear that 
more than two had succumbed at sea; but now death 
begins its ravages in the canvas pest-house on the 
beach.® Perez’ men are attacked by the scourge; 


of the Noticia de Californias (that is in Venegas, Not. Cal., iii. 85-9). 4th. If 
Capt. Rivera be found at San Diego, the mission effects are to be landed, and 
such other supplies as Rivera may need, the rest to be taken by sea to Mon- 
terey. 5th. If Rivera and the land force have not arrived Vila is to wait 15 
or 20 days at most, obtaining wood and water, while Fages and Costansé 
explore the country. 6th. After the 20 days, or on Rivera’s arrival, the San 
Carlos is to sail for Monterey, with the San Antonio if she be there. 7th. 
The strictest discipline is to be kept, every precaution taken for safety, and 
any outrage on the natives to be severely punished. 8th. The sailors are to 
aid the soldiers in building a temporary fort at Monterey. 9th. The natives 
are to be conciliated with panocha and trifles, but to be very closely watched, 
and to be induced to look on weapons as a kind of adornment. 10th. Panocha, 
cloths, etc., are to be given to Fages and Rivera on their demand, a receipt 
being taken. llth. A report is to be sent to Galvez from San Diego by land, 
and from Monterey one of the vessels is to return to San Diego with de- 
spatches to go overland, or if only one vessel is there she is to come as soon 
as safety will permit and return immediately. 12th. Vila to remain in the 
best fitted of the two vessels at Monterey until the San José shall arrive. 
13th. The other vessel is to remain at San Diego long enough to deliver 
despatches, etc., and is then to continue her voyage to C. San Liicas and San 
Blas with duplicate despatches. 14th. Coasts about Monterey are to be 
explored, especially port and river Carmelo, and if possible the port of San 
Francisco said to be in 38° 30’. To this end Vila will give all possible aid to 
Costansé and Fages. 15th. On the arrival of the San José, Vila in his vessel 
will return to San Blas, exploring the coast in order to confirm or correct 
Cabrera Bueno’s derrotero, the best extant. Navegacion Especulativa y prac- 
tica, Manila, 1734. 

8 According to Palou, Not., i. 262, she anchored on the 30th. 

®Judge Hayes, Emig. Notes, MS., 474, thinks that the vessels were 
anchored off what is now New Town, between the two wharves, and that 
Punta de los Muertes, or Dead Men’s Point, derived its name from the burial 


Se a a ae 


—— a 


as nd ‘en pie 
i eg ee ee ae ee 


te 


| 
j 
: 
: 
; 





RAVAGES OF THE SCURVY. | 131 


and of about ninety sailors, soldiers, and mechanics 
considerably less than one third survive, though none 
of the officers or friars die or are even attacked so 
far as the records show.” Of course the continua- 
tion of the voyage to Monterey is not possible under 
the circumstances. Neither can Fages and Costansé 
do otherwise than disregard their instructions" call- 
ing for a preliminary exploration of the surrounding 


of the scurvy-stricken sailors. And such is probably the fact, for the name 
appears on Pantoja’s chart of 1784 in Sutil y Mexicana, Viages, Atlas, No. 5. 
See also Bancroft’s Pers. Obs., MS., 14. 

10 There is some confusion respecting numbers, increased by our ignorance 
of the exact force on the San Antonio. Palou says, Wot., i. 262, that from 
the San Cédrlos 5 of the crew and 12 soldiers survived; while of the other 
crew all but 7 died. Again, ii. 151, he says that before May 14th 9 of the 
San Carlos had died. Again, i. 282, that the San Antonio, sailing July 6th 
(or 9th), lost 9 men on the voyage, arriving at San Blas sin gente para marear. 
And finally, that 5 sailors and 2 boys remained on the San Carlos after July 
14th, at which time 29 sailors and soldiers had been buried on the beach. 
In a letter dated July 3d, Serra states that all the crew of the San Carlos 
died except one man and a cook, and 8 died from the San Antonio. Palou, 
Vida, 76. He writes in the San Diego death register, San Diego, Lib. Mision, 
MS., 63-5, that half of Fages’ soldiers died; that Parron at first and himself 
later kept a record of deaths which was destroyed with the mission a few 
years later, and that the deaths within a few months amounted to over 60, 
including some Indians. The good friar hopes the names are inscribed in the 
‘book of life.’ In Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS., 129, the Indian Juan Alvarez 
is mentioned as having been one of the San Antonio’s men, who died at San 
Diego on June 25th. 

1 Galvez’ instructions to Fages, dated like those to Vila January 5th, and 
found in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 31-48, are substantially as follows: Ist. Fages, 
military chief of the sea expedition, is to exercise the same authority on land 
until Gov. Portola arrives; that is he is to be Rivera’s superior, and is to 
superintend the economical distribution of rations, 2d, The soldiers are to 
aid the sailors, and Fages must see that harmony and discipline are preserved. 
3d. Three fires on the hill north-west of San Diego will be a signal to the 
vessel that Rivera has already arrived. 4th. If Rivera has not arrived at 
San Diego, Fages is to use every possible means by exploration and inquiry 
to learn his whereabouts and aid his march. 5th. Before Rivera’s arrival the 
natives, and especially chiefs, are to be prepared so far as possible by Fages 
and Parron for the founding of a mission. 6th. The natives being friendly, 
and Costansé having selected a proper site, Fages may erect some buildings, 
and thus prepare for Rivera’s coming with soldiers for a mission guard; but 
if Rivera has already attended to this, Fages is to render any needed aid 
with the least possible delay to the vessel. 7th. If Rivera has not come, and 
the San Antonio arrives, the latter vessel is to be left at San Diego, with half 
the soldiers, to attend to the preceding instructions, while the San Carlos, 
with Fages, goes on to Monterey. Galvez also wrote to Fages on February 
14th, /d., 46-7, directing him to put half his men on board the San Antonio, 
8th. At Monterey the Indians are to be pacified, a landing effected with all 
caution, and a camp fortified with ditch, estacada, and cannons on a site 
chosen by the engineer, and under the guns of the vessel. 9th. The natives 
are to be impressed with the advantages of peace and salvation and protection 
from foreign insult offered by the Spaniards. 10th. The natives, if friendly, 
to be told of Rivera’s approach and induced to send guides, llth. Fages and 


132 OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO. 


country. For two weeks the well have more than 
enough to do in caring for the sick and in burying 
the dead, and then on the 14th of May other Span- 
iards come to their relief. | 

These are Rivera y Moncada with his twenty-five 
soldados de cuera,” or cuirassiers, from the presidio of 
Loreto; also the priest Juan Crespi, the pilotin™® José 
Cajiizares, three muleteers, and a band of christianized 
natives from the northern missions of Baja California. 
Of these last there were forty-two in number at the 
outset, whose duty it was to make roads, assist the 
muleteers, and perform the drudgery. This first 
division of the land expedition had started from 
Velicaté in March, and had been fifty-one days on 
the way, the distance being given at the time as one 
hundred and twenty-one leagues. Two diaries were 
kept and are extant, one by Crespi and the other by 
Cafiizares.* Both are very complete, but neither 
affords matter of much interest to the historical stu- 
dent, since it could serve no good purpose to repeat 
the details of that monotonous march. 

Many localities were named and their latitudes 


Costansé may, if deemed best, send soldiers with the natives to meet Rivera. 
12th. Fages may use force to overcome resistance if necessary. 13th, The 
natives are never to be fully trusted, but always watched, for the ‘common 
enemy’ will surely incite them to mischief. 14th. Both soldiers and sailors to 
work on the fort. 15th. Constant precautions against danger, notwithstand- 
ing peaceful appearances. 16th. Trade with the natives is allowed, but no 
knives or other weapons must be given them. 17th. Fages is to send full re- 
ports to Galvez down to the time of Portola’s taking the command. Great 
reliance is placed in the ‘activity, honor, and prudence’ of Fages and Cos- 
tansé. Galvez adds a note to the effect that the presidio and mission at Mon- 
terey are to be called by the glorious name of San Carlos. 

12 These soldiers derived their name from the cwera, or cuirass, which in 
California was a sleeveless jacket made of 7 or 8 thicknesses of deer or sheep 
skin quilted. From the Latin corium. The metallic cuirass was called in 
Spanish coraza. 

13. A pilotin was the master’s mate on a vessel. Cafiizares accompanied the 
land force to take observations and write a diary. 

14 Canizares, Diario ejecutado por Tierra desde el parage de. Villacata a este 
puerto de San Diego, 1769, MS. This diary is dated July 3d, and was proba- 
bly sent south by the San Antonio a few days later. Crespt, Primera Hsped. 
de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto de San Diego, in Palou, Not., ii. 93- 
149, This diary extends to July 2d, and probably was completed like the other 
on July 3d. The writer had before him the diaries of the second expedition 
under Portol4, from which he takes some material respecting changes in names 
of places along the route. 


a a 


ie 


a 


THE FIRST LAND EXPEDITION. 133 


fixed, but these geographical details belong to the 
- peninsula rather than to Alta California. The route 
lay west of the main sierra and for the most part near 
the coast.” The country was barren and unattractive; 
water had to be carried for the animals and men for 
days at a time; and at times their progress was hin- 
dered by showers of rain. At Santa Cruz on Todos 
Santos Bay the savages made some threatening demon- 
strations, and once again there was almost a fight, but 
the foe was frightened away by the noise of gun- 
powder. ‘The Indians of the company soon began to 
sicken and die or to desert, and one or more of the 
men had usually to be carried on tepestles, or litters. 
As the party approached San Diego the gentiles 
became more numerous, less timid, more disposed to 
curiosity and theft, and eager to explain by their sign- 
language the recent passing of the Spanish ships. On 
the morning of the 14th of May the little army rose 
so completely wet through by the rain that had fallen 
during the night that mass had to be omitted, much 
to the sorrow of Father Crespi because it was the first 
day of pentecost. The march began at ten o'clock. 
Soon they caught a distant view of the anchored ves- 
sels; Crespi says they had seen the mast-tops the day 
before; and at four in the afternoon, having travelled 
six leagues during the day, they reached the camp on 
the beach and were welcomed by a salute from all the 
fire-arms that could be manned.” 


The first thing to be done, now that the coming of 
Rivera’s men renders it possible, is to prepare for per- 
manent settlement. The old camp, or pest-house, on 


18 At the outset they followed the route of Link in 1766, but the latter soon 
turned to the right to cross the mountains. 

16 Serra, in San Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 64, says that 5 died. Nine de- 
serted at one time according to Palou. 

1’ Ortega, in Santa Clara, Arch. Parroquia, MS., 48-54, gives an account 
of this expedition in which he represents the sufferings of the soldiers to have 
been very great, three tortillas per day being the rations. Vallejo, Hist. Ca’., 
MS., i. 83, obtained the same idea from his father’s narrative, stating that 
the soldiers were glad to barter their jewelry and clothing for the rations of 
their Indian companions, while the latter lived on roots, wild fruits, etc. 


134 OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO. 


the bay shore, is probably within the limits of what 
is now the city of San Diego, locally known as New ° 
Town; but the day after his arrival Rivera—so say 
the chroniclers, although according to the instructions 
of Galvez, Fages was chief in command—selects a 
new site some miles north, at what is now Old, or 
North, San Diego, at the foot of a hill on which are 
still to be seen the remains of the old presidio. Here 
camp is pitched and fortified, a corral for the animals 
and a few rude huts are built, and hither on the sev- 
enteenth are transported the sick and their tents. 
The immediate purpose is that the camp may be near 
the river which at this point flows into the north end 
of the bay. For six weeks officers, priests, and sol- 
diers are occupied in attending to the wants of the 
sick and in unloading the San Antonio. Then they 
await the arrival of Portold. 

In the last days of June Sergeant Ortega with a 
soldier makes his appearance in camp, announcing that 
his companions under Portolé are only a few days’ 
march from the port. Ten soldiers are sent back with 
Ortega to meet the approaching party. On the 29th 
the governor arrives in advance of his men; and on 
the first of July, a little before noon, Father Serra 
and all the rest are welcomed in camp. This second 
division of the land expedition, consisting of the three 
officials just named, of nine or ten soldiers de cuera, 
four muleteers, two servants of the governor and 
president, and forty-four natives of Lower California, 
had left Velicaté the 15th of May, and had followed 
the route of Rivera’s party. The journey had been 
an uneventful and comparatively easy one. The gen- 
tiles were occasionally threatening, but did no harm. 
As in the case of the first division most of the neo- 
phytes deserted, only twelve reaching San Diego; 
but there were no deaths.” The second day Father | 

18 Portola, Diario del Viage que haze por tierra Dn Gaspar de Portola, Cap- 
itan de Dragones del regimiento de Espana, Governador de Californias, a los 


puertos de San Diego y Monterey situidox en 33 y 87 grados, haviendo si:'o nom- 
brado comandante en gefe de esta expedicion por el [limo Seiior Dn Joseph de 


THE SECOND LAND EXPEDITION. 135 


Junipero’s foot became so painful that it seemed im- 
possible for him to continue. Portold wished to send 
him back, but the president would not think of it. A 
litter was thereupon ordered to be made, but Serra 
was much troubled at the extra work this imposed on 
the poor Indians. Calling an arriero he induced him 
to prepare an ointment of tallow and herbs which, 
combined with the friar’s faith and prayers, so far 
healed the affected limb in a-single night that it gave 
no more trouble. Listen to the record: ‘‘ That even- 
ing he called the arrievo Juan Antonio Coronel, and 
said, ‘Son, canst thou not make me a remedy for the 
ulcer on my foot and leg?’ But he answered, ‘ Padre, 
what remedy can I know? Am Ia surgeon? I am an 
arriero, and have healed only the sores of beasts.’ 
‘Then, son, suppose me a beast and this ulcer a saddle- 
gall from which have resulted the swelling of the leg 
and the pains that I feel and that give me no rest; and 
make for me the same medicament that thou wouldst 
apply to a beast.’ ”” . 


Galvez en virtud de las facultades vice-regias que le ha concedido su Excel4- Dicha 
expedicion se componia de 37 soldados de cuera con su capitan Dn» Fernando de 
Rivera deviendo este adelantarse con 27 solidados, y et governador con 10 y un 
sargento. MS., folio, 35 pages. This diary is a copy from the original made 
in early times. It includes not only the trip to San Diego but the later one 
to Monterey to be noticed in the next chapter. The entries for each day’s 
march are very brief, containing the number of hours marched, generally 4 or 
5 per day, the character of the road and camping-place, and some notes of 
interviews with gentiles. For example, May 27, ‘anduvimos como cinco 
horas, buen camino, paramos en la cieneguilla, cuio nombre puso cl padre 
jesuita Linc, desde aqui se tomdé otro rumbo, y paramos en un arroyuclo 
aunque seco,’ etc. June 21, they were at Todos Santos, and heard of other 
Spaniards beyond. For the last 3 or 4 days they travelled on or near the shore. 
Other diaries of this journey, several of which were written, are not extant; 
but Crespt’s journal already referred to was intended to embody all the infor- 
mation worth preserving. Sergt. Ortega, in Santa Clara, Arch. Parroquia, 
MS., 48-54, represents the hardships of the soldiers as very great; but he 
was evidently writing for an object that required this view of the matter. 
The same writer gives a brief and rather confused account of the journey in 
a narrative of his own services dated 1786. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 171-2. 
Serra, in his letter of July 3d, to Palou, says there was no suffering whatever. 
Palou, Vida, 78; Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 109, sro gush implies that both 
land expeditions started together and that Portola arrived last on account of 
having followed a more difficult route. 

19 rom San Diego Serra himself writes, Palou, Vida, 73-8: ‘Now the foot 
is all sound like the other, while from the ankle half way up the leg it is as 
the foot was before, an ulcer; but without swelling or pain except the occa- 
sional itching. In faci it is nothing serious.’ 


136 OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO. 


Thus are the four branches of the visitador gen- 
eral’s grand expedition finally reunited at San Diego, 
one year after Galvez had begun his preparations on 
the peninsula. Next day is Sunday, fiesta de la visi- 
tacion, and the California pilgrims, one hundred and 
twenty-six in number—out of two hundred and nine- 
teen who had started;” or, omitting natives and 
sailors, seventy-eight of Spanish blood out of ninety 
who had come to remain—celebrate their safe reunion 
by a solemn thanksgiving mass to the patron San 
José chanted with ‘la solemnidad posible,” and to the 
accompaniment of exploding gunpowder. ‘The cere- 
monies over, the two comandantes Portoldé and Vila 
meet to consult respecting future movements, the 
want of sailors necessitating changes in the original 
plans. The decision is to send the San Antonio back 
to San Blas for supplies, and especially a crew for 
herself and the San Cdrlos, which is to await her 
return. The friars for missionary and hospital work 
are to be left at San Diego under the protection of a 
guard of soldiers, while the main force presses on to 
Monterey by land. Great dependence is placed on 
the San José which on arrival is to be sent up the 
coast to aid the land expedition. Accordingly the 
9th of July Perez sails with a small crew of convales- 
cent sailors for the south,” bearing reports from the 
commandants and president. ive days later Portold 
starts on his overland march northward, which will 
be described in the following chapter. 

There are left at San Diego Captain Vila, Surgeon 
Prat, the mate Cafiizares, three friars, a guard of eight 


20 The numbers are not exact, statements of deaths being conflicting. These 
pioneers included captains Portolé and Rivera, Lieut. Fages, captains Vila 
end Perez of the vessels, padres Serra, Crespi, Vizcaino, Gomez, and Parron; 
Surgeon Prat; Costansé, engineer; Cafiizares, piloto; and sergeants Ortega 
an Puig. Tor names of all the band see list at end of this volume. 

1 Palou, Not., i. 282, says that July Gth was the day set for sailing; but this 
may be a misprint. Nine of the sailors died of scurvy on the voyage. It is 
probable that these last victims were included in Palou’s statement of 12 sur- 
vivors, 5 of whom were left on the ‘an Cédrlos, 2 or 3 reached San Blas, and 
s or 5 remained ill at San Diego. The San Antonio made the voyage in 20 
days. 





A MISSION FOUNDED. 137 


cuera soldiers, five convalescent Catalan volunteers, 
a few sick sailors, five.able seamen, a carpenter and 
a blacksmith, three boy servants, and eight Lower 
California Indians—about forty persons in all. As yet 
no mission has been formally founded; but this duty 
is at once attended to by Father Serra, who raises 
and blesses the cross on Sunday, the 16th of July.” 
This first of the Californian missions is dedicated, as 
the port had been by Vizcaino long before, to San 
Diego de Alcalé, being founded on a spot called by 
the natives Cosoy,” now Old Town. The ceremonies 
are not minutely recorded, but are the usual blessing 
of the cross, mass, and sermon by which it was hoped 
“to put to flight all the hosts of Hell and subject to 
the mild yoke of our holy faith the barbarity of the 
gentile Dieguinos.” Then more huts are built, and 
one is dedicated as a church. 

The new establishment, however, in which Father 
Parron is associate minister, still lacks one essential 
element of a prosperous mission, namely, converts, 
who in this case are difficult to find. The natives are 
by no means timid, but they come to the mission for 
gifts material rather than spiritual; and being adroit 
thieves as well as importunate beggars, their presence 
in large numbers becomes a nuisance, rendering it 
impossible for the small force to watch them and give 
proper attention to the sick. Fortunately the savages 
will have nothing to do with the food of the Spaniards, 
attributing to it some agency in the late ravages of 
the scurvy; but other things, particularly cloth, they 
deign to steal at any hour of day or night. They even 


22 Tt is noticeable that in all the general reports after 1823 this date is given 
as June 16th; but there is no doubt that it is an error. Arch. Santa Barbara, 
MS., xii. 125. Serra thinks, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 125, that April 11th has 
some claim to be considered the beginning of the mission, since on that 
day when the San Antonio arrived began the spiritual manifestations to the 
natives, causing them to see an eclipse and feel an earthquake, not perceptible 
to the Christians. 

23 San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS. St James of Alcala was an Andalucian 
Franciscan who lived from 1400 to 1463, and was canonized in 1588 rather for 
his pious life and the miracles wrought through him before and after death 
than for any high position held by him. <Alcaldé was rarely attached to the 
name of the mission in popular usage. 


138 OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO. 


attempt in their tule rafts to pillage the San Carlos, 
so that two of the eight soldiers are obliged to be on 
board. Persuasions, threats, and even the noise of 
fire-arms are met by ridicule. 

Naturally matters come to a crisis. The guard is 
obliged to use force in repelling the intruders, who in 
their turn determine upon a raid for plunder. The 
15th of August, while Parron with a guard of two 
soldiers is saying mass on the ship, as he is wont to 
do on feast-days, the savages enter the mission and 
begin to strip the clothing from the beds of the sick. 
Two soldiers are on guard and two more hasten to 


their aid; but when they attempt to drive away the 


pilagers they receive a volley of arrows which kills a 
boy and wounds Padre Vizcaino, the blacksmith, a 
soldier, and a California’ Indian. The Spaniards in 
return fire a volley of musket-balls which kills three 
of the foe, wounds several more, and puts the whole 
crowd to flight. Serra and Vizcaino have just finished 
mass and are sitting together in a hut at the time of 
the attack, and the latter, rising to close the door, 
receives an arrow in the hand just as the boy servant 
staggers in and falls dead. ‘The smith greatly dis- 
tinguishes himself by his bravery, fighting without 
the protection of a cuera.” 

It is not long before the gentiles come back to 
seek medical treatment for their wounded, imbued 
with a degree of faith in the destructive power of 
gunpowder, and correspondingly improved in manners, 
but by no means desirous of conversion. A stockade 
is thrown round the mission and the natives are no 
longer permitted to bring weapons within musket- 
shot. ‘Thus safety is assured, but in missionary work 

4For a long time at San Diego and Monterey the peninsula only was 
spoken of as ‘California.’ Either local names or Nuevos Establecimientos were 
applied to the north, although Serra in his first letter from San Diego used 
the term ‘ California Septentrional.’ 

Tn his Vida de Juntp. Serra, 84, Palou speaks of previous assaults with 
intent to kill the Spaniards on Aug. 12th to 13th, which were repulsed. Tut- 
hill, Ztst. Cal., 79, erroneously states that a priest was killed. Serra, San 


Diego, Lib. Mis., MS., 65, says the man killed was a Spanish arriero 20 years 
old named José Maria Vegerano. 








NO PROGRESS IN CONVERSION. 139 


no progress is made. One gentile, indeed, is induced 
by gifts to live with the Spaniards and becomes a skil- 
ful interpreter, but even with his aid-no converts can 
be gained. Once the savages offer a child for baptism, 
but when the service begins they seize the child and 
flee in terror. Yet we are told that when a painting 
of the virgin and child is displayed, the native women 
come and offer their breasts to feed ‘that pretty 
babe.” Prior to April 1779, a full year from the first 
coming of the Spaniards, and perhaps to a still later 
period, for the register was subsequently destroyed, 
and the earliest date is not known, not a single neo- 
phyte was enrolled at the mission. In all the mis- 
sionary annels of the north-west there is no other 
instance where paganism remained so long so stub- 
born. 

Meanwhile new cases of sickness occur and death 
continues its ravages, taking from the little band 
before the return of Portol4 in January, cight sol- 
diers, four sailors, one servant, and six Indians, and 
leaving but about twenty persons. Little wonder 
that small progress is made in missionary work.” 


26 Qn the general subject of this chapter, in addition to the special docu- 
ments already referred to, see for aconnected narrative Palou, Not., i. 254-84, 
427-32; ii. 93-153; Id., Vida, 60-86. The notes of Serra in San Diego, Lib. 
Mision, MS., are also a valuable source of information. These notes were 
written to supply as far as possible from memory the loss of the original mis- 
sion books destroyed with the mission in 1775. Copies are also “found in 
Hayes’ Miss. Book, MS., i. 99-106, and in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS. 
Miguel Costansé published i in Mexico, 1770, an account of these expeditions as 
Diario Histérico de losviagesde mar y tierra, hechos al Norte dela California, fol. 
56. It was translated by Wm. Revely and published in 1790 by A. Dal- 
rymple as An Historical Journal, etc., 2 maps, 4to, 76 p. 


CHAPTER VI. 


FIRST EXPEDITION FROM SAN DIEGO TO MONTEREY AND 
SAN FRANCISCO. 


1769. 


PortoLA Marcues From SAN DrEco—His Company—Crespi’s JouRNAL— 
Nore ON GEOGRAPHY AND NOMENCLATURE—TABLE OF NAMES AND Dis- 
TANCES—First Baprism IN CALIFORNIA — EARTHQUAKES IN THE Los 
ANGELES ReGion—A HosPiraBLE PEOPLE AND LARGE VILLAGES ON THE 
Santa BARBARA CHANNEL—ACROSS THE SIERRA AND DOWN THE SALINAS 
RIvER— UNSUCCESSFUL SEARCH FOR MONTEREY—CAUSES OF THE ERROR— 
NORTHWARD ALONG THE Coast—In SicuHr or Port San FRANCISCO 
UNDER Point REYES—CoNnFUSION IN NamES—MystTERY CLEARED— 
EXPLORATION OF THE PENINSULA—DISCOVERY OF A NEW AND NAMELESS 
Bay—RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN DIxEGO. 


I nave stated that two weeks after his arrival from 
the south Portold left San Diego’ July 14, 1769, and 
marched with nearly all his force northward. His 
intention was to reach Monterey Bay by following, 
the coast, and either at his destination or on the way 
he hoped to be overtaken by the San José, and with 
the aid brought by her to found a presidio and the 
mission of San Carlos. The company consisted of 
himself, Rivera y Moncada in command of twenty- 
seven cuera soldiers, including Sergeant Joseph Fran- 
cisco Ortega, Lieutenant Pedro Tages, with six or 
seven of his twenty-five Catalan volunteers, all that 
the scurvy had left alive and strong enough to under- 
take the march, Engineer Miguel Costansé,’ fathers 
Juan Crespi and Francisco Gomez, seven muleteers, 

1 Mofras, Explor., i. 106, says the expedition had come across Sonora. 

2 Costansdé, Fages, and others, according to the Portolé, Diario, MS., 10, 


were ill, but advised by Prat to undertake the journey as a remedy. 
(140) 





iP 
a 


ee ee ee 


ee eet 


CRESPI’S DIARY. 141 


% 


fifteen christianized Lower Californians, and two ser- 
vants of Portoldé and Rivera—sixty-four persons in all. 

The expedition is fully described in 4 diary kept by 
Crespi® and still extant, as are original statements, 
less complete than Crespi’s, of no less than five par- 
ticipants, Portola, ages, Costansdé, Ortega, and Ri- 
vera. As the first exploration by land of a broad 
extent of most important country it is not without 
importance and interest; yet as recorded it is in itself 
singularly unattractive. Crespf’s diary, like that of 
Portold, is a long and, except in certain parts, monoto- 
nous description of petty happenings not worth remem- 
bering. It is an almost endless catalogue of nearly 
two hundred jornadas, or marches, tediously like one 
another, over hills and vales distinguished as being 
con zacate or sin zacate, grassy or barren, with the 
Sierra ever towering on the right, and the broad 
Pacific ever stretching to the left. The distance and 
bearing of each day’s march are given, and observa- 
tions for latitudes were frequent; but the Mexican 
league was practically a vasue measurement, the ob- 
servations of Crespi and Costansé often differed, and 


3 Crespt, Viage de la Espedicion de tierra de San Diego & Monterey, Copia del 
diario y caminata que h.zo la espedicion desde el puerto de San Diego de Alcala 
hasta el de Monterey, sa’iendo el 14de Julio de 1769, in Palou, Not., i. 285-4238. 
Portola, Diario del Viage, MS., 11, et seq., covers the same ground but much 
more briefly, adding nothing to Crespi’s narrative except on a few points to 
be noticed in their place. ‘El 27 handuvimos tres horas, buen camino, 
mucho pasto y agua’ is a fair sample of most entries. Very few names of 
localities are given. In his Vida de Juntpero Serra, 80-2, 85-9, Palou gives 
but a brief account, referring for particulars to Crespi’s diary. Lieut. I'ages, 
a member of the expedition, in his Voyage en Cal., in Nowv. Annalesdes Voy., 
ci, 147-9, 155-9, 165-71, 176-82, 521-4, 328, gives a very full narrative of it, 
except from Monterey to San Francisco, including names of places, distances, 
bearings, latitudes, and description of the country, but omitting names of 
i Sa and dates, Ishall note variations from Crespi’s diary, with which 

ages’ narrative for the most part agrees. Costans6, in his Diario Histérico de 
los viages de mar y tierra, gives an abridged version differing in no essential 
respect from Crespi. Costansé’s narrative is abridged and quoted in an article 
signed ‘M. P.,’ in Album Mez., ii. 37-40. Ortega, Fraymento, in Santa Clara, 
Arch. Parroquia, MS., 48-54, gives an original. but not very complete or accu- 
rate narrative. Capt. Rivera also ina certificate relating the services of Pedro 
Amador, gives some information respecting this entrada. St. Pap. Miss. and 
Colon., MS., i. 52-3. John T. Doyle in his pamphlets entitled Addiess and 
Memorandum in 1870 and 1873 gave brief résumés of parts from Crespi; and 
the newspapers since the reprint of Palou’s work have had something to say 
more or less superiicially on ihe subject of the discovery of San I’rancisco Bay. 


142, EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


worse than all, typographical errors in the «printed 
diary make the figures unreliable. In a monograph 
on the trip I could, I think, trace with much accuracy 
each day’s course, and such minute treatment would 
not be devoid of local interest as showing the original 
names applied by the Spaniards, very few of which 
have been preserved; but for this of course I have no 
space here, and must content myself with a general 
narrative and a note on geographical details.‘ 


‘List of places between San Diego and San Francisco as named in 
Crespi’s diary of the first exploration of the California coast by land, with 
distances, bearings, and latitudes. Notes from the return trip in brackets 
“*[ ..]”; notes from Mages’ Voyage in parentheses ‘‘(...)”; additional and 
self-explanatory notes in italics. The Portold, Diario has no distances, or 
names, only hours and descriptions. 


July 14./San Diego, 32° 30’. Really 32° 44’....... Leagues. Course. 
Rinconada, On Halse Bayou, >see <0 
Pocitos de la Cafiada de San Diego...... 2.5 (3) N.W. 


15.| Sta Isabel Valley. 1 league by 400 varas. 
S. Jdcome dela Marca Val. 11. by 51., 
from nN. tos. (Posa de Osuna), [7 1. 


froimiS,/ nan, }. Cop. eee eee ...| 3.5 (4) N.N. We 
16.) EnoinosCafiada : , 1.0 enc bie ees '« 2 
Ds ALOIO, Ua ‘sa s's sox toe pe ee eel & 
17.|S. Simon Lipnica Val., near sea-shore... 
Sta PinfOross :s 3.3 <., 2 eee Meenas 3 2 N. 


18.|S. Juan Capistrano Val. 2 1., N.E. to 

8.w., ending at shore, 33° 6’. Really 

S. Luis Rey, lat. accurate............ 2 Ne 
20.|Sta Margarita Val. The sierra draws 

near shore and threatens to stop ad- 


vance. Name retained..........++-- 1.5 N. 
21.| Sta Pragedis de los Rosales Cafiada, 33° 10’ | 2 . N.E. 
22.| Los Cristianos, 8. Apolinario, Bautismos 

[arroyo], (Cafiada del Bautismo)..... 4 N.W, 
23.| Sta Maria Magdalena Cafiada [Quemada], 

BO 1A, oo Vance tec og oe eee © ge 4 (38) N.N.We 


24.|S. Francisco Solano, 33° 18’. A mesa at 
foot of sierra with fine stream, oppo- 
site Sta Catalina Island, said by the 
explorers to be 51. from 8. Pedro Bay. 


At or near S, Juan Capistrano. ...... 3. [2] N.W. 
26.|S. Pantaleon (Aguada del P. Gomez), on 

the edge of a large plain............ 2.5 [3] N.W. 
27.| Santiago Arroyo, 33° 6’. Misprint?..... 3 N.E. 


28.|Sta Ana Riv., or Jesus de los Temblores, 
thought to flow into S. Pedro Bay [91. 


from Rio Porciineula] 4.645 6. os 0s 1.5 [1] N.W. 
29.! Sta Marta Spring (Los Ojitos and S. Mi- 

griel)s,. noth ia gue eae ee END ene 0 2 N.W. 
30.| (No name), lat. 33° 34’.........--..068- 6 N.W. 


31.| (No name), lat. 34° 10’. Los Angeles re- 
GUN enna s Siva eee ge ha wala eek pees Cas 2 NW. 


GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 143 


Four days after setting out from San Diego the 
explorers reached the pleasant valley in which the 
mission of San Luis Rey was later built. Their 
progress had been at the rate of from two to four 
leagues each day, and nothing along the way attracted 


more attention than the abundance of flowers, especially 


Aug. 2.| Porcitncula Riv., a large stream, with | Leagues. Course. 
much good land. North branch of the 
DVALSILOTECL, Ata @ ae shee a calls iud,a9 of e's 3 (2) N.W, 
3.| Alisos de S. Estévan Spring, near an as- 
Pia Cama ra eee es yeca eteial 55 ds 3 Ww. 
4.|S. Rogerio Spring, or Berrendo (Fontaine 
Cu ‘Caluy MmoOuUCnete ibis bac cil iv cie o's. ale 2 N.W. 


5.| Sta Catalina de Bononia de los Encinos 
Val., 34° 37’, really 34° 10’. San Fer- 
nando Valley, in which a station still 
CULLEN FNCU OM pea Lehane aletes via tess ee 
PTY INC) EATING ch See ote acc ee coos 0 (ol nse so 
8.| Sta Rosa de Viterbo, or Corral rancheria, 
3 1. across the plain, and 41. over mts., 
Ae Sef oe NCAT LI OTE S o's. ix a: 0's ie A 
10.| Sta Clara stream and cafiada............ 
11./ Sta Clara, down same stream, 34° 30’, a 
good site for a mission. 6 1. from Sta 
Rosa and 10 1. from Sta Catalina. 
Dig ust UO OA ET TOT oan). cate ka 
12.}S. Pedro Amoliano rancherifa, down the 
SELOAI tain cco 9 x o's: 4's ale she clap lars 
13.| Stos Martires Ipdélito y Cuciano rancheria 
and river, down same stream, which 
widens out into a river. Still called 
FIO 50: CLT ies gis. 0's slate ores 
14.; Asuncion (Asunta) rancheria, onsea-shore, 
Fine site for a mission, 34° 36’. Co- 
stansé made it 34°13’. Doubtless S. 
Buenaventura...... sive Blah d'6retaneenre one 2.5 E.N.E,. 
15.| Sta Conefundis (RancheriaVolante), along 
DERG ee met he > od) poe node aaa 
16.| Sta Clara de Monte Talco, or Bilarin, a 
large pueblo in 34° 40’, on an arroyo, 
VES (ea! 922 1 10 ag ee nA 2 Ww.(W.N.W.) 
17.|S. Roque, or Carpinteria, a large pueblo 
in a plain, 41. by 1 1, much asphal- 
tum, “Sta Barbara region. «0 osc 
18., Concepcion Laguna (Pueblo de la Lagu- 
na), a very large rancheria, on a point 
across an estero. Sta Barbara was af- 
terwards founded at S. Joaquin de la 
Laguna. Coast turns from w.N.w. 
CVn cer ene «all cos we sly ok ms SONS 4 [(3)] w.(W.N.W.) 
20.| Sta Margarita de Cortona, or Isla, or Mes- 
caltitlan pueblos, 34°43’. In amarshy 
region, where the sloughs form an 
island, with four or five scattered ran- 
CARE CIC. BIR Sige Aaa nies Fak pty Bene i 3.5[2.5]| Ww.(W.N.W.) 


N.N.W. 


Oo 09 


N, 
W.N.We 


OO > 


oO 


W.S.W, 


oo 


Ww. 8. WwW, 


bo 


S.W, 


bo 


W.(W.N. W.) 


i) 


w.(W.N. W.) 


144. EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


of roses similar to those of old Castile, and for that 
reason delightful to the Spaniards. Crespf notes the 
plucking of one branch bearing six roses and twelve 
buds. Thus far all was literally couleur de rose. The 
route followed was very nearly that of the subsequent 
stage road between San Diego and Los Angeles. It 
was noticed that much of the grass had been burned 


Leagues. Course. 
Aug. 21.]S. Luis Obispo, 34° 45’, still along shore. | 2 [2.5] Ww. 
23.|S. Giiido de Cortona, along shore, four 
islands in steht J... Geena os 3 We 
S. Luis Rey, or La Gaviota, along shore, 
ona slough, 34° 47’. Perhaps origin of 
Gaviota Pass. Three islands in sight: 
S. Bernardo, 8. Miguel, farthest west; 
Sta Cruz, Sta Rosa, next; and Sta Bar- 
bara, Sta Cruz, farthest east......... 2.5 (3) [2] W. 
25. | S. Seferino, 34° 30’ (14”), an Indian pueblo, 
Ste Ana rancberiac,.yieey eed sie s ios 2 Ww. 
26. | Sta Teresa, or Cojo, rancheria, 34° 30’, or 
Be) i ee 2.5 Ww. 
Pt Concepcion, 34° 307. 25a405 eee ee 2? 1 ; W, 
27.| Concepcion, rancheria (Rancho de la Es-} {1.5 or ae 
pada), 34° S130"... 4, So vae ewes J \ .5 (1) a 
28.) S. Juan Bautista, or Pedernales (34° 33’), 
in sight of another point near by [from 
which Pt Concepcion bears 8.E., 8° 
E.] This point must be Pt Arg gitello, 
though there are some difficulties...... 2 N.W. 
29.| Sta Rosalia, or Cafiada Seca, on a bay be- 
tween last point and another........ 2.5 (2) N.W. 
30.|S. Bernardo Riv., or Sta Rosa, mouth 
filled with sand, the largest river yet 
passed, 34° 55’... The Rio Sta Inés, 
though distance and bearing are not cor- 
rect; just possibly the Sta Maria, in 
which case Pt Concepcion was Ar giiello, 
Argiello Purtsima, the 2d point Pu- 
risima, and Sta Rosalia at the mouth 
of Rio ‘Sta Tribals ae .5 (1) N.W. 
31.|S. Ramon Nonato, La Graciosa, or Baile 
de las Indias laguna........-....5.- 2.5 (2) N. 
Sept. 1.]S. Daniel, laguna grande, ina fine valley, 
31. by 7 1., having in the middle a la- 
guna 500 varas wide? 34°13’? Mouth 
of the Rio Sia. Marta. i.c..05 0.0... 1.5 (3) N. 
2.|S. Juan Perucia y 8. Pedro de Sacro Ter- 
rato, or Real de las Viboras, or Oso 
Flaco (Laguna Redonda)............ 3 N.W. (N.N.W.) 
4.|S. Ladislao, or El Buchon. By varying 
courses, and finally N. into mts., 35° 
29. Not-cleaticM a epee tee 4 
Sta Elena, or Angosta Cafiada, 35° 3’?...| 2 N.W. 
Natividad, or Cafiada de los Osos, down 
which they went to the sea. WS. Latis : 
Obispowas founded luieronthis canadu. | 3 (4) | 


24, 


“aoe 





PROGRESS UP THE COAST. 145 


by the natives to facilitate the capture of rabbits. Few 
of the inhabitants were met in the south, but when 
seen they were always friendly, and the 22d of Jaly 
they permitted to be baptized two dying children, who 
were named Marfa Magdalena and Margarita. About 
the same time two mineral deposits, of red ochre and 
white earth, were discovered. On the 24th the islands 


Sept. 8.|S. Adriano, near the shore at mouth of| Leagues. Course. 
Cafiada de los Osos. The diary clearly 
mentions the Estero Bay and Morro 


Rock of modern MADPS....++6 2 esses 2 Ww. 
9.| Sta Serafina Estero, 36°, or 35° 27', after 

crossing ight arroyosi. .2..4 245%... 05 3 N.W. 
10.| 8. Benvenuto, « or Osito, 36” 2’, or (35° 33’) | 2 N.N.W. 
11./8. Nicolas, or Cantil, arroyo 35° 35’, along | 

Dee cet AR. Piya eet serra essa or tas (1) N.wW. 
12.|S. Vicente ar royo (Arroyada Honda), 36° 

AO seens oie guts hs te wat oe ne 2 N.W. and N.N.E. 


13.| Sta Umiliana arroyo [35° 45’], at foot of 
Sierra de Sta Lucia. Jn region between 


S. Simeon and Cape S. Martin....... 2 N.W:, 
16. | Pié de la Sierra de Sta Lucia, upacafiada 
into the mts., probably N.E........-- Ie 


17.| Hoya de la Sierra de Sta Lucia, or San 
Francisco, 36° 18’ 30”, up into the mts. 
on N. side of a cafion [slightly differ- 
ent route onreturn]. Jn region of the 
later S. Antonio mission. Probably 


LEGO “ates dc Shela aa PEER ie PLM BR 1 
20.| Real de Pifiones, by a mt. way over the 
SUE CNGCOI GE A oe a Pape eee 2 
21.| 8, Francisco (Rigwde Truchas).?2roeee4 1 
26.|S. Elizario [Elcearo] Rio, or Real del 
Chocolate, down a cafiada to a river 
believed to be the Carmelo, but really 
OR COR ST OUT hop Ag a PPE PEAY <P 4 N.E. 
27.| Real del Alamo, 36° 38’, down the river. .| 4 N.W. 
28, Pikeal Blanco; dowi-viver’. «iii... 60cesnss 4 
29.| Real de Cazadores, down river......:... 3.5 (3) 
Oct. 1.) Sta Delfina [Riv.], 36° 44’, or 36°53’, down 
river to within 14 1. of beach. From 
this point Monterey and Carmelo bays 
were explored. Pt Pinos, 36° 36’; Pt 
Afio Nuevo, 36° 4’; Carmelo Bay, 36° 
Ore ia aac 6s65 ss ce nga ee 5.25 N.W 
7.| Sta Brigida, or La Grulla, passing several 
| AG Te Okc! 9p oN ges ae ec oe 2 N.N.W, 
8. Pajaro, or Sta Ana Riv. Name still re- 
CEST SA ORR key gia ek ACO LICE See 4 N. 
10.| Nr Sra del Pilar lagunas [corral], 34° 35'?| 1 N.W, 
Tee bat D CPOSOn cine iis eas ohiies o.:> bse 8s ecatane’s 1.5 N.W. 
16.| Rosario del Serafin de Asculi arroyo, near ‘ 
lea lees ohh ae mee GE eae ae 2 N.W. 
17.| 8S. Lorenzo River—still retains the name. 
The camp was near Sta Cruz.......+. 2 W.N.W, 


Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 10 


146 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


of San Clemente and Santa Catalina were sighted. 
Next day the natives seemed to say that inland were 
other white men with horses, mules, swords, and hats. 
On the 28th, when the governor and his followers 
were on the Santa Ana River, four violent shocks of 
earthquake frightened the Indians into a kind of 
prayer to the four winds, and caused the stream to be 
also named Jesus de los Temblores. Many more 
shocks were felt during the following week; yet the 
foreigners were delighted with the region, noting the 
agricultural possibilities which they and their succes- 
sors later realized. The Ist of August they began to 
kill and eat berrendos, or antelopes, and next day 
forded the Rio de Porcitncula on which the city of 
Los Angeles now stands. 

From the Angeles region the route lay through the 
valley of Santa Catalina de los Encinos, now San Fer- 
nando, and thence northward through the mountain 
pass to the head ‘streams of the Rio de Santa Clara, 
so called then and now, down whose banks the 
Spaniards followed to the sea again. Immediately on 
leaving the Porcitncula more earthquakes were felt, 
causing the friars to think there were volcanoes in the 
sierra; springs of pez, brea, chapopote, or asphaltum, 


Oct. 18.| Sta Cruz arroyo, and four other streams, | Leagues. Course. 
the last being 8. Liicas, or Puentes 
BITOY 0. oc sg ies & | esate ee dana nth 2 W.N.W. 
La Olla (Hoya) barranca............... 
19.| S. Pedro de Alcantara, or Jumin [Jamon].| 2.5 N.W. 


20.|S. Luis Beltran, or Salud, arroyo, about 

11. from Pt Afio Nuevo, 37° 22’, or 

of 3 [Pé in eG 24 cee oe 3 1 N.W. 
23.|S. Juan Nepomuceno, or Casa Grande, 

rancheria, across a level mesa along 


SNOT s 4s Ges & tpheet geen SRMMMMeneIMTe oto os 2 N.N.W. 
Ban Pedro ‘Svegaladg 7. 40. semitone a>.> >. 
24.1 Sto Domingo, 37 7305 peers eke ss co 4or2 N. 
27.|S. Ibon, or Pulgas, rancheria........... 2 N, 


28.|S. Simon y S. Judas arroyo, or Llano de 
los Ansares, in sight of a point N.N.w. 
with farallones—just above Llalf-Moon 
Bay, and in sight of Pt S. Pedro..... 2 
30.| Pt Angel Custodio, or Almejas, 37° 24’, 
OU. 40° [ Oiristtde | astern Rete d se « 2 N.W. 
To points subsequently visited, no names 
were applied. 


THE SANTA BARBARA CHANNEL. 147 


were also regarded as signs of volcanic action. The 
natives now spoke not only of bearded men who came 
from the east in earlier times, but said they had 
lately observed vessels in the channel—it will be remem- 
bered that the San Antonio and San Carlos had reached 
this latitude on their way from Cape San Liicas to 
San Diego—and one man even claimed to recoynize 
Gomez, ages, and Costanséd whom he had seen on the 
vessel. Everywhere the men went naked, but from 
this region the women dressed more according to Euro- 
pean ideas, covering much of their person with skins 
of deer and rabbits. August 14th Portola crossed 
from a point near the mouth of the Santa Clara to 
the shore farther north, where he found the largest 
Indian village yet seen in California. The houses were 
of spherical form thatched with straw, and the natives 
used boats twenty-four feet long made of pine boards 
tied together with cords and covered with asphaltum, 
capable of carrying each ten fishermen. A few old 
blades of knives and swords were seen. Some in- 
habitants of the channel islands came across to gaze 
at the strangers. Previously the inhabitants had 
bartered seeds, grass baskets, and shells for the cov- 
eted glass beads, but now fish and carved bits of wood 
were added to the limited list of commercial products. 
Thus more food was offered than could be eaten. This 
fine pueblo, the first of a long line of similar ones 
along the channel coast, was called Asuncion and was 
identical in site with the modern San Buenaventura.’ 

From the middle of August to the 7th of Septem- 
ber the Spaniards followed the coast of the Santa 
Birbara Channel westward, always in sight of the 
islands, meeting a dense native population settled in 
many larere towns and uniformly hospitable. Passing 
Point Concepcion, they turned northward to the site 
on which San Luis Obispo now stands. On the 18th 
of August they passed a village called Laguna de la 
Concepcion in the vicinity of what is now Santa Bér- 


5 See founding of San Buenaventura in a later chapter. 


1448 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


bara, perhaps on the exact site, since the presidio was 
founded later at a place said to have been called San 
Joaquin de la Laguna by these first explorers. A 
few leagues farther, and in several other places, there 
were noticed large cemeteries, those of the men and 
women being distinct as the gentle savages explained. 
Over each grave a painted pole was set up bearing 
the hair of the men, and those of the women being 
adorned with coras, or grass baskets. Large whale- 
bones were also a distinguishing feature of the burial- 
erounds. Many of these graves have been opened 
within the past few years, and the relics thus brought 
to ight have created in local circles quite a flutter of 
archeological enthusiasm, being popularly attributed, 
as is the custom in such cases, to ‘prehistoric’ times 
and to races long since extinct. On the 24th a sea- 
cull was killed and the place called San Luis by the 
padres was christened La Gaviota by the soldiers— 
very many localities along the route being thus doubly 
named, whence perhaps the name Gaviota Pass of 
modern maps. Near Point Concepcion the natives 
displayed beads of European make, said to have been 
obtained from the north. Here a lean and worn- 
out mule was left to recuperate under Indian care. 
Crespt’s latitudes for the channel coasts were too high, 
varying from 34° 30/ to 34° 51’. Costansd’s observa- 
tions placed Point Concepcion in 34° 30’, about 5’ too 
far north. After turning the point the natives were 
poorer and less numerous, but were still friendly. 
On the 30th a large stream was crossed on a sand-bar 
at its mouth which “served as a bridge.” This was 
the Rio Santa Inés,’ called at its discovery Santa Rosa, 
and on September Ist the camp was pitched at the 
Laguna de San Daniel, probably at the mouth of the 
Rio Santa Maria. Next day Sergeant Ortega was 

6 Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 61-2. 

7 There is some confusion in the description of this part of the coast, and 
this stream might as well be the Santa Maria, were it not for the fact that 


Purisima Mission was afterward built on Rio de Santa Rosa. Purisima, Lib. 
Mision, MS., 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 112-13. 


OVER THE SIERRA DE SANTA LUCIA. 149 


taken ill, and ten of the men began to complain of 
sore feet. Turning inland not far from what is now 
Point San Luis, they crossed the hills by a some- 
what winding course and on the 7th encamped in 
the Caiiada de los Osos in the vicinity of the later 
San Luis Obispo. Here the soldiers engaged in a 
grand bear-hunt, in which one of these fierce brutes, 
seen here in groups of fourteen or sixteen, according 
to Portold’s diary, was killed after receiving nine bul- 
lets, one of the soldiers barely escaping with his life. 
The names Los Osos and El Buchon applied at this 
time are still preserved in this region. 

From San Luis, instead of proceeding north and 
inland, which would have been the easier route, the 
explorers follow the Bear cajiada down to the sea, 
where they note Estero Bay and Morro Rock, and 
whence they follow the coast some ten leagues to a 
point located by Costansé in latitude 35° 45’, and 
apparently not far below Cape San Martin. The 
sierra of Santa Lucia, so named long before, now 
impedes further progress, and on September 16th the 
travellers turn to the right and begin to climb the 
mountain range, ‘con el credo en la boca,” one league 
per day being counted good progress in such a rough 
country. From the 17th to the 19th they are on the 
Hoya, or ravine, de la Sierra de Santa Lucia, on the 
_head-waters of the Rio de San Antonio near where 
the mission of the same name is afterward founded. 
On the 20th the lofty range northward is ascended, 
and from the highest ridge, probably Santa Lucia 
Peak, the Spaniards gaze upon a boundless sea of 
mountains, ‘‘a sad spectacle for poor travellers worn 
out by the fatigues of so long a journey,” sighs Crespt. 
The cold begins to be severe, and some of the men 
are disabled by scurvy; yet for the glory of God and 
with unfailing confidence in their great patron St 
Joseph, they press bravely on, after remaining four 
days in a little mountain cation dedicated by the friars 
to the Llagas de San Francisco, the name San Fran- 


150 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


cisco proper being reserved forthat saint’s ‘famous port.’ 
Wending their way down the northern slope, perhaps 
by way of the Arroyo Seco, on the 26th they reach 
a river which they name San Elizario, or Santa Del- 
fina, believed by the Spaniards to be the Rio del Car- 
melo. It is the stream, however, since known as 
Salinas, and down it Portola’s company march to the 
sea, arriving on the 30th at a point near the mouth. 
The natives are less hospitable in the Salinas Valley 
than south of there. 

As the expedition draws near the sea-shore, a point 
of land becomes visible in the south, which is correctly 
judged to be Point Pinos, one of the prominent land- 
marks by which Monterey was to be identified. It is 
therefore determined to stop here for exploration. 
October 1st the governor, engineer, and Crespi, with 
five soldiers climb a hill, “from the top of which,” 
writes the friar, “we saw the great entrance, and con- 
jectured that it was the one which Cabrera Bueno 
puts between Point Aiio Nuevo and Point Pinos of 
Monterey.” That is to say, believing yet doubting 
they look out over the bay and harbor of Monterey 
in search of which they had come so far, then pass on 
wondering where is Monterey. Rivera with eight men 
explores southward, marching along the very shore of 
the port they are seeking; then toward Point Pinos 
and over to ‘fa small bight formed between the said 
point and another south of it, with an arroyo flowing 
down from the mountains, well wooded, and a slough, 
into which the said stream discharges, and some little 
lagoons of sheht extent;” but the mountains prevent 
further progress southward along the shore. The 
places thus explored are Carmelo bay, river, and point;* 
nevertheless Rivera returns to camp saying that no 
port is to be found. 

The 4th of October after solemn mass in a brush- 

8 Cypress Point is not noticed in this exploration; but it is certain that if 
the bight now visited were not Carmelo Bay, that bay would have been found 


and mentioned later when the attempt was made again to find a shore route 
southward. 


MONTEREY NOT FOUND. 151 


wood tent at the mouth of the Salinas River, a meet- 
ing of all the officers and friars is held to deliberate 
on what shall be done. At this meeting the com- 
mandant briefly calls attention to the scarcity of pro- 
visions, to the seventeen men on the sick-list unfit for 
duty, to the excessive burden of labor imposed on 
those who are well in sentinel duty and continual 
reconnoissances, and to the lateness of the season. In 
view of these circumstances and of the fact that the 
port of Monterey could not be found where it had 
been supposed to lie,? each person present is called 
upon to express freely his opinion. The decision of 
officers and priests is unanimous “that the journey be 
continued as the only expedient remaining, in the hope 
of finding by the favor of God the desired port of 
Monterey and in it the San José to supply our needs, 
and that if God should permit that in the search for 
Monterey we all perish, we shall still have fulfilled 
our duty to God and men by working together to the 
death in the accomplishment of the enterprise on 
which we have been sent.” Their hope rests mainly in 
the fact that they had not yet reached the latitude in 
which Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno had placed the port. 


®* En visto de lo dicho y de no hallar el puerto de Monterey en la altura 
que se presumia.’ Crespt, Viaye, 355. This use of the word altura is an error 
of the writer, since Cabrera Bueno, the authority on which dependence was 
placed, gives the latitude of Monterey as 37°, while Costansé now made it 
36° 30’; but the explanation is that this was written after subsequent explor- 
ations further north which had an influence on Crespi’s words. The /unta 
74 de guerra de la expedicion de tierra que pasaba en sclicitud del puerto te 
Monterey en 4 de Octubre de 1769 is attached to the Portold, Diar‘o MS. In 
his opening address Portolé says ‘what should be the Rio Carmelo is only an 
arroyo; what should be a port is only a little ensenada; what were great lakes 
are lagunillas;’ and yet to go on and find another Sierra de Sta Lucia would 
take time; 11 men were sick, and only 50 costales of flour remained. Cos- 
tansé gave his opinion first: that they were in only 36° 42’, while Monterey 
was in 37° or perhaps more; they should not fail to explore up to 37° 30’ so as 
either to find the port or to be sure of its non-existence. Fages followed and 
also favored going on to 37° or a little more, as the port had certainly not 
been passed, and they had not yet reached its latitude. Then Rivera, who 
did not seem to think Monterey would be found, since it was not where it 
ought to be, but thought they should establish themselves somewhere, but 
not where they then were. Then Portold decided to rest 6 days, go on as 
far as possible, and then select the most eligible place for a settlement if 
Monterey did not appear. All agreed in writing to this plan, including 
padres Gomez and Crespi. 


152 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


It is and must ever remain more or less inexpli- 
cable that the Spaniards should have failed at this 
time to identify Monterey. All that was known of 
that port had resulted from Vizcaino’s visit, and 
this knowledge was in the hands of the explorers in 
the works of Venegas and Cabrera Bueno. The de- 
scription of landmarks was tolerably clear,” and in 
fact these landmarks had been readily recognized by 
Portold’s party at their first arrival on the bay shore. 
Moreover, the advantages of the harbor had not been 


very greatly exaggerated, both Torquemada, as quoted , 


by Venegas, and Cabrera Bueno having called Monte- 
rey simply a famoso puerto, the former stating that it 
was protected from all winds, and the latter, from all 
except north-west winds. Yet with the harbor lying 
at their feet, and with several landmarks so clearly 
defined that Vila and Serra recognized them at once 
from the reports at San Diego, and penetrated the 
truth of the matter in spite of their companions’ 
mystification, the Spanish officers could find nothing 
resembling the object of their search, and even were 
tempted to account for the port’s disappearance by 
the theory that since Vizcaino’s time it had perhaps 
been filled up with sand!* 


10See chapter iii., this volume. 

11 Crespi’s remarks, in addition to what has been given in the preceding 
narrative, are as follows: ‘In view of what has been said...and of our not 
finding in these regions the port of Monterey so celebrated and so praised in 
their time by men of character, skilful, intelligent, and practical navigators 
who came expressly to explore these coasts by order of the king...we have 
to say that it is not found after the most careful efforts made at cost of much 
sweat and fatigue; or it must be said that it has been filled up and destroyed 
with time, though we see no indications to support this opinion; and therefore 
I suspend my opinion on this point, but what I can say with assurance is that 
with all diligence on the part of comandante, officers, and soldiers no such 
port has been found...At Pt Pinos there is no port, nor have we seen in 
all our journey a country more desolate than this, or people more rude, Se- 
bastian Vizcaino to the contrary notwithstanding. ..although this was easier 
to be misrepresented than a port so famous as was Monterey in former cen- 
turies.’ Viage, 395-6. In a letter buried before the final return it is stated 
that the expedition ‘sighted Pt Pinos and the ensenadas north and south of 
it without seeing any signs of the port of Monterey, and resolved to go on in 
search of it,’ and again on the return ‘made an effort to search for the port 
of Monterey within the mountain range following along the sea, in spite of 
its roughness, but in vain.’ Palou, Not., i. 399-400. According to Palou, 
Vida, 88, P. Crespi wrote him that he feared the port had been filled up; and 


se 


HOW THE ERROR OCCURRED. 153 


There are, however, several circumstances which 
tend to lessen our difficulty in accounting for the 
error committed, and which are almost sufficient to 
remove the difficulty altogether, especially so far as 
this first visit on the northward march is concerned. 
First, the Rio Carmelo, seen but once when swollen 
by winter rains, was on the record as a ‘river of good 
water though of little depth,” and in geographical 
discussions of the past had gradually acquired great 
importance. Portold’s party reaching the Salinas, the 
largest river in this region, naturally supposed they 
were on the Carmelo. If i were the Carmelo, Pt 
Pinos should bear north rather than south; if it were 
not, then not only was this large river not mentioned 
in the old authorities, but there was no river in the 
region to be identified with the Carmelo, for it never 
occurred to the travellers to apply that name to the 
creek, now nearly dry, which flowed into the en- 
senada to the south’of the point. Second, Cabrera 
Bueno’s description of the bays north and south of 
Point Pinos as fine ports, the latter protected from all 
winds and the former from all but those from the 
north-west, was exaggerated, perhaps very much so; yet 
it was not Galbbrera’e S or Vizcaine? S exaggerations that 


Serra mentioned in one of his letters the same opinion founded on the great 
sand dunes found where the port ought to be. /d., 92. Fages says: ‘We 
knew not if the place where we were was that of our destination; still after 
having carefully examined it and compared it with the relations of the ancient 
voyagers, we resolved to continue our march; for after having taken the lati- 
tude, we found that we were only in 36° 44’, while, according to the reports 
of the pilot, Cabrera Bueno, Monterey should be in 37°, and so serious en 
error was not supposable on the part of a man of well known skill. The con- 
figuration of the coast did not agree either with the relations which served us 
as a guide.’ Voy. en Cal., 328- 9. Rivera simply says: ‘We went in the ex- 
pedition by land to San Diego and Monterey, and having failed to recognize 
the latter we proceeded in search of it till we came to San Irancisco, w hence 
for want of provisions we returned and the whole expedition elept two nights 
in Monterey itself and encamped several days on the Rio Carmelo.’ S¢. Pap., 
Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 52-3. According to Ortega, ‘On October 5th or 
Gth we reached Pt Pinos, and according to the indications of Capt. Vizcaino 
and the piloto Cabrera Bueno—and our latitude as well—we should have 
thought ourselves already at Monterey; but not finding the shelter and pro- 
tection ascribed by them to the port caused us to doubt, since we saw a bight 
over twelve leagues across with no shelter except for small craft at the point, 
although the said bight is large enough to hold thousands of vessels, but with 
little protection from some winds.’ Fra gmento, MS., 52. 


154 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


misled Portolé. Monterey had been much talked and 
written about during the past century and a half in 
connection with the fables of Northern Mystery, and 
while its waters lay undisturbed by foreign keel its 
importance as a harbor had been constantly growing 
in the minds of Spanish officials and missionaries. It 
was not the piloto’s comparatively modest description 
so much as the grand popular ideal which supported 
the expectations of the governor and his companions, 
and of which the reality fell so far short. Third, the 
very different impressions of storm-tossed mariners 
anchoring in the bay when its shores were brightened 
and refreshed by winter rains, and of travellers arriv- 
ing at the end of the dry season from the sunny clime, 
large villages, and hospitable population of the Santa 
Barbara Channel must be taken into consideration. 
Fourth, the Spaniards had no boats in which to make 
soundings and test the anchorage capacities of the 
harbor. Fifth, Cabrera’s latitude was thirty minutes 
higher than that resulting from Costansd’s observa- 
tions. 

To these considerations should be added two other 
theories respecting the failure to find Monterey. One 
is that favored by Palou,” who like some of his com- 
panions was disposed to regard the concealment of 
the port as a miraculous interposition of God at the 
intercession and in the interests of St Francis; for 
on starting from the peninsula after completing ar- 
rangements for the new establishments, Father Juni- 
pero had asked Galvez—‘‘and for Our Father San 
I'rancisco is there to be no mission?” to which the 
visitador had replied—‘‘if San Francisco wants a 
mission let him cause his port to be found and it will 
be put there;” and the saint did show his port and left 
St Charles to do as much at Monterey later. The 


12 “Tuego que lei esta noticia atribui 4 disposicion divina el que no hallando 
la expedicion el puerto de Monterey en el parage que lo sefialaba el antiguo 
derrotero, siguiese hasta llegar al Puerto de N. P. S. Francisco.’ Vida de 
Junipero Serra, 88. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 35-8, accepts the view that 
it was a miracle. 


SANTA CRUZ REGION. 155 


other theory is one that was somewhat prevalent 
among the descendants of the first Spanish soldiers 
and settlers in later years, namely, that the explorers 
had secret orders from Galvez not to find Monterey, 
but to go on to San Francisco.* Neither this view 
of the matter nor that involving supernatural agencies 
seems to demand much comment. It would be very 


difficult to prove the inaccuracy of either. 


It having been determined to proceed, Ortega and 
afew men advance October 6th to make a reconnois- 
sance which seems to favor former conclusions, since 
he saw another river and thought he saw another 
wooded point, which might be the veritable Rio Car- 
melo and Point Pinos. Next day the whole company 
set out and in twenty-three days march up the coast 
to Point Angel Custodio, since called Point San 
Pedro. Eleven men have to be carried in litters,™ 
and progress is slow. On the 8th the Pdjaro River 
is crossed and named by the soldiers from a stuffed 
bird found among the natives. A week later in the 
vicinity of Soquel the palo colorado, or redwood, 
begins to be seen. On the 17th they cross and name 
the Rio de San Lorenzo, at the site of the present 
Santa Cruz; and on the 23d Point Afio Nuevo is 
passed. Vegetables soon give out as had meat long 
ago, and rations are reduced to five tortillas of bran 
and flour a day. Portoléand Rivera are added to the 
sick list. On the 28th the rains begin, and the men 
are attacked by diarrhcea, which seems to relieve the 
scurvy. The 30th they reach a point with detached 
rocks, or farallones, located by Costansé in 37° 31’, 


13 Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 39-42; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 19-20; 
Vallejo (J. J.), Remin., MS., 66-7. All have heard from Ignacio Vallejo and 
others of his time that Portol4 was supposed to have passed Monterey inten- 
tionally. 

ué Oriepa describes the labors and sufferings of the men more fully than 
others. He says 16 lost the use of their limbs. Hach night they were 
rubbed with oil and each morning were fastened to the tjeras, a kind of 
wooden frame, and raised to the backs of the mules. The rain however 
brought some relief. Mragmento, MS. 


156 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


where the hills bar the passage along the shore. It is 
named Point Angel Custodio and Point Almejas, 
being that now known as San Pedro.” 

It is the last day of October. After some prelimi- 
nary examination by an advance party, the whole com- 
pany climb the hill and gaze about them. On their 
left is the ever present sea, rolling off to the west in 
a dim eternity of waters. Before them is a bay, or 
bight, lying between the point on which they stand 
and one beyond extending into the sea far to the north- 
west. Rising abruptly full before them, high above 
the ocean, the bold shore presents a dismal front in 
its summer-soiled robes, as yet undyed by the delicious 
winter rains, the clouded sun meanwhile refusing its fre- 
quent exhibitions of exquisite colorings between the 
deep blue waters and the dark, purple bluff. Farther to 
the left, about west-north-west from their position and 
apparently south-west from the distant point, is seen 
a group of six or seven whitish farallones; and finally 
looking along the shore northward they discover white 
cliffs and what appears to be the mouth of an inlet 
making toward the north-east. There is no mistaking 
these landmarks so clearly laid down by Cabrera Bu- 
eno.”* The travellers recognize them immediately; 
the distant point of land must be Point Reyes, and 
under it lies the port of San Francisco. The saint 
has indeed and unexpectedly brought the missionaries 
within sight of his port. Strong in this well founded 
conviction, the pilgrims descend the hill northward 
and encamp near the beach at the southern extremity 


18 Mr Doyle, Address 7, makes it Corral de Tierra, or Pillar Point, at the 
northern extremity of Half Moon Bay. Ido not know if this was a deliber- 
ately formed opinion; but my reasons for identifying Mussel Point with San 
Pedro are: Ist, the detached rocks or farallones not found in connection with 
the other points, see Cal. State Geol. Surv. Map of region adjacent to S. F., 1867; 
2d, the hiils cutting off the shore passage as they do not at Pillar Point, see Jd. ; 
3d, the clear view of Drake Bay and the Farallones, etc.; and 4th, the fact 
that in order to put in the number of leagues they did going south along the 
cafiada they must have crossed at San Pedro rather than at Pillar, especially, 
if as Doyle suggests, their last camp was no farther south than Searsville 
There are, however, some difficulties. 

6 For this author’s full description of this region see chap. iii. this volume. 


THE OLD SAN FRANCISCO. 157 


of the sheet of water known to the Spaniards from 
that time as the Ensenada de los Farallones. . 


There has been much perplexity in the minds of 
modern writers respecting this port of San Francisco, 
resulting from want of familiarity with the original 
records, and from the later transfer of the name to 
another bay. These writers have failed to clear away 
the difficulties that seemed to surround the subject.” 
I have no space to catalogue all the erroneous “ideas 


that have been Bad seaunaet but most authors seem 


to have supposed that the matter was as dark in the 
minds of the Spaniards as in their own, and it has 
been customary to interpret the reply of Galvez to 
Serra already quoted somewhat like this: “If San 
Francisco wants a mission let him reveal the where- 
abouts of this port of his of which we have heard so 
much and which we have never been able to find,” 

in other instances more simply, “let him show a edna 
port if he wants a mission.” 


™Certain exceptions should be noted. My assistant, in the Overland 
Ai y, made known for the first time to the English- reading public the 
statements of Cabrera Bueno and Crespi, and in a few brief notes “put the sub- 
ject in its true light. Doyle in notes to his reprint of Palou subsequently 
gave a correct version; and several writers since have partially utilized the 
information thus presented. 

** The following from Dwinelle’s Colon. Hist. 8. F., xi. 24, is a sample of 
the errors current in the best class of works: ‘There was a report in Mexico 
that such a port existed, yet navigators sent to explore it had not succeeded 
in finding it, and even at Monter ey y nobody believed in it. But in 1772 Father 
Junipero, taking the viceroy at his word, caused an overland expedition to set 
out for Monterey under the command of Juan B. Ainsa to search for the apoc- 
ryphal port. They were so successful as to discover the present bay of San 
Francisco.’ Dwinelle’s idea seems to be that there was a tradition of such a 
bay before Drake’s time; that Drake and others after him missed the bay on 
account of fogs, etc.; and that the real bay had thus come to be regarded as 
apochryphal. Randolph in his famous oration, //uéching»’ Mag., v. 209, regards 
it ‘as one of the most remarkable facts in history that others had passcd it, 
anchored near it, and actually given its name to adjacent roadsteads, and so 
described its position that it was immediately known; and yet that the cloud 
had never been lifted which concealed the entrance of the bay of San I*ran- 
cisco, and that it was at last discovered by land,’ Randolph’s error was in 
supposing that it was the inside bay that ‘was immediately known,’ rather 
than the ‘adjacent roadstead.’ Tuthill, Hist. Cal., 77-9, says that Portola 
went on to San Francisco and recognized it as having been before described. 
Possibly some Spaniards had visited the port and their oral descriptions mixed 
with that of Drake gave rise to the name and to glowing accounts which were 
accredited to Monterey! Thus all became confusion between the two bays. 
Some authors, See ey, stating that Portola discovered the bay of San Fran- 


158. EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


There was, however, nothing mysterious in the 
matter, save as all things in the north were at one 
time or another tinged with mystery. The truth is 
that before 1769 San Francisco Port under Point 
Reyes had been twice visited by Spaniards, to say 
nothing of a probable visit by an Englishman, while 
Monterey had received only one visit; both were 
located and described with equal clearness in Cabrera 
Bueno’s coast-pilot; and consequently, if less talked 
about San Francisco was quite as well known to Gal- 
vez, Portoldé, Crespi, and the rest, as was Monterey. 
The visitador’s remark to Serra meant simply, ‘if San 
I’rancisco wants a mission let him favor our enter- 
prise so that our exploration and occupation may be 
extended northward to include his port.” The ex- 
plorers passed up the coast, came within sight of San 
Francisco Port, and had no difficulty in recognizing 
the landmarks at first glance. The miracle in the 
padre’s eyes was not in the showing of San Francisco, 
but in the concealment of Monterey. And all this, 
be it remembered, without the slightest suspicion or 
tradition of the existence of any other San Fran- 
cisco, or of the grand inland bay so near which has 
since made the name famous. St Francis had indeed 
brought the Spaniards within sight of his port, but 
his mission was not to be there; and some years later, 
when the Spaniards found they could not go to San 
Francisco, they decided that San Francisco must come 
to them, and accordingly transferred the name south- 
ward to the peninsula and bay. Hence the confu- 


cisco in 1769, also tell us that he named it.. See Gleeson’s Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 
38; Capron’s Hist. Cal., 122; Soule’s Annals of S. F., 46, etc.; but the inner. 
bay was not named for some years, and the outer bay had been named long 
before. That confusion still reigns in the minds of the best writers is shown 
by the following from /7itttell’s Hist. S. Francisco, 41; ‘The Spanish explorers, 
Portola and Crespi, did not imagine that they had made a discovery. They 
saw that the harbor was different from that of Monterey, described by Viz- 
caino, but they imagined that it was the bay of San Francisco mentioned by 
their navigators as lying under shelter of Point Reyes. Friar Juan Crespi, 
who may be considered the head of the expedition, not knowing that he had 
made a discovery, did on the 7th of November 1769 discover the site and 
harbor of San Francisco, and he gave to them the name which they now bear.’ 


DISCOVERY OF SAN FRANCISCO BAY. 159 


sion alluded to. It must be borne in mind that the 
inner bay was not named during this trip, nor for 
some years later; while the outer bay had been named 
for more than a half century. 


A few of the company still venture to assert that 
Monterey has not been passed, and to remove all 
doubt it is decided to send the explorers forward to 
Point Reyes. Ortega sets out with a small party on 
the day following, taking provisions for a three days’ 
trip. Meanwhile the rest remain in camp just north 
of Mussel Point. But during Ortega’s absence, the 
2d of November, some of the soldiers, in hunting for 
deer, climb the north-eastern hills, and return with 
tidings of a new discovery. From the summit they 
had beheld a great inland sea stretching northward 
and south-eastward as far as the eye could reach. The 
country is well wooded they say, and. exceedingly 
beautiful. Thus European eyes first rest on the waters 
of San Francisco Bay; but the names of these deer- 
hunters can never be known. At camp they make 
one error on hearing the news, by attempting to iden- 
tify this new “‘brazo de mar 6 estero” with the ‘‘es- 
tero” mentioned by Cabrera Bueno as entering the 
land from the port of San Francisco under Point 
Reyes;” that is, at first thought it did not seem pos- 
sible for an inlet of so great extent to have escaped 
the notice of the early voyagers; but this erroneous 
idea does not last long, or lead to any results. It is 
at once foreseen that Ortega’s party will not be able 
to reach Point Reyes, because he has no boats in 
which to cross, and no time to go round the inlet. 
And indeed next day Ortega returns. As had been 
anticipated, he had not been able to cross the inlet 
and reach San Francisco. To Ortega, whose descend- 
ants still live in California, belongs the honor of having 

19Tt must be remembered that, to casual observers like the hunters at 
least, standing on the San Bruno hills, the connection of the bay with the 


ocean would seem to be very much farther north than the Golden Gate, and 
possibly far enough north to reach the bay under Pt Reyes. 


160 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


first explored the peninsula on which stands the com- 
mercial metropolis of the west coast of North Amer- 
ica; probably also that of having discovered what is 
now known as the Golden Gate, and possibly that of 
being the discoverer of the bay, for he may have 
climbed the hills on his way north and have looked 
down on the ‘brazo de mar,’ before the deer-hunters 
saw it. Yet we have no details of Ortega’s ex- 
ploration, because he comes back with one idea 
which has driven all others from his mind, and which 
indeed turns the thoughts of the whole company into 
a new channel. He has understood the natives, of 
whom he found some on the peninsula, to say that 
at the head of the ‘brazo de mar’ is a harbor, and in 
it a vessel at anchor. 

Visions of the San José and of the food and other 
necessaries they can now obtain float before them 
sleeping and waking. Some think that after all they 
are indeed at Monterey. Obviously the next thing 
to be done is to seek that harbor and vessel. Hence 
on the 4th of November they break camp and set 
out, at first keeping along the shore, but soon turning 
inland and crossing the hills north-eastward, the 
whole company looking down from the summit upon 
the inland sea, and then descending into a caiiada, 
down which they follow southward for a time and 
then encamp; the day’s march being only about five 
or six miles in all. They have crossed the San Bruno 
hills from just above Point San Pedro to the head 
of the cafiada in a course due west from Milbrae. 
Next day they march down the same cafiada, called 
by them San Francisco, now San Andrés and San 
Raimundo, for three leagues and a half, having the 
main range on the right, and on the left a line of 
low hills which obstruct their view of the bay. They 
encamp on a large lagoon, now Laguna Grande, on San 
Mateo Creek. On the 6th they continue their march 


20 Tt must also be noted that among Fages’ volunteers there was a Sergeant 
Puig who may possibly be entitled to all this honor, but probably not. 


ee Oe 


ON THE PENINSULA. 161 


for other three leagues and a half to the end of the 
cafiada, pitching their camp on a stream flowing into 
the bay—doubtless the San Francisquito Creek in 
the vicinity of Searsville. 

Here the main force remain four days, suffering 
considerably from hunger, and many making them- 
selves ill by eating acorns, while the sergeant and 









































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































MOovEMENTS OF THE DISCOVERERS. 


eight of the party are absent examining the country 
and searching for the port and vessel. On the 10th 
of November the men return and report the country 
sterile and the natives hostile. There is another large 
‘estero’ communicating with the one in sight, but no 
sion of any port at its end, which is far away and 
difficult to reach. There is nothing to show how far 


Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 11 


162 EXPEDITION TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO. 


this reconnoissance extended along the bay shore; 
but the new estero is evidently but the south-eastern 
extension of the main bay; and reports of the country 
are doubtless colored by disappointment respecting 
the San José. A council of officers and friars is 
called on the 11th, and after the solemnities of holy 
mass each member gives his written opinion on what 
should be done. The decision is unanimous that it is 
useless to seek Monterey farther north, and that it is 
best to return to Point Pinos. Portolé makes some 
objection, probably as a matter of form, but yields to 
the views of the others. 

The same afternoon they set out on their return, 
and in a march of twenty-six days, over the same — 
route by which they came, and without incidents that 
require notice, they reach what is really Carmelo 
Bay. Here they remain from November 28th to 
December 10th, making some additional explorations, 
but finding no port, and in fact learning nothing new 
save that the mountains in the south belong to the 
Sierra de Santa Lucfa and that no passage along the 
shore is practicable. Grass is now abundant for the 
animals, but the men can get no game, fish, or even 
clams. Some gulls are eaten, and a mule is killed 
which only the Catalan volunteers and Lower Cali- 
fornians will eat. Finally, after religious exercises on 
the preceding day a councilis held on the 7th." Three 
plans are proposed. Some, and among them the gov- 
ernor, favor dividing the force, part remaining at Point 
Pinos to wait for a vessel, the rest returning to San 
Diego; others think it best for all to remain till pro- 
visions are exhausted, and then depend on mule-meat 
for the return; but the prevailing sentiment and the 
decision are in favor of immediate return, since sup- 
plies are reduced to fourteen small sacks of flour, while 
the cold is excessive and snow begins to cover the 
hills. Meanwhile two mulatto arrieros desert, and on 


21 The record of this junta and of the former one of Nov. 11th were in- 
cluded in the original Portoldé, Diario, MS., but are not in the copy. 


BACK TO SAN DIEGO. 163 


the 9th an iron band supposed to have come from the 
mast of some vessel is found on the beach by the natives. 

Before leaving Carmelo Bay a large cross is set up 
on a knoll near the beach, bearing the carved inscrip- 
tion “Dig at the foot and thou wilt find a writing.” 
The buried document is a brief narrative of the expe- 
dition with a request that the commander of any ves- 
sel arriving soon will sail down the coast and try to 
communicate with the land party.” Recrossing the 
peninsula they set up, on the shore of the very harbor 
they could not find, another cross with an inscription 
announcing their departure. Setting out on their 
return the 11th they ascend the Salinas and retrace, 
with a few exceptions, their former route. It is an 
uneventful journey, but I catalogue a few details in a 
note.” Below the San Luis Obispo region the natives 
begin to bring in an abundance of fish and other food, 
so that there is no further suffering, and on January 
24, 1770, with many curious conjectures as to the 
condition in which their friends will be found, they 
approach the palisade enclosure at San Diego, and 
announce their arrival by a discharge of musketry. 
Warm welcome follows and then comparison of notes. 
Neither party can report much progress toward the 
conquest of California. 

22'The letter is dated Dec. 9th, and is translated in Doyle’s Address. 

*3 December 16th, a lean mule left in the Sierra de Sta Lucia was recovered 
fat and well cared for by the natives. 20th, to prevent theft provisions 
were distributed, 40 tortillas to each man and a little biscuit, ham, and 
chocolate for each officer and padre. 21st, a man who had deserted at Point 
Pinos was found among the natives and excused himself by saying that he had 
gone in search of Monterey in the hope of honor and reward. Another 
deserter returned later to San Diego. 24th and 25th, the natives began to 
bring in food. 28th, stuck fast in a mud-hole near San Luis Obispo, and 
unable to say mass though it was a day of festa. January Ist, a bear and 
cubs killed furnishing material for a feast. January 3d, passed Point Con- 
cepcion. 4th, another fat mule restored by the natives. Food now abundant. 
11th, at Asumpta, or Santa Barbara. January 12th to 15th, instead of going 
up the Santa Clara River, they took a more southern route. They could not 
get through by the first route tried, on which they named the Triunfo ran- 
cheria, a name that seems to have survived; but they finally crossed by the 
modern stage route via Simi. January 16th to 18th, their route through the 
Los Angeles region was also different but not very clear. On the 17th they 
crossed the Rio Porcitncula and went to a valley which they called San 


Miguel, where San Gabriel mission afterwards stood; and next day they 
crossed the Rio Santa Ana 6 long leagues distant. 


CHAPTER VII. 


OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY—FOUNDING OF SAN CARLOS, SAN 
ANTONIO, AND SAN GABRIEL. 


1770-1771. 


Arrairs aT SAN DreGo—A DISHEARTENED GOVERNOR—CALIFORNIA TO BE 
ABANDONED—RIVERA’S TRIP TO THE SOUTH—PRAYER ANSWERED— 
ARRIVAL OF THE ‘SAN ANTONIO ’— DiscovERY oF MontTEREY—IN Camp 
ON CARMELO BAY—FOoUNDING OF THE PRESIDIO AND MIsSION oF SAN 
CARLoS—DEspPATCHES SENT SoutH By LAND AND SEA—PorTOLA LEAVES 
Faces IN COMMAND—RECEPTION OF THE NEwWs IN MEex1co—TEN PADRES 
SENT TO CALIFORNIA—PAatov’s MEMoRIAL—MISSION WoRK IN THE 
NortH—ARRIVAL OF THE NEW PADRES—STATIONS ASSIGNED—FouND- 
ING OF SAN ANTONIO—TRANSFER OF SAN CARLOS TO CARMELO Bay— 
Events at San DrrGo—DESERTIONS—RETIREMENT OF PARRON AND 
GoMEZ—ESTABLISHING OF SAN GABRIEL—OUTRAGES BY SOLDIERS. 


At San Diego during Portold’s absence no progress 
had been made in mission work, save perhaps the ad- 
dition of a palisade and a few tule huts to the build- 
ings. The governor’s return in January 1770, from 
his unsuccessful trip to Monterey, had no effect to 
brighten the aspect of affairs, since he was much dis- 
heartened, and not disposed to afford aid to the presi- 
dent in advancing the interests of a mission that would 
very likely have to be abandoned. So nothing was 
done beyond making a new corral for the horses. 
Serra and Parron were just recovering from the 
scurvy, and Vizcaino was still suffering from the 
arrow wound in his hand.’ Portold’s plan was to 
make a careful inventory of supplies, reserve enough 
for the march. to Velicaté, and abandon San Diego 
when the remainder should be exhausted, which would 


1 Kight of the volunteers had died. Portold, Diario, MS., 34. 
(164 ) 


“MUST CALIFORNIA BE ABANDONED ? 165. 


be a little after the middle of April, the 20th being 
fixed as the date of departure. 

The friars, especially Serra and Crespi, were greatly 
disappointed at the governor’s resolution. They were 
opposed to the idea of abandoning an enterprise so 
auspiciously begun, though how they expected the 
soldiers to live does not clearly appear. Portoldé was 
probably somewhat too much inclined to look at the 
dark side; while the president perhaps allowed his 
missionary zeal to impair his judgment. So far as 
they were concerned, personally, Serra and Crespi 
resolved to stay in the country at all hazards; and for 
the result they could only trust in providence to send 
supplies before the day set for departure. They re- 
ceived some encouragement, however, from Captain 
Vila, who, judging from the description, agreed with 
Serra that the northern port where a cross had been 
left was really Monterey. Furthermore it is said 
that Vila made a secret promise to take the priests on 
board the San Carlos, wait at San Diego for another 
vessel, and renew the northern coast enterprise.” 

On the 11th of February Rivera was despatched 
southward, with nineteen or twenty soldiers, two 
muleteers, two natives, eighty mules, and ten horses. 
He was accompanied by Padre Vizcaino whose lame 
hand procured him leave of absence; and his destina- 
tion was Velicatdé, where he was to get the cattle 
that had been left there, and such other supplies as 
inight be procurable. He carried full reports to secu- 
Jar and Franciscan authorities of all that had thus 
far befallen the expedition, bearing also a letter from 
Serra to Palou, in which the writer bewailed the 
prospect of failure and announced his intention to 
remain to the last. After some skirmishes with the 
savages, two of whom had to be killed to frighten 
away the rest, Rivera reached Velicaté February 
25th, at once setting about his task of gathering sup- 
plies, in which he was zealously seconded by Palou; 


?Palou, Vida, 95-6. 


166 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


but some months passed before he could be ready to 
march northward—indeed, before he was ready the 
urgent necessity had ceased. 


Meanwhile at San Diego men and officers were 
waiting, preparations were being made for departure, 
friars were praying, and days were passing one by 
one, but yet no vessel came. The only conversation 
was of abandoning the northern country, and every 
word was an arrow to the soul of the pious Junifpero; 
but he. could only pray unceasingly, and trust to the 
intercession of Saint Joseph the great patron of the 
expedition. In his honor a novena—nine days’ public 
prayer—was instituted, to culminate in a grand cere- 
monial entreaty on the saint’s own day, March the 
19th, the day-before the one of final abandonment. 

Gently smiled the morning sun on that momentous 
morrow as it rose above the hills and warmed to hap- 
piness the myriads of creatures beneath its benignant 
rays. Surpassingly lovely the scene; the beautiful 
bay in its fresh spring border hiding behind the hills 
like a sportive girl from briny mother ocean. At-an 
early hour the fathers were abroad on the heights, 
for they could neither eat nor rest. The fulfilment or 
failure of their hopes was now to be determined. The 
day wore slowly away; noon came, and the hours of 
the afternoon, and yet no sail appeared. The suspense 
was painful, for it was more than life to these holy 
men, the redemption of the bright, fresh paradise; 
and so all the day they watched and prayed, watched 
with strained eyes, and prayed, not with lips only but 
with all those soul-longings which omniscience alone 
can translate. Finally, as the sun dropped below the 
horizon and all hope was gone, a sail appeared in the 
distance like a winged messenger from heaven, and 
before twilight deepened into darkness the so ardently 
longed-for vessel was in the offing. California was 
saved, blessed be God! and they might yet consum- 
mate their dearly cherished schemes. 





nel i 


= ce > Tae 





COMING OF RELIEF. 167 


The fourth day thereafter the San Antonio anchored 
in the bay, whence she had sailed the previous July. 
She had reached San Blas in twenty days, and both 
Galvez and the viceroy gave immediate orders to pro- 
vide the needed supplies. After certain vexatious but 
unavoidable delays, she had again turned her prow 
northward in December. Perez had orders to sail 
for Monterey direct, where it was supposed Portoldé 
would be found; but fortunately he was obliged to 
enter the Santa Barbara channel for water, and the. 
natives explained that the land expedition had re- 
turned southward. Hiven then Perez in his perplexity 
would have gone to Monterey had not the loss of an 
anchor forced him to turn about just in time to pre- 
. vent the abandonment of San Diego. The San An- 
tomo brought abundant supplies, and she also brought 
instructions from Galvez and Viceroy Croix, one or 
both of which facts drove from Portolé’s mind all 
thought of abandoning the conquest.. He made haste 
in his preparations for a return to Monterey with 
Serra and Crespi, setting out overland April 17th, 
after despatching the San Antomo northward the day 
before. 

There were left at San Diego, Vila with a mate and 
five sailors on the San Carlos, Sergeant Ortega and 
eight soldiers de cuera as a guard, Parron and Gomez 
as regular ministers in charge of the mission, and ten 
Lower Californians as laborers. The San Carlos had 
orders to receive a crew from the San José when that 
most uncertain craft should arrive, and then proceed 
to Monterey. Simultaneously with the departure of 
the northern expedition two natives had been sent 
south with letters which reached Velicaté in nine 
days, and Loreto late in May. All went quietly with 
the little company left to struggle spiritually with the 
southern gentilidad. Let it be hoped that before the 
end of 1770 the missionaries succeeded in making a 
few converts, as they probably did, but.there is no 
positive record of a single baptism. Rivera with his 


168 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


nineteen or twenty soldiers, over eighty mules laden 
with supplies, and one hundred and sixty-four head of 
cattle, having left Velicaté in May,’ arrived in July. 
About the same time messengers came down by land 
announcing the successful occupation of Monterey, and 
the intention of Portold to come down by sea and take 
the San Carlos for San Blas. Vila, accordingly, made 
ready for departure, obtaining a soldier and two mule- 
teers to reénforce his crew; but as the San Antonio 
did not appear, and his own vessel was being injured 
by her long stay, in August the worthy captain shook 
out his idle sails and made for San Blas. He died a 
little later, and his pioneer paquebot had to return to 
California under a new commander.* 


Let us turn again toward the north with the expe- 
ditions sent out by land and sea to renew the search 
for Monterey. The San Antonio sailed from San Diego 
April 16th, having on board besides Perez and crew— 
Miguel del Pino being second officer—Junipero Serra, 
Miguel Costansé, Pedro Prat,’ and a cargo of stores 
for a new mission. Next day Portold set out by land, 
his company consisting of Fages: with twelve Cata- 
lan volunteers and seven soldados de cuera, Padre 
Crespi, two muleteers, and five natives. They followed 
the same route as before, recovered in the Sierra de 
Santa Lucia an Indian who had deserted on the former 
trip, and finally encamped on the 24th of May near 
the spot where they had left the second cross the 
winter before on the bay shore. They found the cross 
still standing, but curiously surrounded and adorned 
with arrows, sticks, feathers, fish, meat, and clams 
evidently deposited there by the savages as offerings 
to the strangers’ fetich. And later when the natives 

3 April 14th, according to Monterey, Estracto de Noticias. 

* On San Diego events of 1770 see Palou, Not., i. 423-6, 432-9, 460-1; Jd., 
Vida, 88-104, 

5 By computation there should also have been on board 2 mechanics, 5 
servants, 3 muleteers, and 6 Lower Californians; but it is doubtful if these 


figures are correct, especially in the items of Indians and muleteers, not a 
very useful class of persons on board a ship. 


OFFERINGS TO THE CROSS. 169 


had learned to make themselves understood, to speak 
as best should please their teachers, some strange tales 
they told, how the cross had been illuminated at night 
and had grown in stature till it seemed to reach the 
heavens, moving the gentiles to propitiate by their 
offerings this Christian symbol that it might do them 
noharm. As Portola, Crespi, and Fages walked along 
the beach that afternoon returning from a visit to the 
cross, they looked out over the placid bay, ruffled only 
by the movements of seals and whales, and they said, 
all being of one accord, “This is the port of Monterey 
which we seek, just as Vizcaino and Cabrera Bueno 
describe it”—and so it was, the only wonder being that 
they had not known it before. Soon for lack of fresh 
water camp was moved across to Carmelo Bay. 

A. week later, on the last day of May, the San 
Antomo hove in sight off Point Pinos; fires were 
lighted on shore for her guidance; and she entered the 
harbor by Cabrera’s sailing directions. She had at 
first been driven south to latitude 30°, and then north 
to the Ensenada de los Farallones, where she might 
have explored the port of San Francisco and the 
newly discovered inland bay had not Perez’ orders 
required him to steer direct for Monterey. June Ist 
the governor, friar, and lieutenant crossed over from 
Carmelo to welcome the new arrival, and the order 
was given to transfer the camp back to the port of 
Monterey, about whose identity there was ‘no longer 
any doubt; for close search along the shore revealed 
the little ravine with its pools of fresh water, the trees, 
and even the wide-spreading oak whose branches 
touched the water at high tide and under which mass 
had been said by Ascension in 1602,° all as in olden 
time except the crowds of friendly natives. 

6 ‘Hizose la Iglesia 4 la sombra de una grande Encina, que con algunas de 
sus ramas llegaba 4 la Mar, y cerca de ella, en una Barranquilla, 4 veinte pas- 
sos, havia unos pozos en que havia agua muy buena.’ Venegas, Not. Cal., ili. 
101-2, quoted from Torquemada. According to Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 
54, the tree under which Ascension said mass in 1602, and Serra in 1770, is 


still standing, being that under which a new cross was set up on the 100th 
anniversary June 3, 1870; but as the latter tree is at some distance from the 


170 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


On the 3d of June all were assembled on the beach, 
where an enramada, or shelter of branches, had been 
erected and a cross made ready near the old oak. 
Water was blessed, the bells were hung, and the fiesta 
began by loud and oft-repeated peals. Then Father 
Junipero donned his alb and stole, and all on bended 
knee chanted the venite creator spiritus, after which 
the cross was planted and blessed, and the good friar 
sprinkled beach and fields with holy water, thus “ put- 
ting to rout all infernal foes.” An image of. the holy 
virgin presented by Archbishop Lorenzana of Mexico 
having been set up on the altar, mass was said by 
Serra amidst the thunder of cannon and the crack of 
musketry, followed by a salve to the image and a 
te deum laudamus. The church ceremonies ended, 
Portola proceeded to take formal possession in the 
name of Carlos III. by hoisting and saluting the royal 
flag of Spain, and going through the usual forms of 
pulling grass, throwing stones, and recording all in 
the prescribed acta. Finally the officers and friars 
ate together under the shade of trees near the shore, 
while the soldiers and others enjoyed their feast a little 
apart. 

Thus were formally founded on June 3, 1770, the 
mission and presidio of San Carlos Borromeo de 
Monterey.’ The mission was founded in the name of 


tide-water the identity may be questioned. David Spence, an old and well 
known citizen of Monterey; said that Junipero’s tree was shown him in 1824 
by Mariano Estrada, and that it fell in 1837 or 1838, the water having washed 
away the earth from its roots. Spence thought there was no doubt of its 
identity. Yaylor’s Discov. and Founders, ii., No. 24, 5. 

7S$t Charles Borromeo was born at Arona near Milan, Italy, in 1538. He 
was son of the Count of Arona, nephew of Pope Pius IV., archbishop of 
Milan, and cardinal. Dying in 1584, he was canonized in 1610. A word is 
necessary to remove certain difficulties into which modern writers and modern 
usage have fallen respecting the name of this mission. This name was 
always San Carlos; San Carlos de Monterey was simply San Carlos at Mon- 
terey, that port having been named long before. When the mission was 
moved to Carmelo bay and river it was naturally spoken of as San Carlos del 
Carmelo, or San Carlos at Carmelo, a port also named long before. But Mon- 
terey being a prominent place the mission continued to be often called San 
Carlos at Monterey, or San Carlos at Carmelo near Monterey, as the Spanish 
preposition de may best be translated. But again the full name of the bay 
and river Carmelo was Nuestra Sefiora del Monte Carmelo, or Nra. Sra. del 
Carmen, and hence anew source of confusion arose, all of which, however, 


ee 


a Se ne Tn, Dae ee ee a 





EE a a ee sae De er ad ete an AD al 


MISSION OF SAN CARLOS. 171 


the college of San Fernando; Saint Joseph was named 
as patron; and Crespi was appointed as associate min- 
ister with Serra. A few humble huts were at once 
erected on a site surveyed by Costansd, a gunshot 
from the beach and three times as far from the port, 
on an inlet which communicated with the bay at high 
water. These buildings constituted both presidio and 
mission, as at San Diego, being enclosed by a palisade. 
One of the huts was completed and blessed as a tem- 
porary church on the 14th of June, when a grand pro- 
cession took place; bells were rung, and guns were 
fired; but thus far no natives appeared, being fright- 
ened it is said by the noise of cannon and musketry. 

A. soldier and a young sailor volunteered to carry 
despatches with news of success to San Diego and to 
the peninsula. They started June 14th, met Rivera 
just below San Diego, were reénforced by five of his 
men, and finally carried their glad tidings to Gov- 
ernor Armona, who had just succeeded Portold, and 
to Padre Palou at Todos Santos, on the 2d of August. 
Salutes and thanksgiving masses celebrated the occa- 
sion at Loreto, Todos Santos, and Santa Ana, while 
Armona despatched a vessel to carry the news to the 
main. 


In accordance with previous orders from Galvez, 
Portoldé, as soon as a beginning was fairly made at 
Monterey, turned the government of the new estab- 
lishments over to Fages as military commandant, and 
sailed away in the San Antonio on the 9th of July. 
He took with him the engineer Costansé; and Perez 


may be removed by bearing in mind that the mission was always San Carlos, 
and that other words were used solely to express its locality. Tay'or, in Cal. 
Farmer, April 20, 1860, gives the following native names of locahties at Mon- 
terey; site of modern town Achiesta or Achasta; beach, Sukilta; Fort hill, 
Hunnukul; site of post-office, Shirista. About the date of foundation on June 
3d, there is no possible error. Palou, Serra, the mission books of San Carlos, 
and scores of official reports in later years confirm this. Vallejo, Hist. Ca/., 
MS., i. 66-8, and Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 23-4, are very positive that 
the mission was not founded till later; but these writers confound the found- 
ing with the subsequent transfer. See S. Cérlos, Lib. Mision, MS., Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., i. 109-10. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., v. pt. il. 33. 


172 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


intended to touch at San Diego to divide his crew 
with the San Carlos if the San José had not yet ap- 
peared, but, as we have seen, was not able to do so, 
and arrived at San Blas the Ist of August. Costansé 
and Perez went to Mexico as bearers of the news, 
arriving on the 10th, at which date the name of the 
former disappears from the annals of California for 
twenty years or more, at the end of which time we 
shall find him giving some sensible advice on Califor- 
‘nian affairs; while of Portolé nothing is known after 
his landing ‘at San Blas, except that he was governor 
of Puebla in 1779. He was first in the list of Cali- 
fornia rulers. His term of office may be regarded as 
having extended from April 1769 to July 9, 1770, 
and he is spoken of in the record both as governor 
and comandante; but, though there is some confusion 
respecting his exact title, it appears that that of 
military commandant is used with more propriety 
than the other.® 


Leaving the four friars under the protection of 
Fages and his nineteen men in the north and of Rivera 
with his twenty-two men in the south,’ busy in ear- 


8 Portola came to Lower California in 1768 as governor, the first the penin- 
sula had ever had; but when he volunteered to take command in person of 
the northern expedition, it seems that Armona was appointed to succeed him 
in the governorship. I do not know the exact date of Armona’s appointment, 
but he arrived at Loreto in June 1769, and went back to the mainland two 
weeks later without having taken possession of his office. In the mean time 
Gonzalez ruled as a kind of lieutenant-governor or military commandant until 
relieved in October 1769 by Toledo, who governed in the same capacity until 
Armona, who had failed to get his resignation accepted, returned in June 
1770 to rule until November, Moreno ruling, in much the same capacity 
apparently as Gonzalez and Toledo, until the arrival of Gov. Barri in March 
1771. Now while Gonzalez, Toledo, and Moreno cannot be properly credited 
with any authority in Upper California, their terms as interinos render it 
difficult to detine those of the proprietary governors. Thus, though Portola 
was in a sense governor of the Californias down to June 1770, since no regu- 
lar successor had taken possession of the office, I have nained him in my list 
of rulers of Alta California as commandant from the first settlement down 
to J wy 9, 1770. In Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, he is called comandante 
en gefe 

® Rivera and his men were expected to march to Monterey on their return 
from the peninsula, but for some unexplained reason, possibly dissatisfaction 
at Fages’ appointment to the chief command, Rivera remained at San Diego. 
According to Monterey, Estracto de Noticias, Fages had a force of over 30 
men besides Rivera’s force, which is an error. 


THE NEWS IN MEXICO. 173 


nest if not very successful efforts to attract and convert 
the gentiles of Monterey and San Diego, let us glance 
briefly at what was being done in Mexico to advance 
Spanish interests in the far north. We have seen 
that the news of success at Monterey had arrived by 
land at Loreto and by sea at San Blas early in August. . 
Therefore, the despatchés sent by Portoldé from San 
Blas reached Mexico in advance of the others on the 
10th. The news was received with great manifesta- 
tions of joy; the cathedral bells rang out their glad 
peals, those of the churches responding. A solemn 
thanksgiving mass was said at which all government 
dignitaries were present; and there followed a grand 
reception at which Galvez and Croix received con- 
gratulations in the royal name for this last extension 
of the, Spanish domain. Immediate and liberal pro- 
vision was made for the new establishments. So 
favorable were the reports on both country and inhab- 
itants that it was resolved at once to forward all 
needed aid and to found five new missions above San 
Diego. The guardian of San Fernando was asked to 
furnish ten friars for these missions, besides twenty 
more for old and new missions in the peninsula. For- 
tunately a large number of Franciscans had lately 
arrived from Spain, and after some deliberation and 
discussion resulting in a determination to secularize 
the Sierra Gorda missions, the required missionaries 
were furnished.” 

These arrangements were all made within six days 
after the news arrived, and under the date of August 
16th the viceroy caused to be printed in the govern- 
ment printing-office for general circulation a résumé 
in pamphlet form of all that had been accomplished 
by the northern expeditions, the present condition 
of the new presidios and missions, and of what had 

10The 10 were Antonio Paterna, president en route, Antonio Cruzado, 
Buenaventura Sitjar, Domingo Juncosa, Francisco Dumetz, José Cavaller, 
Angel Somera, Luis Jaume, Miguel Pieras, and Pedro Benito Cambon. They 
were to receive each a stipend of $275 a year, and $400 travelling expenses. 


Each new mission received $1,000 and the necessary vestments, including a 
specially fine ornamento, or set of vestments, for Monterey. é 


174 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


been decided upon respecting aid for further exten- 
sion." The San Antonio was to sail from San blag 
in October with the ten friars and a full cargo of 
supplies. The priests set out from the college in 
that month, but were obliged to wait at Tepic until 
January 20, 1771, before the vessel could be made 
ready for sea.” The viceroy in his letter to Fages 
states that Rivera is ordered to put his men at 
the commandant’s disposal, and the captain of the 
company at Guaymas has orders to send twelve men 
to supply the places of those who had died on the 
voyage. In 1771 the only thing to be noticed is 
the memorial presented in December to the viceroy 
by the guardian of San Fernando, at the suggestion 
of Palou. Twelve of the eighteen articles of this 
document were suggestions for the welfare of the new 
establishments, some of them founded on minor dis- 
agreements which already began to manifest them- 
selves between the military and missionary authorities. 


At Monterey after Portold’s departure little was 
accomplished during the year 1770. For want of 


11 Monterey, Hstracto de Noticias del Puerto de Monterey, de la Mision, y 
Presido que se han establecido en él con la denominacion de San Carlos, y del 
sucesso de las dos Hxpediciones de Mar, y Tierra que & este fin se despacharon 
en el aio proximo anterior de 1769. Mexico 16 de Agosto de 1770. Con 
licencia y orden del Ex™o Seftor Virrey. En la Imprenta del Superior Govi- 
erno. Fol., 3 unnumbered leaves. This rare tract is in my collection, and it 
is reprinted also in Palou’s Noticias. When this notice was printed the 
despatches from Loreto had not yet arrived. 

22 Palou, Vida, 113-16, says she sailed Jan. 2d. 

13 Letter dated Nov. 12th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 69-71. 

M4 1st. That the commandants at San Diego and Monterey be made to obey 
more closely the instructions of Galvez. (There had been some disagreement 
with the friars in connection with the desertion of an arriero.) 2d. That some 
families of Christian natives be sent up from Baja California to serve as 
laborers. 3d. That a guard or presidio be established at San Buenaventura. 
4th. That these natives be kindly treated. 5th. That the train of mules be 
increased for service from Sonora and the peninsula. 6th. That presidios and 
missions be supplied for 18 months by the service of two snows. 7th. That 
San Francisco be explored, Monterey being as some sayno harbor. 9th. That 
mission temporalities should be wholly under control of the friars, with the 
power of removing servants and officials. 14th. Vessels for Monterey should 
sail in February or April. 15th. A proper limosna, or allowance, should be 
granted to friars going or coming. 16th. San Diego, Monterey, and San 
Buenaventura should have the $1,000 allowed to new missions. 18th. Sol- 
diers should be supplied with rations so as to be able to do escort duty. Palou, 
Not., i. 120-3. 


CONVERSIONS AT SAN CARLOS. 175 


priests and of soldiers” nothing was done towards 
the founding of San Buenaventura, although the 
necessary supplies were lying in readiness at San 
Carlos. Meanwhile Serra and Crespt worked among 
the Eslenes, who under: the influence of gifts and 
kindness were fast losing their timidity. A Baja 
Californian neophyte who had learned the native 
dialect rendered great assistance; preaching soon 
began; and on December 26th the first baptism was 
administered.” 


The San Antonio anchored at Monterey May 21, 
1771, having on board the ten priests already named, 
except that Gomez from San Diego was in place of 
Dumetz, with all the necessary appurtenances for the 
establishing of five new missions. The father presi- 
dent’s heart was filled with joy, and he was enabled 
to celebrate the festival of corpus Christi on the 30th 
with a community of twelve friars. The five new 
missions proposed, in addition to San Buenaventura, 
were San Gabriel, San Luis Obispo, San Antonio, 


15 Palou, Vida, 104-6, says it was for want of soldiers, because Rivera did 
not come up as expected; but he says nothing of the fact that there were no 
padres available. 

16 Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 22, mentions some writings of the soldier 
J. B. Valdés to the effect that the Baja Californians conversed readily with 
the Eslenes, and he is disposed to believe after much inquiry that the language 
was to some extent understood. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 55-6, names the 
interpreter Maximiano, and states that the Eslen chief lived near the spring 
called Agua Zarca on what was later the rancho of Guadalupe Avila. Un- 
fortunately the first book of baptisms for San Carlos has been lost, and the 
exact number of converts for the early years is not known. The first burial 
was on the day of founding June 3d, when Alejo Nifio one of the San Antonio’s 
crew was buried at the foot of the cross. According to Palou, Not., i. 451, 
he was a calker; the mission record makes himacadete. The tirst interment 
ia the cemetery was that of Ignacio Ramirez, a mulatto slave from the San 
Antonio, who had money ready to purchase his freedom. There were four 
more deaths during the year, three of sailors and one of a Baja Californian. 
The first marriage did not take place till Nov. 16, 1772. San Carlos, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 84; V'aylor’s Odds and Ends, 4. A writer in the Revista Cientifica, 
i. 328, tells us that the mission of Carmen or Monte Carmelo was founded 
June 3d on the gulf of Carmelo, but never progressed much. A newspaper 
item extensively circulated speaks of an Indian woman still living in 1869 
who was the mother of two children when the mission church was built. 
Shea, Cath. Miss., 94, calls the mission Monte Carmel. Tuthill, Hist. Cal., 
80-1, says that Portold retired by water and Rivera by land, leaving Junipero 
with 5 friars and Fages with 30 soldiers. 


176 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


Santa Clara, and San Francisco. There were sent 
only missionaries sufficient for five of the six, and as 
Parron and Gomez, unfitted for duty by the scurvy, 
had to be granted leave of absence, still another mis- 
sion must wait, San Francisco and Santa Clara being 
selected for that purpose. The president immediately 
announced the distribution of priests to their respec- 
tive missions,” and on the 7th of June the six intended 
for the south sailed in the San Antonio for San Diego, 
ages accompanying them. 

Only one of the northern missions could be founded 
until Fages should bring or send north some of Rive- 
ra’s soldiers, but Serra set out early in July with ar 
escort of eight soldiers, three sailors, and a few Indian 
workmen for the Hoya de la Sierra de Santa Lucia, 
named by the first land expedition, where he proposed 
to establish the first mission under Pieras and Sitjar 
who accompanied him. His route was probably up 
the Salinas River and the Arroyo Seco, and the site 
selected was an oak-studded glen named Cafiada de los 
Robles® on a fine stream. Here the bells were hung 
on a tree and loudly tolled, while Fray Junipero 
shouted like a madman: ‘‘Come gentiles, come to the 
holy church, come and receive the faith of Jesus 
Christ!” until Father Pieras reminded the enthusiast 
that there was not a gentile within hearing and that 
it would be well to stop the noise and go to work 
Then a cross was erected, the president said mass 
under a shelter of branches, and thus was founded on 
July 14, 1771, the mission of San Antonio de Padua.” 


1’ The distribution was as follows: San Diego, Luis Jaume and Francisco 
Dumetz; San Buenaventura, Antonio Paterna and Antonio Cruzado; San Luis 
Obispo, Domingo Juncosa and José Cavaller; San Gabriel, Angel Somera and 
Pedro Benito Cambon; San Antonio, Miguel Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar; 
San Carlos, Junipero Serra and Juan Crespi. 

18 The native name of the site was Texhaya according to Dept. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxxi. 49, or Sextapay according to Taylor, note on the fly- 
leaf of Cuesta, Vocabulari io, MS. 

19 Palou, Vida, 122. 

20 5. Antonio, Lib. de Mision, MS., 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 112-15; Palou, 
Not., ii. 24-5, tells us of an old woman who applied for baptism, and who wher 
a girl had heard her father speak of a padre dressed like these, who cane tz 


—— 


ee ee ea eC ee 


FOUNDING OF SAN ANTONIO. 177 


Only one native witnessed the ceremonies, but he soon 
brought in. his companions in large numbers, who 
brought pine-nuts and seeds, all they had to give, and 
aided in the work of building a church, barracks, and 
house for the missionaries, all of which were on a 


-humble scale and protected as usual by a palisade. 


The natives seemed more tractable than at either San 
Diego or Monterey, and the ministers had hopes of a 
great spiritual conquest, the first baptism taking place 
the 14th of August.” Leaving the harvest to the 
reapers and their guard of six soldiers, I return with 
Serra to Monterey at the end of July. 

Soon after the establishing of San Carlos Padre 
Junipero had determined to transfer the mission to 
Carmelo Valley. His avowed reason was lack of 
water and fertile soil at Monterey; but it is likely 
that he also desired to remove his little band of neo- 
phytes, and the larger flock he hoped to gather, from 
immediate contact with the presidio soldiers, always 
regarded by missionaries with more or less dread as 
necessary evils tending to corrupt native innocence. 
The necessary permission for the transfer came up by 
the San Antonio on her third trip,” and two days after 
her departure, before going to found San Antonio, 
the president crossed over to select the new site. 
There he left three sailors and four Indians from the 
peninsula at work cutting timber, and making prepa- 
rations under the watchful eyes of five soldiers who 
were charitably supposed to lend occasional assist- 
the country flying through the air and preaching Christian doctrines. Gomez, 
Lo que sabe, MS., 53-4, records the tradition that the ringing of the bells 
frightened away the natives; and that subsequently they refused to eat cheese 
believing it to be the brains of dead men. San Antonio de Padua was born 
in Lisbon in 1195, died at Padua in 1231, and was canonized in 1232. He was 
a famous preacher, his sermons affecting even the fishes, and a zealous propa- 
gator of the Franciscan order. His day, as celebrated by the church, is June 
13th. 

21P. Serra in his Representacion, MS., of May 21, 1773, says the work of 
building was hurried to get ready for farming, and that it was hindered by 
Fages taking away the best soldiers. Hight mules were left at the mission. 

"22 Nov. 12, 1770, Viceroy Croix writes to Fages that San Carlos mission is 
to be established on the Rio Carmelo witha suflicient guard of soldiers. Prov. 


St. Pap. , MS. 1, 70. 
nae Cau. Vou. I, 12 


178 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


ance. Back from San Antonio in August he again 
went over to Carmelo to hasten the movements of 
the workmen, who were proceeding very leisurely; 
but it was several months before the palisade square 
enclosing wooden chapel, dwelling, storehouse, guard- 
house, and corrals could be completed; and it was the 
end of December when the formal transfer took place, 
the exact date being unknown. The two ministers 
took up their permanent residence in their new home, 
Juncosa and Cavaller assisting temporarily both at 
mission and presidio.” 


Events at San Diego during the year 1771 were by 
no means exciting or important. Beyond the baptism 
of a very few natives, the exact number being un- 
known, no progress in mission work is recorded; but 
Rivera with his force of fourteen men, in addition to 
Ortega’s regular mission guard of eight, would seem 
to have passed the time comfortably so far as work is 
concerned. In April, when the San Antonio touched 
at this port with her load of friars, the two ministers 
were both disabled by scurvy, and Gomez went up to 
Monterey, while Dumetz took his place. On July 
14th the vessel returned with six padres besides 
Gomez, who had leave of absence and was on his way 
to Mexico. Parron retired at about the same time, 
overland, to the missions of the peninsula. Captain, 
Perez sailed the 21st.% Fages came down with the 
priests, and the intention was to establish San Gabriel 
at once; but local troubles caused delay. The day 
after the vessel’s departure nine soldiers and a mule- 
teer deserted. Padre Paterna was induced by Fages 
to go with a few soldiers and a pardon signed in blank 
to bring them back. His mission was successful, and 


23'Vallejo and Alvarado, as I have already noted, insist on regarding this 
as the veritable founding of the mission. Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 20, 
1860, says the transfer was in 1772 and that the mission became known as 
San Carlos Borromeo del Carmelo de Monterey. 

*4Serra, San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 7, says however that Parron 
went, apparently by land, to Baja California; and Palou, Vida, 129, says he 
went with a party by land, of which party nothing further is known. 


FOUNDING OF SAN GABRIEL. 179 


after having availed themselves of the ‘ church asylum’ 
the deserters returned to duty. Again, the 6th of 
August, a corporal and five soldiers deserted, return- 
ing on the 24th to steal cattle from the mission. This 
time Fages went out to bring them in by force, but 
found them strongly fortified and resolved to die 
rather than yield, and again, to save life, persuasion 
was employed, and Dumetz brought back the fugi- 
tives.” Respecting the real or pretended grievances 
of the soldiers we know nothing, but it is evident 
that some misunderstanding already existed between 
Fages and the friars, and that Palou’s record is intended 
to show the agency of the latter in its best light. 
Early in the autumn there arrived from Guaymas 
twelve Catalan volunteers. | 


Meanwhile on August 6th Somera and Cambon 
with a guard of ten soldiers and a supply-train of 
mules under four muleteers and four soldiers, who 
were to return, left San Diego to establish their new 
mission, following the old route northward. It had 
been the intention to place the mission on the River 
Santa Ana, or Jesus de los Temblores, but as no suit- 
able site was found there the party went farther and 
chose a fertile, well wooded and watered spot near the 
River San Miguel, so named on the return trip of the 
first expedition three years before,” and since known 
as the River San Gabriel. At first a large force of 
natives presented themselves under two chieftains and 
attempted by hostile demonstrations to prevent the 
purpose of the Spaniards; but when one of the padres 
held up a painting of the virgin, the savages instantly 
_ threw down their arms and their two captains ran up 

to lay their necklaces at the feet of the beautiful 
queen, thus signifying their desire for peace.” 

25 In a letter of Gov. Barri to Fages, dated Oct. 2, 1771, he advises the 


commandant not to grieve over the desertion of two soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS.512°72. 

26 Palou, Not., i. 477. The same author in his Vida, 129-30, implies that 
the site selected was on the Rio de los Temblores. , 

27 Tt is only in his Vida, 129-30, that Palou tells this story. 


180 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


The raising of the cross and regular ceremonial 
routine which constituted the formal founding of San 
Gabriel Arcdngel* took place on September 8th, 
and the natives cheerfully assisted in the work of 
bringing timber and constructing the stockade enclos- 


ure with its tule-roofed buildings of wood, continuing 


in the mean time their offerings of pine-nuts and acorns 
to the image of Our Lady.” ‘Though friendly as 
yet, the natives crowded into the camp in such num- 
bers that ten soldiers were not deemed a sufficient 
cuard; and Padre Somera went down to San Diego 
the Ist of October, returning on the 9th with a reén- 
forcement of two men. Next day a crowd of natives 
attacked two soldiers who were guarding the horses. 
The chief discharged an arrow at one of the soldiers, 
who stopped it with his shield, and killed the chief- 
tain with a musket-ball. Terrified by the destructive 
effects of the gun the savages fled, and the soldiers, 
cutting off the fallen warrior’s head, set it on a pole 


*8 The Archangel Gabriel has a place in several religions. To the Israel- 
ites he was the angel of death; according to the Talmud he was the prince of 
fireand ruled the thunder. He set fire io the temple of Jerusalem; appeared 
to Danieland Zacharias; announced to Mary the birth of Christ; and d:ctated 
the Koran to Mahomet. The last-named prophet describes him very fully, 
menvioning among other things 500 pairs of wings, the distance from one wing 
to another being 500 years’ journey. His day in the church calendar is 
March 18th. The mission was often called San Gabriel de los Temblores, the 
latter word like Carmelo with San Carlos indicating simply locality. It had 
been intended to mean San Gabriel on the River Temblores, but when another 
site was selected the name was retained meaning ‘San Gabriel in the region of 
Earthquakes,’ as ‘San Gabriel de San Miguel’ would have been awkward. Sce 
Serra, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 118; S. Gabriel Lib. de Mision, MS. The 
author of Los Angeles Hist., 5, isin error when he says that the San Gabriel 
River was called Temblores. The mission was not moved to its present site 
until several years later. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS.,i. 1381; Reid, Los Angeles 
Co., Ind., No. 17. San Gabriel was the only mission at the founding of which 
Serra had not assisted, and this was because Fages failed to notify him, as he 
had promised. Serra, Repres., 21 de Mayo, MS., 118. 

According to Hugo Reid, Los Angeles Co. Jnd., No. 16, who derived his 
information from traditions, the natives were greatly terrified at the first sight 
of the Spaniards; women hid; men put out the fires. They thought the stran- 
gers gods when they saw them strike fire from a flint, but seeing them killa 
bird, they put them down as human beings ‘of a nasty white color with ugly 
blue eyes;’ and later, as no violence was done, they called them chichinabros, 
or ‘reasonable beings.” Women used by the soldiers were obliged to undergo 
a long purification, and for a long time every child with white blood in its 
veins was strangled. Food given by the white men was buried in the woods, 
Brown sugar was long regarued as the excrement ot the new-comers. 


ee 


Ss 


——— 


TROUBLE AT SAN GABRIEL. 181 


before the presidio gates. The fugitive assailants 
came back after a few days to beg for their leader’s 
head; but it was only very gradually that they were 
induced to resume friendly relations with the friars, 
and frequent the mission as before. There is little 
doubt that their sudden hostility arose from outrages 
by the soldiers on the native women.” 

A few days after this affair Fages arrived from San 
Diego with two friars, sixteen soldiers,” and four 
muleteers in charge of a mule train, the force intended 
for the establishing of San Buenaventura. In conse- 
quence of the recent hostilities Faves decided to add 
six men to the guard of San Gabriel, and to postpone 
for the present the founding of a new mission. Pa- 
terna and Cruzado also remained at San Gabriel where 
they became the following year the regular ministers 
on the retirement of Somera and Cambon by reason 
of ill-health. Mission progress was extremely slow, 
the first baptism having been that of a child on 
November 27th, and the whole number during the 
first two years only seventy-three. This want of 
prosperity is attributed by Serra largely to the con- 
duct of the soldiers, who refused to work, paid no 
attention to the orders of their worthless corporal, 
drove away the natives by their insolence, and even 
pursued them to their rancherias, where they lassoed 

30Palou, Not., i. 478-9, says a soldier had outraged a woman in one of the 
rancherias. The same author in Vida, 130-2, tells us that the woman was the 
wife of the slain chieftain and the guilty soldier the one attacked. Serra in 
his Representacion, MS., of May 21, 1773, says that the first grievance of the 
natives was an order from Fages that only 5 or 6 of them should be admitted 
within the stockade at a time, followed by a secret order not to allow any 
gentiles at all to enter. Serra says decidedly that if he had been there he 
wou!d have ordered the padres to abandon the mission; for if they could have 
no intercourse with gentiles for what were they in the country at all? One 
day the so'diers went out to look for cattle, or more likely for women, and the 
chief captain was killed, his head being brought to the mission. In Serra’s 
eyes all misfortunes were chargeable to Fages. 

31 Palou, Not., i. 479, says distinctly that he had, 26 soldiers, 12 volunteers 
who had lately arrived from Baja California and 14 soldiers de cuera; but I 
think the last item should be 4 instead of 14, which agrees exactly with the 
available force at San Diego. Otherwise 10 cuera soldiers must have arrived 
from the south of which there is no record, or Fages must have brought 10 


with him from Monterey, which seems unlikely. A total of 16 also allows 
San Buenaventura 10 men, the same guard as that sent originally to 8. Gabriel. 


182 OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY. 


women for their lust and killed such males as dared to 
interfere.” Fages, probably with ten Catalan volun- 
teers, continued his march to Monterey at the end of 
1771. Rivera y Moncada does not appear at all in 
the annals of this period. He probably remained but 
a short time at San Diego before retiring to the penin- 
sula. It is not unlikely that he was already preparing 
the way by correspondence for the removal of Fages 
in his own favor.® 


52 Representacion de 21 de Mayo 1773, MS. Reform seems to have dated 
from a change of corporals, which probably took place late in 1772. 

33 In May 1771 he was at Santa Gertrudis. St. Pap. Mis. and Col., MS., i. 
52. On the period covered by this chapter see Palou, Not., i. 98-107, 120-3, 
424-80; Jd., Vida, 88-134. 


CHAPTER VIIL 


PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 
1772-1773. 


Events or 1772—SEARCH FOR THE Port oF SAN FRANCISCO—CRESPI’s DIARY— 
First EXPLORATION OF SANTA CLARA, ALAMEDA, AND CoNnTRA Costa 
Counties—Faces Discovers San Paso Bay, CaRQUINES STRAIT, AND 
San JOAQUIN RIVER— RELIEF SENT SoUTH—HARD TIMES AT MONTEREY— 
Livine oN BEAR-MEAT—F AGES AND SERRA Go SoutH—FouUnDING or SAN 
Luis Opispo—EVENTS ATSAN DiEGo—A QUARREL BETWEEN COMMANDANT 
AND PRESIDENT—SERRA GOES TO MEx1co—CEssion oF Lower CALIFOR- 
NIAN Misstons TO DoMINICANS—NEW PADRES FOR THE NORTHERN EStTaps- 
LISHMENTS—PALOU’s JOURNEY TO SAN DIEGO AND MONTEREY IN 1773. 


THE year 1772 was marked by an important explo- 
ration of new territory in the north. It added a mis- 
sion to the four already founded, brought three friars 
to reénforce Serra’s band of workers, and saw arrange- 
ments completed for a larger reénforcement through 
the yielding-up of the peninsular missions to the exclu- 
sive control of the Dominican order. Yet it was a 
year of little progress and of much hardship; it was a 
year of tardy supply-vessels, of unfortunate disagree- 
ments between the Franciscans and the military chief— 
disagreements which carried the president in person to 
Mexico to plead for reforms before Viceroy Bucareli, 
who had succeeded Croix in the preceding autumn. 

The San Antonio on her last trip had brought 
orders from the viceroy to Fages, requiring him to 
explore by sea or land the port of San Francisco, and, 
acting in accord with Serra, to establish a mission 
there, with a view to secure the harbor from foreign 
ageoression.* 


1Dated Nov. 12, 1770, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 70. It was received by 


Fages at Monterey in May 1771. Ne 
( ) 


184 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 


After the spring rains had ceased, the commandant 
for the first time wag able to obey the order as to 
exploration, but there were neither friars nor soldiers 
for a mission, though the supplies were lying at San 
Carlos.? Accordingly with Crespi, twelve soldiers, a 
muleteer, and an Indian, Fages started from Monterey 
on the 20th of March and crossed over to the river 
Santa Delfina, now the Salinas. As the first explo- 
ration by Europeans of a since important portion of 
California, the counties of Santa Clara, Alameda, and 
Contra Costa, this trip, fully described by Crespi,’ 
deserves to be followed somewhat closely. 

The second day’s march brings the party to the 
San Benito stream, still so called, near what is now 
Hollister; and on the 22d they cross San Pascual 


plain into San Bernardino Valley and encamp a little , 


north of the present Gilroy. Thence they proceed 
north-westward and enter the great plain of the 
“Robles del Puerto de San Francisco,” in which 
they have been before, in November 1769, that is, 
the Santa Clara Valley. Their camp the 24th is 
near the south-eastern point of the great “ brazo de 
mar,’ near the mouth of what they call Encarnacion 
Arroyo, now Penitencia Creek, on the boundary line 
between Santa Clara and Alameda counties. The 
peninsula to their left having been previously ex- 
plored, and the object being to pass round the great 
inlet and reach San Francisco under Point Reyes, 
Fages continues to the right along the foot-hills be- 
tween the shore and Coast Range. 

His camp on Wednesday the 25th is beside a large 
stream, called by him San Salvador de Horta, now 


?Palou, Vida, 134-5, says that Serra proposed the exploration and Fages 
consented. This is probably accurate enough in acertain sense; but the friars 
had a noticeable habit of claiming for themselves all the credit for each move- 
ment, and omitting any mention of secular orders and agencies—an omission 
that evidently did not always result from forgetfulness. 

3 Crespt, Diario que se formé en el registro que se hizo del puerto de Ntro. 
P. San Francisco, in Palou, Not., i. 481-501. <A brief résumé of the same 
exp.oration is given in /d., ii. 46. Among modern writers, Hittell, Hist. 
San Francisco, has given a brief and inaccurate account from Crespi’s diary. 


ee 


— 


DISCOVERY OF ALAMEDA. 185 


Alameda Creek, at a point near Vallejo’s Mill. Next 
day deer and bears are plentiful, and traces are seen 
of animals which the friar imagines to be buffaloes, 
but which the soldiers pronounce burros, or “jackass 
deer,” such as they had seen in New Mexico. Cross- 
ing five streams, two large ones, now San Lorenzo 
and San Leandro creeks, and two small ones, they 
reach the Arroyo del Bosque, on a branch of the bay 
which with another similar branch forms a peninsula, 
bearing a grove of oaks—the site of the modern town 
of Alameda. They are near the shore of San Lean- 
dro Bay, and probably on Brickyard Slough. On 
Friday’s march they have to climb a series of low 
hills, Brooklyn, or Hast Oakland, in order to get 
round ‘an estuary which, skirting the grove, extends 
some four or five leagues inland until it heads in the 
sierra —San Antonio Creek and Merritt Lake. 
Thence coming out into a great plain, they halt 
about three leagues from the starting-point, opposite 
the “mouth by which the two great estuaries com- 
municate with the Ensenada de los Farallones’— 
that is, they stop at Berkeley and look out through 
the Golden Gate, noting three islands in the bay.* 
Continuing a league the Spaniards encamp on what is 
now Cerrito Creek, the boundary between Alameda 
~ and Contra Costa counties. 

For the next two days they follow the general 
course of the bay coast, note ‘‘a round bay like a ‘ 
great lake’”—San Pablo Bay—large enough for ‘all 
the armadas of Spain,” where they see whales spout- 
ing. They are kindly received in what is now Pinole 
Valley, by a rancheria of gentiles, “‘ bearded and of 
very light complexion.” They attempt to pass round 
the bahia redonda, but are prevented by a narrow 
estuary, the Strait of Carquines. Journeying along 
the treeless hills that form its shores, they are hos- 
pitably treated at five large native villages, some even 


*One of them, Angel, was probably not known to be an island until the 
party saw it from a point farther north. 


186 PROGRESS,OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 


coming across from the other shore in rafts, and 
finally they encamp on a stream near the shore, prob- 
ably the Arroyo del Hambre near Martinez.’ March 
30th they advance two leagues to a large stream— 
Arroyo de las Nueces, near Pacheco; cross the fine 
valley of Santa Angela de Fulgino— Mt Diablo 
Creek; pass two rancherias of friendly natives; and 
enter a range of low hills—in the vicinity of Willow 
Pass. From the summit they look down on the two 
broad rivers and valleys, since so well known, with 
the various channels, sloughs, and islands about 
their junction—all very accurately described in the 
diary. Leaving the hills they pass on four or five 
leagues across the plain to a small stream on which 
they pitch their camp half a mile from the bank of 
the great river, “the largest that has been discovered 
in New Spain,” which is named Rio de San Fran- 
cisco. They are on the San Joaquin, at or near An- 
tioch.° 

To carry out the original purpose of “passing on to 
Point Reyes to examine the port of San Francisco” it is 
now necessary to cross the great rivers, for which they 
have no boats, or to “go round them” for which they 
lack men and supphes.’ It is, accordingly, determined 
to return to Monterey, but by a shorter route than 
that along the bay shore. Recrossing on the last day 
of the month the range of hills and the Santa Angela 
plain, they turn south-eastward by a pleasant cafiada— 
San Ramon Creek. During the first and second of 
April they pass through what are now known as San 
Ramon and Amador valleys into Sufol Valley, which 
they call Santa Coleta; thence through a pass to the 


5 Crespi makes the journey of the two days 15 leagues, and leaves his 
courses vague, implying that he was travelling always north-west. 
_ *Hittell, in his History of San Francisco and incidentally of California, 
p. 45, tells us that the Spaniards on this trip crossed the strait and tra- 
ti the broad hills and valleys intervening until they reached Russian 
iver! 
7Palou, Vida, 134-5, says the exploration was not concluded on account of 
bad news from San Diego; but he means that this news prevented subsequent 
trips. 


i ig 


TO THE MOUTH OF THE GREAT RIVERS, 187 


vicinity of Mission San José, and to their former 
route, encamping one league beyond the Encarnacion 
Arroyo where they had been March 24th, on a stream 
called San Francisco de Paula, in the vicinity of Mil- 
pitas. From the third to the fourth they return by 
the former route to Monterey, whence Cresp{ goes 
over to San Carlos and delivers his diary to the presi- 
dent. 

Then Padre Junipero, “seeing that it was impossi- 
ble to found at once the mission of our seraphic 
father San Francisco in his own port, since, as that 
port according to Cabrera Bueno was near Point 
Reyes, 1t was necessary to go to it by water, passing 
from Point Almejas to Point Reyes across the Inse- 
nada de los Farallones; or if by land, it was necessary 
to make a new exploration by ascending the great 
rivers in search of a ford; and since as itis not known 
if they extend far inland, or where they rise, a new 
expedition was necessary; therefore, his reverence 
determined in view of what had been discovered in 
this exploration to report to the viceroy” and await 
his instructions. ) 


During the commander’s absence Serra had received 
letters from San Diego and San Gabriel announcing 
ereat want of supplies, the departure of Cambon and 
Dumetz, and the illness of Somera. He therefore 
despatched Crespi south, and with him [ages sent an 
escort and some flour; but food was soon exhausted 
at Monterey and San Antonio, and, except for a very 
small quantity of vegetables and milk, the Spaniards 
were almost wholly dependent for sustenance on the 
natives.” Late in May, when the last extremity was 
reached, and there was yet no news of the vessels, 
Fages with thirteen men spent some three months 
hunting bears in the Cafiada de los Osos, thus supply- 
ing presidio and mission with meat until succor came. 


8 Oct. 14, 1772, the viceroy acknowledges receipt of Fages’ letter of June 
26th, complaining of scarcity of food. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 75. 


188 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 


At last the two transports arrived on the coast; but 
by reason of adverse winds they could not reach Mon- 
terey and therefore returned to San Diego.? Fages 
and Serra now started for the south late in August to - 
make arrangements for the transportation of supplies 
to San Carlos and San Antonio. Padre Cavaller 
went also, Juncosa and Pieras being left on duty at 
. Monterey, until October or November, when Crespi 
and Dumetz returned overland. The San Antonio 
also came up with supplies, but there is no record of 
subsequent events in the north for nearly a year. 


Vessels arriving promising relief from pressing 
needs, the president resolves on his way south to 
establish one of the new missions in the Cafiada de 
los Osos. He therefore takes with him Padre Ca- 
valler, the mission guard, and the required vestments 
and utensils. A site, called by the natives Tixlini, 
being selected, half a league from the famous cafiada 
but within sight of it, on the Ist of September Junt- 
pero raises the Christian symbol, says mass, and thus 
ushers-in the mission of San Luis Obispo de Tolosa.” 
Cavaller is left to labor alone at first, with five sol- 
diers, and two Indians to work on the buildings. The 
natives are, however, well disposed, retaining as they 
do a grateful remembrance of Fages’ recent services 
in ridding their country of troublesome bears. They 
are willing to work, offer their children for baptism, 
and even help with their seeds to eke out the friar’s 


® Letter of Serra to Palou from Monterey, Aug. 18th,in Palouw, Vida, 136-9. 

10 Saint Louis, bishop of Toulouse, son of Charles IT. of Naples, was born in 
1275, became a Franciscan in 1294, died in 1298, and was canonized in 1317. 
His day is August 19th. San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS. Fages calls 
the mission San Luis Obispo de los Tichos. Prov. St. Pap:, MS., i. 86. Ac- 
cording to Arch. Obispado, MS., 83, the mission had at first only 50 lbs. of 
flour and 3 almudes of wheat, so that life had to be sustained by seeds ob- 
tained from the natives. Dec. 2, 1772, the viceroy writes to Fages approving 
the founding of the mission in a spot where there is much good land and 
plenty of game. Prov. St. Pap., MS. i. 76. Serra, in San Diego, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., strangely calls the mission which he founded at this time San 
Luis Rey. The traditional old Indian woman who aided in building the mis- 
sion church is not wanting at San Luis. According to newspaper items she 
was named Lilila and died Aug. 1, 1874. 





FOUNDING OF SAN LUIS OBISPO. 189 


scanty supply of food. Additional soldiers and pro- 
visions are to be left on the return of the train from 
San Diego, and the associate minister Juncosa is to 
come down at the end of the year. The day after 
founding the mission Serra and Fages continue their 
journey.” It is the president’s first trip overland and 
he is delighted with all he beholds, with the pros- 
pects at San Luis, with the natives of the channel 
coast,” and with progress at San Gabriel, where he 
spends September 11th and 12th, and whence Father 
Paterna goes down to San Diego to return with the 
supply-train. 


Of events at San Diego and San Gabriel, prior to 
the arrival of Pages and Serra the 16th of Septem- 
ber, we know nothing save the illness of Somera, 
Cambon, and Dumetz, the departure of the last two 
for the peninsula, the coming of Crespi from the north 
in May, the return of Dumetz accompanied by Tomds 
de la Petia sent up by Palou to take Cambon’s place, 
and the arrival of the San Carlos and San Antonio in 
August. 

As soon as the San Carlos can be unloaded the 
mule train is made ready and despatched for the north 
September 27th, in charge of Crespi and Dumetz, who 
go to relieve Pieras and Juncosa at San Carlos. The 
San Antoni is to take her cargo to Monterey, and 
probably does so, though we have no further notice 
of her movements during this trip.” 

Serra now wishes to proceed with the founding of 

1 Serra had great hopes, but says he, ‘let us leave time to tell the story in 
the progress which I hope Christianity will make among them in spite of the 
Enemy who already began to lash his tail (meter la cola) by means of a bad 
soldier, who soon after arrival they caught in actual sin with an Indian 
woman, a thing which greatly grieved the poor padre.’ Serra, Repres. 21 de 
Mayo, MS., 117. 

2 Yet in his report to the viceroy of April 22, 1773, he refers to a disturb- 
ance here between the soldiers and Indians, in which one of the latter was 
killed and another severely wounded. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 101. 

3 Dec. 2, 1772, the viceroy writes to Fages reprimanding him for allowing 
the vessel to continue her voyage up to Monterey at this season. He should 


have unloaded her and forwarded her cargo by land. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i 
77-8. 


190 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 


San Buenaventura on the Santa Barbara Channel, as 
originally planned by José de Galvez five years before. 
He had visited its proposed site at Asuncion on his 
late trip, and has formed some sanguine expectations 
as to its future. His enthusiasm on this occasion, as 
on several others, seems to impair his judgment and 
causes him to forget that, with the present military 
force, it is impossible to furnish a suitable guard for a 
new mission, especially for one so far from the others 
and in so populous a region. I suppose that Fages 
very properly refused to furnish a guard until more 
soldiers should be sent to California.“ At any rate a 
bitter quarrel ensued between the two, respecting the 
merits of which few details are known, but in the 
course of which the hot-headed Fages, in the right at 
first, may very likely have exceeded the bounds of 
moderation and good taste; while the president, 
though manifestly unjust in his prejudice against the 


fo) 
commandant, was perhaps more politic and self-con- 


tained in his words and acts at the time, and has, 
moreover, the advantage of having left his side of the 
question more fully recorded than that of his antago- 
nist.% 


14 Palou, Vida, 146, says that Serra ‘consulted with comandante Fages 
about an escort and other assistance necessary for the founding, but he found 
the door closed, and that he (Fages) went on giving such directions that if 
they should be carried into effect, far from being able to found (the mission) 
they threatened the risk of losing what it had cost so much work to accom- 
plish. To prevent such a result, from which serious misfortunes might issue, 
the venerable padre used all the means suggested by his great prudence and 
well known skill; but in no way was he able to accomplish his purpose.’ The 
same author in Noticias, i. 509-10, says: ‘They spoke of the number of soldiers 
who were to remain, and of the manner in which the mission was to be man- 
aged, because he (Fages) had already meddled in the government of the mis- 
sions, already pretending that all belonged to him and not to the padres; so 
that the missions, instead of progressing, retrograded, and if the thing went 
on the reduction might be rendered impossible.’ 

15 Palou had alluded, in his J/emorial of December 1772, to misunderstand- 
ings between the military and missionary authorities. March 18, 1772, the 
viceroy in a letter to Fages, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 74-5, urges him to main- 
tain harmony, to listen to all complaints, to aid the padres with guards and 
supplies, to treat converts well, and to promote the mission work in eyery 
possible way. October 2d, Serra says to Fages that the padres are unwilling 
to take charge of the troops’ provisions, fearing quarrels, but will do it tem- 
porarily if military supplies be delivered in separate packages. Arch. Arzo- 
bispado, MS., i. 3. October Sth, Fages transcribes to Serra a communication 
from the viceroy, dated November 3, 1771, on the duty of president and 


SERRA QUARRELS WITH FAGES. 191 


The charges of the president against Fages were 
embodied in his Representacion of the following year. 
According to this document his offences were as fol- 
lows: Bad treatment of and haughty manners toward 
his men, causing them to hate him, as Serra had 
learned by long experience; incompetence to com- 
mand the cuera soldiers, since he belonged himself to 
another branch of the service; refusal to transfer sol- 
diers for bad conduct at the padres’ request; meddling 
with mission management and the punishment of neo- 
phytes as he had no right to do except for deditos de 
sangre, or grave offences; refusal to allow the padre 
a soldier to serve as majordomo, the soldier being 
transferred as soon as he became attached to a padre, 
on the plea that such attachment was subversive of 
the military authority; irregular and delayed delivery 
of letters and property directed to the padres, accord- 
ing to his whim, thus preventing the distribution of 
small gifts to the Indians; insolence and constant 
efforts to annoy the friars, who were at his mercy; 
delaying mission work by retaining at the presidio 
the only blacksmith; opening the friars’ letters, and 
neglect to inform them in time when mails were to 
start; taking away the mission mules for the use of 
the soldiers; and the retention under charge of the 
presidio of cattle intended for new missions. Some 
of these charges were doubtless unfounded, or at least 
exaggerated. 

It was partly on account of this difficulty with 
Fages that Serra determined to go in person to Mex- 
ico, but there were other motives that made such a 
trip desirable. The mission work in California had 
now beeu fairly begun, and from the actual working 
of the system the need of some changes had become 
padres to set a good example by obedience to the orders of the commandant. 
id. October 12th, Serra assures Fages that neither he nor his subordinates 
ever have failed or ever will fail in respect to the commandant’s orders. Id., 4. 

16 Serra, Representacion de 13 de Marzo 1773, in Palou, Not., i. 518-34, 
passim. He hints that he could say much worse things about his foe if it 


were necessary. There is also much against Fages in Serra, Repres., de 21 
de Mayo 1773, MS. 


192 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 


apparent, changes which thie president could advacate 
more effectually in person than by correspondence; 

and what made a visit to Mexico the more imperative 
in the padre’s opinion was the news that a new vice- 
roy, presumably ignorant of northern affairs, had come 
to New Spain the preceding autumn to succeed Croix, 
and that Galvez, California’s best friend, had also 
gone to Spain. ‘Only the most active efforts could 
keep up the old enthusiasm; and at least it was well 
to learn of what stuff Bucareli was made. 

Serra accordingly sailed on the San Carlos the 19th 
or 20th of October, taking with him a neophyte from 
Monterey who afterward received the rite of confir- 
mation at the hand of Archbishop Lorenzana. Of the 
president’s doings in Mexico I shall have something 
to say in the next chapter.” Shortly before the ves- 
sel sailed, Padre Somera had started for the penin- 
sula;* a little later Fages set out overland for Mon- 
terey; and in November the friars Juan Figuer and 
Ramon Usson arrived from the south, sent up by 
Palou at Serra’s request for the proposed mission of 
San Buenaventura. 


At a consultation between the Dominican vicar 
general and Rafael Verger the guardian of San Fer- 
nando College, an agreement was formed April 7, 
1772, by which all the missions of the peninsula were 
given up by the Franciscan to the Dominican order. 
The long series of negotiations and intrigues which 
led to this result has been presented elsewhere in con- 
nection with the annals of the peninsula,” and need 
not be repeated here. The Dominicans had worked 
hard for a division of the missions, which the Fran- 

He arrived at San Blas Nov. 4th, was at Tepic Nov. 10th, had very 
severe and dangerous attacks of illness at Guadalajara and Queré‘aro, and 
ieee arrived in Mexico in February,1773. Serra, in Bandini, Doc. Hist. ‘Cal., 
MS., 1, says he went so Mesico to plead for the extension of mis.ions, etc. 
nee in letter of Dec. 22, 1772, affirms that the padre left for Mexico ‘on 
mission business.’ Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 86-7. 

18 Possibly several months before, since he sailed from Loreto for San Blas 


on Oct. 19th. 
19 See IZist. North Mexican States, this series. 


. 


a ee ee ll 


FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS. 193 


eiscans had strenuously resisted. At first the new 
establishments of the north were hardly taken into 
the account by either party; but as the struggle con- 
. tinued, additional knowledge of the new country was 
constantly accumulating; and finally, when it was no 
longer possible to prevent a division, so flattering were 
the reports from Alta California that the peninsula 
was regarded as hardly worth the keeping, and was 
oladly relinquished by the guardian of the mother col- 
lege. The followers of Saint Dominic were pleased, 
for they obtained more than they had ever asked for. 
So far as is shown by the records Palou and Serra 
knew nothing of the cession until it was consummated, 
the latter first learning of it from retiring Franciscans 
whom he met at Tepic; yet it is difficult of belief that 
the guardian did not act on the direct advice of the 
two presidents, or that Padre Junfpero did not know 
_ what was brewing when he left San Diego. However 
that may have been, all three were satisfied with their 
bargain, as they had every reason to be. Later the 
division would have been on a very different basis. 

In August Palou received information of the agree- 
ment at Loreto. His acts in the final delivery of the 
missions have been noticed elsewhere. The guardian’s 
instructions required four friars to be assigned to duty 
in the north, while the rest were to return to their 
college. But in the mean time two, Cambon and 
Somera, had returned ill, two others had asked leave 
of absence, one was needed for the Monterey presidio, 
and one or two extra helpers would be convenient for 
emergencies. Besides, it seemed much better to send 
the friars up to San Diego, whence, if not needed, they 
could return by sea to San Blas, than to send them 
back to the college to undertake, if needed in the 
north, a long and dangerous voyage. He wrote forth- 
with to Guardian Verger on the subject, and also to 
Serra, sending two of the padres, Usson and Figuer, 
up to San Diego with the letter, in September. 


Paterna, acting president in Serra’s absence, wrote 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 13 


194 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 


back that ten friars would not be too many; Serra 
wrote from Tepic, November 10th, that at least eight 
or ten should be sent to California if it could be done 
without disobeying very positive orders of the guar- 
dian, and that he hoped to see Palou himself among 
the number; and finally Verger wrote approving the 
idea of sending eight or ten friars, but expressing 
doubts as to his ability to obtain a stipend for the 
one destined to presidio service, and hoping that Palou 
would decide to come back to the college. The latter 
of course fixed upon the outside number, and imme- 
diately selected eight in addition to the two already 
sent north; neither could he resist the temptation to 
include his own name in the list.” It was his plan 
to leave behind temporarily Father Campa, who was 
to act in his own absence as president, and to come 
north later with a drove of cattle, which by authority 
of the viceroy were to be taken from the missions of 
the peninsula. 

Palou was also authorized to take twenty-five na- 
tive families from the frontier missions for the northern 
establishments, and during the autumn of 1772 and 
the spring of 1773, while occupied with the final de- 
tails of the transfer, he made a beginning of the work, 
meeting many obstacles through the lukewarmness 
of the Dominicans and the open hostility of Governor 
Barri.” In July while at Velicatd, with six of his 
friars, he received information from Campa that the 
San Carlos had arrived at Loreto laden with supplies 
for San Diego, which it was proposed to unload at 
Loreto while the vessel returned to San Blas for re- 
pairs. Foreseeing that this delay was likely to cause 
great want in the new missions, the president resolved 
to suspend his recruiting and press on to San Diego 
immediately with all the maize his mules could carry. 

20 The eight were: Francisco Palou, Pedro Benito Cambon, Gregorio Amur- 
rio, Fermin Francisco Lasuen, Juan Prestamero, Vicente Fuster, José Anto- 
nioMurgula, Miguel de la Campa y Cos 


*1 Yet Barri writes to Fages Jan. 7, 177 3, that he has sent up 30 horses and 
40 mules, all he coult. collect in the peninsula. Prov. Siat. Pap., MS., i. 138. 


PALOU’S JOURNEY TO THE NORTH. 195 


Cambon was left in charge of Indian families, cattle, 
and a considerable amount, of church property, re- 
specting which there was much subsequent difficulty, 
as we shall see. He wrote to Governor Barri urging 
him to forward to San Luis Bay as.much maize as 
possible, for which he would send back mules from 
San Diego, and with the six padres and a guard of 
fourteen men he set out for the north the 21st of July. 


As the Californian annals of 1772, beginning in the 
extreme north, were made to follow, so to speak, the 
progress of President Serra southward, so may the 
little that is recorded of 1773 be most conveniently 
attached to the march of President Palou northward 
from Velicaté to Monterey. On the 26th three sol- 
diers were sent out in advance to announce their 
coming, and Paterna and Pefia came down far on the 
way to meet the travellers, with all the mules that 
could be spared. The only event in the journey re- 
quiring notice was the raising of a cross, with appro- 
priate ceremonies, to mark the boundary between 
Franciscan and Dominican territory, on the 19th of 
August. The cross was placed on a high rock five 
leagues above the Arroyo of San Juan Bautista and 
about fifteen leagues below San Diego.” Arriving at 
the latter port on the morning of the 30th, the new- 
comers were welcomed with a discharge of fire-arms 
and with every demonstration of joy. 

Palou’s advance messengers had gone on to Monte- 
rey to obtain from Fages mules to bring up the sup- 
plies from Velicaté. While awaiting a reply the presi- 
dent busied himself in studying the condition of af- 
fairs and in making a temporary distribution of the 
new friars, since nothing could be done in the new 
establishments until the vessels came with supplies 
and soldiers.* The native families expected from the 


2'The cross bore the inscription, Division de las misiones de Nuestio Padre 
Santo Domingo y de Nuestro Padre San Francisco; aio de 1773. 

*3 The missionary force after this distribution was as follows: San Diego— 
Luis Jaume, Vicente Fuster, and Gregorio Amurrio as supernumerary. “San 


196 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 


south were also apportioned in advance among the 
missions according to their apparent need.* Paterna, 
Lasuen, and Prestamero started for their stations on 
the 5th of September. On the 19th came a letter 
from Fages with all the mules that could be obtained, 
eighty-two in number, which were sent forward three 
days later under Ortega and a guard for Velicata.” 
On the 26th Palou, Murguia, and Peiia started for 
the north, after having baptized fifteen new converts 
from El Rincon, a league and a half north of the 
mission. 

The journey northward presents nothing of inter- 
est, Palou simply stationing his companions at their 
respective missions according to the plan already 
given, and making close observations to be utilized in 
his forthcoming report. At San Luis the party was 
met by Fages, and a league from Monterey Crespi 
came out to greet his old friend and school-mate. At 
the presidio on November 14th they were welcomed 
with the customary salute and ringing of bells, to 
which Palou replied with a pldtica, expressing to the 
soldiers his joy at seeing that they had come to serve 
God in so distant a land, where he hoped they would 
set a good example to the natives. Then they went 
over to San Carlos and were greeted by the ministers 
and Indians. Palou was very enthusiastic over his 
arrival at Monterey, a place which he had desired to 
visit ever since he read 'Torquemada’s description of 
Vizcaino’s voyage over twenty years ago, and a place 
where he was willing to devote his life to the saving 
of precious souls, his own included. 

Gabriel—Antonio Paterna, Antonio Cruzado (both of whom had asked leave 
to retire), Juan Figuer, and Fermin Francisco Lasuen. San Luis Obispo— 
José Cavaller, Domingo Juncosa (anxious to retire), later José Antonio Mur- 
guia, with Juan Prestamero and Tomas de la Pefia as supernumeraries. San 
Antonio—Miguel Pieras, Buenaventura Sitjar, and Ramon Usson as super- 
numerary. San Carlos—Juan Crespi, Francisco Dumetz, and Francisco Palou. 

*4San Diego was to have one family; San Gabriel 6 families, and most of 
the unmarried; and San Luis Obispo 3 families and some solteros. It is pos- 
sible that these Indians came up with Palou. 

TT suppose that the 14 soldiers who had come up with Palou also returned, 


though there is no record of it. It is a point, moreover, of some importance 
in tracing the names of the earliest settlers in California, 


VISIT TO THE TULARES. 197 


It is recorded that some time during 1773 Co- 
mandante Fages, while out in search of deserters, 
crossed the sierra eastward and saw an immense plain 
covered with tulares and a great lake, whence came as 
he supposed the great river that had prevented him 
from going to Point Reyes. This may be regarded 
as the discovery of the Tulare Valley. Thus close 
the somewhat meagre annals of an uneventful year, 
so far as internal affairs in California are concerned, 
but there were measures of much moment being 
fomented without, to which and to a general report 
on the condition of the country the following chapter 
will be devoted.” 


6 On the events of this chapter see Palou. Not., i. 180-245, 481-513; Jd. 
Vida, 134-51. . 


CHAE LG EX. 


FIRST ANNUAL REPORT; SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 
1773. 


Patovu’s REPORT OF DECEMBER, AND SERRA’S IN May—ConpDlITIoNn OF CALI- 
FORNIA AT CLOSE OF THE First HistoricaL PERIOD—NAMES APPLIED— 
PRESIDIO AND Five Miss1ons—BaPTisMs, MARRIAGES, AND DEATHS— 
GENTILES FRIENDLY — PRE-PASTORAL CALIFORNIAN ARCHITECTURE — 
PALISADE ENcLOSURES — AGRICULTURE AND STOCK-RAISING — NEW 
PRESIDIO REGULATIONS OF SEPTEMBER 1772—FATHER JUNIPERO IN 
Merxico— MrmoriaL oF MarcoH—MeEmoRIAL OF APRIL—SAN BLAS 
ESTABLISHMENT SAVED—ACTION OF THE JUNTA—AIDS AND REFORMS— 
REGLAMENTO—EIGHTY SOLDIERS FOR CALIFORNIA—WAYS AND MEANS— 
SERRA’S REPORT— PROVISIONAL INSTRUCTIONS TO FacEs— FISCAL’? 
RepPort—ConDITION oF Pious FuND—FINAL ACTION OF THE JUNTA— 
RivERA APPOINTED TO SUCCEED FAaGES—INSTRUCTIONS—PREPARATIONY 
oF RIVERA AND ANZA—SERRA HOMEWARD Bowunp. 


‘ 


Tue resolution of the junta de guerra y real hacienda, 
dated April 30, 1772, giving the missions of the 
peninsula to the Dominicans, required the Francis- 
cans to render an annual report on the condition of 
their new establishments; and on May 12th the 
viceroy had ordered such report from the president.’ 
Therefore Palou, president in Serra’s absence, gave 
his attention to the matter during his stay at San 
Diego and his trip northward, devoting himself, on 
arrival at Monterey in November, to the task of 
forming from the results of his observations a com- 
plete statement for the viceroy. The document was 
completed the 10th of December 1773, and was for- 
warded to Mexico overland with a letter to the 


1The first document is given in full in Palou, Not., i, 190-5 ; and the 
second is referred to in /d., i. 9. 
( 198 ) 





ee Ee Oe ee ee ee eee Oe 


ee ee ee 


ee a ee ee ee ee 


FIRST ANNUAL REPORTS. 199 


guardian of San Fernando.2 Under date of May 
21st of the same year Serra in Mexico had included 
in his report to the viceroy a detailed statement 
of the actual condition of the missions at the time of 
his departure the preceding September, supplemented 
by information derived from later correspondence. 
This report® covers substantially the same ground as 
that of Palou and the two combined may be regarded 
as one document. Later annual and biennial reports 
of the missions, preserved in my Library, will be 
utilized for the most part in local chapters and statis- 
tical appendices, being noticed in my text only in a 
general manner or for special reasons. But this first 
report being a very complete statement of California’s 
condition at the end of what may be regarded as the 
first period of her mission history, deserves fuller 
notice here. Historical items proper respecting the 
founding of each mission gathered from this source 
as from others having been given in the preceding 
chapters, I now invite the reader’s attention to the 
new establishments as they were at the end of 1773, 
the fifth year of Spanish occupation. 

The ‘New Establishments,’ ‘Establishments of San 
Diego and Monterey,’ the ‘Missions of Monterey,’ 
‘New California,’ ‘Northern California,’ ‘ California 
Superior, ‘Alta California,’ and the ‘Peninsula’— 
for all these names had been or were a little later ap- 
plied, and continued in use for many years—include at 
this time five missions and a presidio.* These are San 

2 Palou, Informe que por el mes de diciembre de 1773 se hizo al Exmo Seftor 
Virey del estado de las cinco misiones de Monterey, in Palou, Not., ii. 11-42. 
Fages, in his Voyage en Cal., a report addressed to the Viceroy on Nov. 30, 
1775, used this first report of Palou, to which he, however, gives the date of 
Nov. 24th, instead of Dec. 10th. 

3 Serra, Representacion del P. Fr. Juntpero Serra sobre las Misiones de la 
Nueva California, 21 de Mayo de 1773, Ms. This report is in two parts, one 
respecting the needs of the country from a military point of view, and the 
other on the actual condition of the missions. 

4TIt is to be noted that Palou in his report does not name San Diego as a 
presidio, and there is no evidence that it was in these earliest years considered 
as such except in the sense that every post guarded by soldiers, like any of 
the missions, is spoken of as a presidio. San Diego had no larger regular force 


than some other missions. It became, however, aregular presidioin 1774 when 
the new reglamento went into effect. 


200 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


Diego de Alcald at Cosoy on the port of San Diego 
in 32° 48’, built on a hill two gunshots from the shore, 
and facing the entrance to the port at Point Gujyarros ; 
San Gabriel Arcdngel, forty-four leagues north-west 
of San Diego, in the country of Los Temblores in 34° 
10’, on the slope of a hill half a league from the source 
of the Rio de San Miguel, six leagues west of the 
River Jesus de los Temblores, and a league and a half 
east of the River Nuestra Setiora de Los Angeles’ de 
Porcitincula; San Luis Obispo de Tolosa, about seventy 
leagues from San Gabriel in 35° 38’, on an eminence 
half a league from the Cariada de los Osos and three 
leagues from the Ensenada de Buchon, in the country 
of the Tichos; San Antonio de Padua, twenty-three 
leagues above San Luis, in 36° 30’, in the Cafiada de 
los Robles of the Sierra de Santa Lucia, at first on 
the River San Antonio, but moved a league and a 
half up the cafiada to the Arroyo de San Miguel; 
San Carlos Borromeo, on the River Carmelo, one 
league from Monterey and twenty-five leagues from 
San Antonio; and, finally, the presidio of San Carlos 
de Monterey on the bay and port of the same name. 

The five missions are under the care of nineteen 
Franciscan friars of the college de propaganda fide of 
San Fernando in the city of Mexico, whose names 
and distribution have been given,® and who are sub- 
ject locally to the authority of a president residing 
at San Carlos, the cabecera, or head mission of the 
five.’ The military force to which is intrusted the 
protection of the missions is sixty men, thirty-five 
soldados de cuera and twenty-five Catalan volunteers, 
under a commandant residing at the presidio of Mon- 
terey, each mission having a guard of from six to six- 
teen under a corporal or sergeant, while about twenty 


6 This is the first application of the name Los Angeles to this region, and is 
doubtless the origin of the name as afterward applied to the pueblo and city. 

6 See note 23, chap. viii. of this volume. 

‘A full description of the mission system in all its parts and workings will 
be given elsewhere; also of the presidio or military system, and of civil gov- 
ernment. 





; 


CONDITION OF THE MISSIONS. 201 


men garrison the presidio under the commandant’s 
direct orders. The civil and political authority is 
blended theoretically, for there is no record of the 
practical exercise of any such power in these earliest 
days, with the military, and vested in the commandant, 
who is in civil matters responsible and, subordinate to 
the governor of the Californias, residing at Loreto. 
The population consists of military officials and soldiers, 
iriars and their neophytes, a few mechanics under goy- 
ernment pay, servants and slaves—all these of Spanish, 
negro, Indian, and mixed blood—some natives of Baja 
California serving as laborers without other wages 
than their sustenance, and, finally, thousands of gen- 
tile natives. There are as yet no colonists or settlers 
proper.® 

Glancing first at the mission work par excellence, 
the conversion of the heathen to Christianity, we find 
a total of 491 baptisms for the first five years, 29 of 
them having died, and 62 couples, representing doubt- 
less nearly all the adult converts, have been united in 
marriage by Christian rites.? The two northern mis- 
sions with 165 and 158 baptisms are far above the 
southern establishments, which are 83 and 73 respect- 
ively, while the newly founded San Luis has only 
twelve converts.” It is to be noted, however, that 
the friars have not in several of the missions baptized 
so many as they might have done, preferring that the 
candidates should be well instructed, and often re- 
strained by an actual or prospective lack of supplies, 
since they are unwilling to receive formal neophytes 
whom they may not be able to supply with food. 
Again, more than half the whole number have been 
baptized during the year and a half since Serra’s 
departure. The gentiles are now everywhere friendly 

8The matter of the preceding paragreph has not been drawn from the 
reports of Palou and Serra. 

®Complete statistics of baptisms, marriages, deaths, and vopulation for 
ig! mission and every decade from the beginning wiil be given 14 v.eit proper 
place. 


10So say the general reports; yet the mission baptismal register shows a 
total of 34 baptisms in 1772 and 4 in 1773. 


202 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


as a rule, and have for the most part overcome their 
original timidity, and to some extent also the distrust 
caused by outrages of the soldiers." Only at San 
Diego have there been unprovoked hostilities. Near 
each mission, except San Luis, is a rancherfa of gen- 
tiles living in rude httle huts of boughs, tules, grass, 
or of whatever material isat hand. Many of these say- 
ages come regularly as catechumens to doctrina, and 
often those of more distant rancherias are induced to 
come in and listen to the music and receive trifling 
gifts of food and beads. The neophytes are generally 
willing to work when the friars can feed them, which 
is not always the case; but it does not appear that at 
this early period they live regularly in the mission 
buildings as in later times. At San Diego there are 
eleven rancherfas -within‘a radins:of ten leagues, living 
on grass, seeds, fish, and rabbits. A canoe and net 
are needed that the christianized natives may be taught 
improved methods of fishing.” At San Gabriel the 
native population is larger than elsewhere, so large in 
fact that more than one mission will be needed in that 
region. The different rancherias are unfortunately at 
war with each other, and that near the mission being 
prevented from going to the sea for fish is often in 
creat distress for food. Here the conduct of the sol- 
diers causes most trouble, but the natives are rapidly 
being conciliated. At San Luis the population is also 
very large and the natives are from the first firm 
friends of the Spaniards; but as they have plenty of 
deer, rabbits, fish, and seeds, being indeed far better 


supplied with food than the Spaniards, it is difficult to 


11 That the irregular conduct of the soldiers was one of the chief obstacles 
to missionary success there can be little doubt; yet it is not likely that the 
comandante was so much to blame as Serra says. His dislike for Fages colors 
his report. Have misfortunes of any kind occurred at a mission, they were 
entirely due to the mismanagement of ‘a certain official;’ has another mission 
been prosperous, it was in spite of that mismanagement. 

12 According to Serra nearly all in the rancheria that had formerly attacked 
the mission had been converted. The ‘oficial’ was displeased that so many 
had been baptized, and he had wished to remove the natives to a distance on 
pretence of danger to the presidio, but Serra had objected strenuously and 
every one else ridiculed the proposal! 


———————— ee ee eee ee eee ee 


a 


oo 


Le ee ee ee 


PRE-PASTORAL ARCHITECTURE. 203 


render nussion life fascinating to them, articles of cloth- 
ing being the chief attraction. They come often to 
the mission but do not stay, having no rancheria in 
the vicinity. At San Antonio the natives are ready 
to live at the mission when the priests are ready for 
them, and far from depending on the missionaries for 
food they bring in large stores of pine-nuts, acorns, 
rabbits, and squirrels.“ At San Carlos converts are 
most numerous, but for want of food they cannot be 
kept at the mission. Here and also at San Antonio 
three soldiers have already married native women. 


It is a rude architecture, that of pre-pastoral Cali- 
fornia, being stockade or palisade structures, which 
were abandoned later in favor of adobe walls. At 
every mission a line of high strong posts, set in the 
eround close together, encloses the rectangular space 
which contains the simple wooden buildings serving 
as church and dwellings, the walls of which also in 
most instances take the stockade form. The buildings 
at San Carlos are somewhat fully described by Serra. 
The rectangle here is seventy yards long and forty- 
three wide, with ravelins at the corners. For want of 
nails the upright palisades are not secured at the top, 
and the ease with which they can be moved renders 
the strong gate locked at night an object of ridicule. 
Within, the chief building, also of palisade walls plas- 
tered inside and out with mud or clay, is seven by fifty 
yards and divided into six rooms. One room serves 
as a church, another as the minister’s dwelling, and 
another as a storehouse, the best rooms being white- 
washed with lime. This building is roofed with mud 
supported by horizontal timbers. A slighter structure 
used as a kitchen is roofed with grass. The quarters 

13 They had revealed, as Serra says, the locality of the cave where their 
idols were kept, so that those idols could be destroyed at any time. The 
assessor of Monterey County in his report to the surveyor-general, according 
to an item going the rounds of local newspapers, mentions a large cave in this 
region covered on the inside with hieroglyphics and having a cross cut in its 


walls traditionally by the hands of Serra himself. Near the cave is a hot sul- 
phur spring. It would be difficult to prove the non-identity of the two caves, 


204 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


of the soldiers are distinct from the mission and are 
enclosed by a separate palisade, while outside of both 
enclosures are the simple huts of the rancherfa. 
Between the dates of the two reports it is found that 
the mud roofs do not prove effective against the winter 
rains; and anew church partly of rough and partly of 
worked timber is built and roofed with tules. The 
timber used is the pine and cypress still so abundant 
in that region. At San Luis and San Gabriel the 
buildings are of the same nature, if somewhat less 
extensive and complete, there being also a small house 
within the stockade for each of the Baja Californian 
families. At San Diego, where the stockade is in a 
certain sense a presidio, two bronze cannons are 
mounted, one pointing toward the harbor, and the 
other toward the rancheria. Here, in addition to wood 
and tules, or rushes, adobes have also been used in con- 
structing the friars’ house.* Four thousand adobes 
have been made, some stones have been collected, and 
the foundation laid of a church ninety feet long; but 
work has been suspended on account of the non-arrival 
of the supply-vessels in 1773. At San Antonio the 
church and padres’ dwelling are built of adobes, and 
the three soldiers married to native women have each 
a separate house. The presidio at Monterey is also a 
stockade enclosure with a cannon mounted in each of 
its four ravelins at the corners. The soldiers’ quarters 
and other rooms within are of wood with mud roofs, 
except a chapel and room for the visiting friar, which 
are of adobe, as in the commandant’s house and the Jail. 


But slight progress has been made in agriculture; 
though by repeated failures the padres are gaining 
’ experience for future success, and a small vegetable 
garden at each mission, carefully tended and irrigated 
by hand, has been more or less productive. At San 
Diego, at first, grain was sown in the river-bottom and 
the crop entirely destroyed by a rising of the stream. 


14 Serra says that a large part of the buildings were of adobes. 





PRIMITIVE AGRICULTURE. 205 


Next year, it was sown so far away from the water 
that it died from drought all but five or eight fanegas 
saved for seed. The river now dried up, affording no 
running water as we are assured even in the rainy 
season, though plenty of water for the cattle and for 
other uses could always be found in pools or by slight 
digging in the bed of the stream. Irrigation being 
thus impossible the rain must be depended on, and 
while Palou was here a spot was selected for the next 
experiment in the river-bottom, about two leagues 
from the mission, at a spot called Nuestra Sefiora del 
Pilar, where rain was thought to be more abundant 
and the risk of flood and drought somewhat less.” 
San Gabriel is in a large, fertile, well watered plain, 
with every facility for irrigation. Though the first 
year’s crop, according to Serra, had been drowned out 
and entirely lost, the second, as Palou tells us, pro- 
duced one hundred and thirty fanegas of maize and 
seven fanegas of beans, the first yielding one hundred 
and ninety-five fold and the latter twenty-one fold. 
Planting the next year was to be on a much larger 
scale with every prospect of success. San Luis has 
also plenty of fertile, well watered, and well wooded 
land which has yielded a little maize and beans the 
first year, and promised well for the future. At San 
Antonio two fanegas of wheat are to be sown on iri- 
gated land. San Carlos has some good land, and though 
there are no advantages for irrigation, it is thought 
maize and wheat can be raised. By reason of late sow- 
ing only five fanegas of wheat were harvested in 1772. 

Pasturage is everywhere excellent, and the little 
live-stock distributed among the missions has flourished 
from the beginning. Hach mission has received 18 
head of horned cattle and has now from 38 to 47 head, 
or 204 in the aggregate, with 63 horses, 79 mules, 102 _ 
swine, and 161 sheep and goats at San Diego and 


15 Palou, Not., i. 240-1. The place must have been near the site of the 
later mission. Serra says it was the crop of 1772 that was destroyed by flood, 
only 8 fanegas being saved. 


206 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


San Gabriel alone. Some memoranda of farmers’ and 
mechanics’ tools are given in connection with each 
mission; but there are no mechanics save at the pre- 
sidio. Palen has something to say of the missions to 
be founded in the future, but nothing that requires 
attention here, except perhaps that the proposed Santa 
Clara is not identical with the mission that is later 
“ounded under that name, but is to be on the Santa 
Clara River in the southern part of the province.” 


Having thus laid before the reader the condition of 
California in 1773, the end of the first period of her 
history, I have now to consider the important meas- 
ures for her welfare, urged and adopted at the capital 
of New Spain during the same year. First, however, 
a royal order of September 10, 1772, must be briefly 
noticed in which the king issued a series of regula- 
tions and instructions for the new line of royal pre- 
sidios, to be formed along the northern frontier of his 
American possessions.” These regulations, the mili- 
tary law in California as in all the north-west for 
many years, will require to be studied somewhat in 
detail when I come to describe the presidio system; 
but as an historical document under its own date it did 
not affect California as it did other provinces, where it 
abolished or transferred old presidios, established new 
ones, and effected radical changes in their manage- 
ment. Its last section is as follows: “I declare that 


16 The receipt of Palou’s report was acknowledged by the viceroy in a letter 
of May 25, 1774, received July 6th, and answered July 28th; but there is 
nothing of importance in this correspondence. A résumé with extracts of 
Palou’s report was published in the S. / Bulletin, Oct. 12, 1865. In San 
Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., 6-8, is a circular letter addressed to the padres 
of California by Palou, requiring each of them, or each pair of them, at the 
end of every December to send in full reports of their respective missions to 
the president, from which he might form his general report to the viceroy, 
since it would be impossible for him to visit each mission annually. This let- 
ter was dated San Gabriel, Oct. 9, 1773, while the writer was at work on his 
first report. 

" Presidios, Reglamento é Instruccion para los Presidios que se han de formar 
en la linea de frontera dela Nueva meals Resuelto por el Rey N.S. en cédula 
de 10 de Septiembre de 1772, Madrid, 1772. Sm. 4to, 122 pages. My copy was 
presented by Viceroy Bucarel to Melchor de Peramas. I have also the edition 
of Mexico, 1773. Svo, 132 pages. 





. 
i 


REGLAMENTO DE PRESIDIOS. 207 


the presidios of California are to continue for the pres- 
ent on their actual footing according to the provisions 
made by my viceroy after the conquest and reduction 
had been extended to the port of Monterey; and on 
the supposition that he has provisionally assigned the 
annual sum of thirty-three thousand dollars for the 
needs and protection of that peninsula, I order and 
command that this sum be still paid at the end of 
each year from the royal treasury of Guadalajara, as 
has been done of late; and that my viceroy sustain 
and aid by all possible means the old and new estab- 
lishment’ of said province, and inform me of all that 
he may deem conducive and useful to their progress, 
and to the extension of the new reductions of gentile 
Indians.”** 

President Serra, having left California in the pre- 
ceding September, arrived at the city of Mexico in 
February 1773. The objects of his visit were to see 
to it that California was not neglected through igno- 
rance or indifference on the part of the new viceroy, 
to urge certain general measures for the good of his 
province suggested by his experience of the past five 
years, to get rid of the commandant, Fages, his bitter 
foe and the cause, from the friar’s point of view, of all 
that was not pure prosperity in the missions, and to 
procure such regulations as would prevent similar 
troubles with future commandants by putting all the 
power into the friars’ hands and reducing the military 
element to a minimum.® He found Bucareli not 
less favorably disposed than had been his predecessor 
Croix, and was by him instructed to prepare a memo- 
rial, in which were to be embodied his views on the 
questions at issue. Being authorized to do so by his 
superior, the guardian of San Fernando, and having 

18 Presidios, Reglamento, 120-1. 

19 Serra had received from California a certificate from Fages dated Mon- 
terey, Dec. 22, 1772, to the effect that the missions were all supplied with 
padres and that Serra had left on business connected with his work. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., i. 86. It seems strange that Serra did not get this certificate 


at his departure if necessary, and that Fages should have sent it voluniarily, 
for there was no time to send back for it. 


208 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


hastened the sailing of the San Carlos with supplies, 
Padre Junipero set himself diligently to work, com- 
pleted the required document on March 18th, and 
presented it two days later to the viceroy.” __ 

His suggestions or claims were thirty-two in num- 
ber, formed without any attempt at classification into 
as many articles of the memorial. I shall avoid much 
confusion and repetition by referring to the several 
points in the order in which they were acted upon 
rather than as they were presented. His first and 
second claims were for a master and mate to aid 
Perez on the transports, since Pino had leave of ab- 
sence, and Cafiizares was too young to have full charge 
of a vessel; and that the new vessel be made ready as 
soon as possible. He soon found, however, that in 
order to cut down expenses to agree with the royal 
order of September 10, 1772, already alluded to, it had 
been determined in Mexico to give up the San Blas— 
establishment and to depend on mule trains for the 
forwarding of supplies to San Diego and Monterey. 

Against this policy the California champion sent in 
a new memorial dated the 22d of April." In this 
document he argued that the conveyance of supplies 
by land would be very difficult if not impossible, that 
it would cost the royal treasury much more than the 
present system, and that it would seriously interfere 
with the spiritual conquest. Besides at least a hun- 
dred men and horses, there would be required eleven 
hundred, and probably fifteen hundred, mules for the 
service, which it would be impossible to obtain in 
time to prevent much suffering in California if not its 
total abandonment, to say nothing of the excessive 
cost. The great expense of the San Blas establish- 
ment had been largely due to the building of new 
vessels and warehouses, not necessary in the future. 
There had possibly been some mismanagement that 


20 Serra, Representacion de 13 de Marzo 1773, MS.; also in Palou, Not., i. 
514-38; and elsewhere in fragments and abridgments. 

21 Serra, Memorial de 22 de Abril, sobre suministruciones a los Establecimien- 
tos de California y conduccion de ellas, MS. 





MEASURES ADVOCATED. 209 


might be avoided; in any case some kind of a marine 
establishment must be kept up for the transport of 
supplies to Loreto, and the muleteers would be quite 
as numerous and expensive as the sailors. Moreover, 
the oft-repeated passage of large caravans of careless, 
rough, and immoral men across the long stretch of 
country between Velicaté and Monterey could not 
fail to have a bad effect on the natives along the 
route. These arguments proved unanswerable, and 
the viceroy ordered that for the present, until the 
king’s pleasure could be known, the San Blas trans- 
ports should continue their service, with the slight 
changes suggested by Father Junipero, who thus 
gained the first two points of his original demand. 
The thirty remaining points of the representacion 
were by the viceroy submitted to the junta de guerra 
y real hacienda”—board of war and royal exchequer 
—which august body on May 6th granted eighteen 
of them and part of another, denying only a part of 
article 32, in which Serra asked to have paid the ex- 
penses of his journey to Mexico. Thus twenty-one 
of the original points were disposed of almost entirely 
in Serra’s favor.” Four of these bore upon the past 
troubles between the Franciscan and military author- 
ities, and were designed to curtail the powers which, 
as the former claimed, had been assumed by the latter. 
By the decision the commandant was required to 
transfer from the mission guard to the presidio, at the 
minister’s request, any soldier of irregular conduct and 
bad example, and this without the padre being obliged 
to name or prove the soldier’s offence; the missiona- 
ries were to have the right to manage the mission 
Indians as a father would manage his family, and the 


22The document had, however, previously, March 16th to April 5th, been 
in the handsof the fiscal Areche, whose report was favorable; and had then been 
passed to the proper bureau to be prepared for presentation to the junta. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 88-9. 

23 Those were 1-4, 8, 9, 12, 15-25, 27, 28, and 32, leaving 11 points yet 
undecided. The junta was composed of Viceroy Bucareli, Valcdrcel, Toro, 
Arcche, Barroeta, Abad, Toral, Valdés, Gutierrez, Mangino, Arce, aud José 
Gorraez. 

Hist. Cau., Vout. I. 14 


210 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


military commandant should be instructed to pre- 
serve perfect harmony with the padres;“ property 
and letters for the friars or missions were to be for- 
warded separately instead of being enclosed to the 
presidio commander; and the friars’ correspondence 
was not to be meddled with, passing free of mail 
charges like that of the soldiers. By the terms of 
the decision on the other points Serra was to receive 
his regular pay as a missionary, during his whole 
absence from California. Contributions of food from 
the Tepic region were to be forwarded expressly for 
the missions, “and Governor Barri was not to hinder 
the removal of the church property at Velicataé. Saiul- 
ors might be enlisted at San Blas and employed as 
laborers at the missions, receiving rations for one 
year as if on board vessels, but they could not be 
forced to remain after the year had passed, and the 
regular crews of the transports must not be inter- 
fered with. Two blacksmiths, two carpenters, with 
some tools and material were to be sent from Guada- 
lajara for the exclusive use of the missions. Seven 
additional bells were to be furnished, four of them 
having already been sent to Monterey. Additional 
vestments were to be sent to take the place of soiled, 
worn, and ‘indecent’ articles contained in some of the 
cases from Baja California. San Blas measures were 
to be adjusted on a proper basis and a full set of 
standards sent to each mission. Greater care was to 
be taken in packing food for California, where it often 
arrived in bad condition. Cattle for the proposed. 
missions were to be under the temporary care of the 
missionaries, who might use their milk. A new sur- 
geon was to be sent in the place of Prat, deceased, 
and finally a copy of the junta’s decision was to be 


*4This was hardly what had been asked for by Serra, who wished officers 
and soldiers notified that the entire management of the Indians belonged 
exclusively to the padres, and that the military had no right to interfere in 
matters of discipline or punishment except in the case of delitos de sangre. 
The junta was very careful not to commit itself very decidedly in the quarrel 
between Serra and Fages. The viceroy, however, in subsequent instructions 
came nearer to Serra’s views. 





ECHEVESTE’S REGULATIONS. 211 


given to Serra, that the missionaries might hereafter | 
act understandingly. 3 

The president was charged to return as soon as 
possible to his post, after having made a complete 
report on the condition of each mission.” 

Several points of Serra’s petition connected with 
the military and financial aspects of the subject under 
consideration had been left by the junta to be pro- 
vided for in a new regulation for the Californias. 
This document was drawn up on May 19th by Juan 
José Echeveste, deemed an expert in the matter, since 
he had superintended for some years the forwarding 
of supplies.* This plan provided for California a cap- 
tain, a heutenant, eighty soldiers, eight mechanics, 
two store-keepers, and four muleteers, with salaries 
amounting to $38,985 per year; for Baja California a 
commissary, a lieutenant, and thirty-four soldiers, 
with a governor of both Californias, al] at an annual 
cost of $16,450; a commissary and dock-yard depart- 
ment at San Blas to cost, including rations for soldiers 
and employés in both Californias, $29,869; and a 
transport fleet of a fragata and two paquebotes serving 
both Californias at an annual cost for wages and 
rations of $34,038, forming a grand total of $119,342. 
Payment was to be made, however, to officers and 
men in the Californias, save to the governor and com- 
missary, in goods at an advance on the original cost 
of one hundred per cent for the peninsula, and of one 
hundred and fifty per cent for New California; a 
regulation which reduced the total cost to $90,476. 
To meet this expense” there were the $33,000 prom- 


25 May 12th, the viceroy decreed the execution of the junta’s resolutions, 
the issuance of the necessary orders, and the preparation of records in 
duplicate. May 13th, the secretary Gorraez certifies the delivery of a copy 
to Serra. May 14th, a certified copy was made for the king. Copia de lo 
determinado por la Real Junta de Guerra y Real Hacienda, in Palou, Not. i., 
540-53; also in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 89. 

26 Reglamento é instruccion provisional para el auxilio y conservacion de los 
nuevos y antiguas establecimientos de las Californias con el departamento de San 
' Blas, etc., MS.; also in Pa/ou, Not. i., 556-71. The printed copy is, however, 
full of errors in figures. Also in Arch. Col., St. Pap. Ben., MN., 1-24: 

7 This part of the reglamento is omitied in Palou’s printed copy. 


212 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


ised by the king in his order of September 10, 1772; 
$25,000, estimated yield of the salt-works near San 
Blas, which had, it seems, been assigned to the Cali- 
fornias; and a probable net revenue of $10,000 from 
the pious fund, still leaving a balance of $22,476 to 
be paid from the royal treasury. 

lcheveste added to his plan seventeen puntos in- 
structivos, suggestive and explanatory, from which it 
appears that in the author’s judgment, the state of 
the treasury and pious fund did not warrant the grant- 
ing of other aid than that provided, which must there- 
fore suffice for new missions if any were to be founded; 
that the sailors enlisted as mission laborers, according 
to the recommendation of the junta, should be paid 
sailor’s wages for two years and receive rations for five 
years; that instead of the previous system by which 
each mission received a stipend of $700 and certain 
supplies it would be better to give a stipend of $800, 
being $400 for each minister, and double rations for 
five years to all the friars, including those waiting for 
the foundation of new missions, the double rations 
amounting to $1,779 being charged to the pious fund 
as an addition to the stipend; that the commissary at 
San Blas should buy maize and meat instead of raising 
it, selling the rancho and sending the mule train to 
Loreto or San Diego; and finally, in addition to some 
suggestions about minor details of business manage- 
ment, that Echeveste’s successor® should be allowed a 
salary of $2,000, thus raising the amount to come out 
of the treasury to $24,476. 

On the 21st of May Serra presented, as required, 
a full report on the California missions, giving the | 
history of each from its foundation and its condition 
in September 1772, the date of the writer’s depart- 
ure. The substance of this statement has been 
already presented to the reader. The writer included, 
however, an argument respecting the number of 
soldiers needed in California. In article 10 of his 


35 Uxactly what Echeveste’s office was does not appear. 





‘DISTRIBUTION OF FORCES. 213 


original petition he had demanded one hundred men; 
but that number had seemed too great to the junta, 
which had reserved its decision and called for more 
information. Hcheveste, as we have seen, reduced the 
number to eighty, and now Serra, by giving up the 
proposed mission of Santa Clara” and reducing the 
guard of San Buenaventura, assented to the reduction 
in the aggregate; but objected to the distribution. 
Echeveste had assigned twenty-five men to each of 
the two presidios and a guard of six men to each of 
the five missions, or of five to each of six missions ; 
but Serra would assign to Monterey fifteen men, ie 
San Buenaventura fifteen, to San Diego thirteen, to 
San Carlos seven, and to each of the other missions 
ten. He argued that in a country of so many inhabi- 
tants with missions so far apart, a guard of five men 
was not sufficient for adequate protection. The wily 
friar’s policy—or rather, perhaps, the enthusiastic 
missionary’ s hope—was by securing a double guard 
to be enabled to double the number of his missions 
without being obliged to ask the presidio commanders 
for soldiers allowed them by the regulation.* 

On May 26th the viceroy addressed to Fages a 
series of instructions, provisional in their nature, pend- 
ing the final approval of the regulations. These 
instructions covered the same ground as the decision 
of the junta on May 6th, but also granted two addi- 
tional requests of Serra by authorizing ages to issue 
a pardon to all deserters in California; and to replace 
with new men such soldiers as had families far away, 
from whom they had been long separated.” 

29Tt is to be noticed that no mention is made of San Francisco in any of 
these calculations. 

*° The idea of moving San Diego mission was doubtless already entertained, 
though nothing is said of it here. 

Serra, Repres. de 21 de Mayo, MS. Also translated by Taylor, and 
printed in Cal. Farmer, Sept., Oct. 1865, and pasted in Taylor’s Discov. and 
Found., ii. 49. This Representacion with ‘that of April 22d was referred to the 
fiscal on June 10th. 

32 Bucareli, Providencias de 26 de Mayo 1773, MS. Serra had asked for 


leave of absence in behalf of eight soldiers either on account of long separa- 
tion from their wives, or unfitness for duty. From several of these he » brought 


214 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


Bucareli referred HEcheveste’s regulation on May 
24th to his legal adviser, Areche, who in his opinion 
of June 14th repeats all the articles of the document 
with a general approval. He calls attention, however, 
to the fact that no provision is made for the expense 
of ammunition, nor for the surgeon promised by the 
junta. He also suggests a doubt as to the ability of 
the pious fund to pay the $11,779 required of it in 
addition to the large sum expended in the mission- 
aries’ stipends; and he recommends a reference of the 
matter to the director of the fund before its final con- 
sideration by the junta.” 

In accordance with Areche’s suggestion, Fernando 
J. Mangino, director of the pious fund, was called 
upon for a report, which he made on June 19th, show- 
ing that the available product of the fund was $20,687, 


though a large part of that amount being the yield of | 


sheep ranchos, was subject to some variation; that the 
present liability for missionary stipends was $14,879; 
and that there would remain but $5,808 with which 
to pay the $11,779 called for; though the amount 
might be increased by $2,662 if the colleges were 
obliged to pay five per cent on loans.” 

On the 8th of July the board met to finally decide 
on the whole matter. The decision was to put Hche- 
veste’s plan in force from January 1, 1774, the only 
changes being an order that the San Blas mule train 
be sold and not transferred to California; a recom- 
mendation that the four extra vessels at San Blas be 
sold and not used in the gulf; and some suggestions 


petitions which are given in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 87. These instructions 
probap’y went up on the San Carlos to Loreto and were carried to San Diego 
y Palou, reaching Fages in September 1773. 

83 A reche, Parecer sobre Reglam. de Cal. 14 de Junio 1773, MS.; also in 
Palou, Not., i. 572-80. Areche made a supplementary report June 30th on 
Serra’s representaciones of April 22d and May 21st; but adds nothing to the 
subjects treated, beyond expressing regret that the mission work in America 
does not prosper as in days of old, and suggesting that it would be better if 
the California missions were not so far apart. Areche, lespuesta Fiscal de 30 
de Junio 1773, MS. 

oe Mangino, Respuesta sobre Fondo Piadoso, 19 de Junio 1773, MS.; and also 
less accurately in Palou, Not., i. 580-G. The report contains much additional 
information about the pious fund which will be utilized elsewhere. 





FINAL RESULTS. 215 


respecting minor details of business management. As 
to the ways and means, however, in view of Man- 
gino’s report, the pious fund was to furnish from 
moneys on hand $10,000 for the first year only, and 
the remaining expense, $59,476, would be borne by 
the treasury, aided by the San Blas salt-works.® The 


- surgeon’s salary was also to be paid; but nothing was 


said about the expense of ammunition. On July 23d 
the viceroy decreed the execution of the decision, 
ordered nine certified copies made, thanked Echeveste 
for his services, and directed him to hunt up a sur- 
geon. 

Three points of Serra’s original memorial, on which 
a decision had been reserved, were settled by the 
board’s last action. These were a petition that routes 
be explored to California from Sonora and New Mex- 
ico, not acted on by the junta but granted by the 
viceroy; a demand for one hundred soldiers, eighty of 
whom were granted by the regulation; and a request 
for Spanish or Indian families from California denied 
by non-action. Four other points had been left to 
be settled by the reglamento; the establishment of a 
storehouse at Monterey, the right of each mission to 
a soldier acting as a kind of majordomo, a demand 
for mules, and a reward in live-stock to persons mar- 
rying native women. ‘The first was practically granted 
by the appointment of store-keepers at Monterey and 
San Diego, while the third was practically denied by 
the order to sell the mule train at San Blas. The 
others do not seem to have been acted upon. 


One important matter was still in abeyance, and 
this was now settled by Bucareli in accordance with 
Serra’s wishes, by the removal of Tages and the 
appointment of another officer to succeed him. In 
selecting a new commander, however, the president’s 

35 Reglamento, Determinacion de 8 de Julio 1773, in Palou, Not., i. 589-94. 

36-Yet the viceroy soon ordered 100 mules to be distributed among the 


missions, and ordered Captain Anza to open communication by land between 
Tubac and Monterey. 


216 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


choice was not followed, since Ortega, his favorite for 
the place, was not deemed of sufficiently high military 
rank, and Captain Rivera y Moncada was named as 
California’s new ruler.” Ortega was brevetted lieuten- 
ant and put in command of San Diego, which was now 
to be a regular presidio. 

The exact date of Rivera’s appointment I do not 
know, but it probably preceded by only a few days 
that of his instructions, which were issued on the 17th 
of August. These instructions in forty-two articles 
are long and complete, and some portions will be 
given more fully elsewhere when I come to treat of. 
the institutions to which they refer. The purport of 
the document is as follows: 

Copies of the regulations and action of the board 
are enclosed. Great confidence is felt in Rivera's 
ability, and knowledge gained by long experience, 
which experience must have taught him how impor- 
tant it is to preserve perfect harmony, so that both 
‘commander and friars may devote themselves exclu- 
sively to their respective duties. The first object is 
of course the conversion of the natives; but next in 
importance is their gathering in mission towns for 
purposes of civilization. These little towns may be- 
come great cities; hence the necessity of avoiding 
defects in the beginning, of care in the selection of 
sites, in the assignment of lands, eae out of streets, 
etc. 

The commander is authorized to assign lands to 
communities, and also to such individuals as are dis- 
posed to work; but allf must dwell in the pueblo or 
mission, and all grants must be made with due regard 
to the formalities of law. Missions may be converted 


37 In a letter to Serra dated Nov. 8, 1774, the guardian warns him not to 
quarrcl with the new governor, who doubtless had secret instructions and 
would cause any contrarieties to react upon the padres. Serra’s weakness was 
not unknown to his superiors. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 191-2. 

8 Bucareli, Instrucc.on que debe observur el Comandante nombrado para los 
Establecimientos de San Diego y Monterey, 1773, MS., also copy from the 
original in Mayer, MS., No. 18. Translated extracts chiefly on pueblos and 
colonization in /alleck’s Report, 133; Dwinelle’s Colon. Hist. Add., 2. 





q 


4 
~ 


INSTRUCTIONS TO THE NEW RULER. 217 


into pueblos when sufficiently advanced, retaining the 
name of the patron saint. New missions may be 
founded by the commander, acting in accord with the 
president, whenever it can be done without risk to 
the old ones. Rivera is to report to the viceroy on 
needs of the royal service in his province. 

The captain is charged with recruiting soldiers to 
complete the full number. Married recruits must 
take their families, and unmarried ones the papers to 
prove that they are single. The Catalan volunteers 
are to return with their lieutenant by the first vessel. 
Strict discipline and good conduct must be enforced 
among soldiers, employés, and civilians, vicious and 
incorrigible persons being sent back to San Blas. The 
commandant must be subordinate to the governor at 
Loreto only to the extent of reporting to him and 
maintaining harmonious relations. Communication 
with the peninsula by land should be frequent. Good 
faith must be kept with the Indians, and the control, 
education, and correction of neophytes are to be left 
exclusively to the friars, acting in the capacity of 
fathers toward children. 

No vessels are to be admitted to Californian ports 
except the San Blas transports and the Philippine 
vessels, and no trade with either foreign or Spanish 
vessels is to be permitted. The captains of the trans- 
ports are not to be interfered with in the management 
of their vessels, but they cannot admit on board or 
take away any person without a written request from 
the commandant, who is to grant such requests only 
for urgent reasons. San Francisco should be explored 
as soon as practicable, and the mission of San Diego 
may be moved if it be deemed best. A complete 
diary of all events and measures must be kept in a 
book, and literal copies forwarded to the superior 
government as often as opportunity occurs. Three 
complete inventories are to be made on taking pos- 
session of government property, one for the viceroy, 
one for Fages, and one to be kept by Rivera. All 


218 SERRA’S LABORS IN MEXICO. 


records and archives to be carefully cared for, and 
finally these instructions to be kept profoundly secret. 

These instructions, with the regulations that precede 
and similar instructions of the next year to the gov- 
ernor, constituted the law of California for many years. 
Rivera was in Guadalajara when appointed, though it 
does not appear from therecord when he had come down 
from San Diego. He went to Mexico to receive his 
instructions in person and then hastened to Sinaloa to 
recruit soldiers and families for his command, finishing 
his task and arriving with fifty-one persons, great 
and small, in March 1774 at Loreto, whence he soon 
started northward overland.” At about the same 
time that Rivera received his orders, that is in 
August, Bucareli also authorized Captain Juan Bau- 
tista de Anza to attempt the overland route from 
Sonora to Monterey, and that officer after some delays 
began his march from Tubac in the following January. 
Early in September, after Rivera and Anza had re- 
ceived their instructions, the viceroy wrote to Fages, 
announcing the appointment of Rivera, and ordering 
him to give up the command, and to return by the 
first vessel with his company of Catalan volunteers to 
join his regiment at the Real de Pachuca.” 


And now Father Serra, having successfully com- 
pleted his task in Mexico, is ready to return. home- 
ward to utilize the aid and put in practice the reforms 
for which he has toiled. Kissing the feet of every 
friar at the college, begging their pardon for any bad 
example he has set, and bidding them farewell for- 
ever, the good friar, with Padre Pablo Mugdrtegcui, 
sets out in September for the west coast. At Tepic 
he waits until the new vessel, the Santiago or Nueva 
Galicia, is ready for sea, which is not until January 24, 
1774. In addition to the articles granted by the gov- 


39 Letter of Riv era to viceroy, dated Loreto, March 25th, in Arch. Sta Bar- 
bari, MS., xi. 378-9; Patou, Not., i. 609-10. 
 Bucareli 6 Tages, Sept. 7, Pra: in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 140. 





| pl 


FATHER JUNIPERO HOMEWARD BOUND. 219 


ernment Padre Junfpero has obtained from the vice- 
roy a liberal limosna, or alms, of supplies for the 
exclusive use of the missions,*t invoiced separately to 
eratify the friar’s pride and avoid complications with 
Fages who is still in command. The regular supplies 
for the northern missions, with a part of the pittance, 
are taken by the Santiago, Captain Perez, who has 
orders to undertake explorations to the north of Mon- 
terey. Supplies for San Diego and the southern 
missions are left for the San Antonio, to sail later.” 


‘1 The articles officially granted were: 3 cases of vestments for San Gabriel, 
San Antonio, and San Luis, 5 nests, or sets, of measures, 6 in each, one forge 
with appurtenances, and 5 quintals, 3 arrobas of iron. The limosna to suffice 
for 5 years was 5 packages of cloths for Indians as follows: 107 blankets, 29 
pieces manta poblana, 488 yds striped sackcloth, 389 yds blue baize, 10 lbs 


~ blue maguey cloth for little girls; also 4 reams fine paper, 5 balesred pepper, 


100 arrobas tasajo, 16 boxes panocha, 4 boxes beads, 10 boxes hams, 6 boxes 
chocolate, 3 bbls lard, 9 bales lentils, 1 bale and 9 jugs olive-oil, 4 bbls Cas- 
tilian wine, 3 bbls brandy, 9 bales chickpeas, 6 bales rice, 160 bales flour, 
900 fanegas maize, 250 fanegas beans. Palou, Not., i. 603-5. 

42 Respecting Serra’s work in Mexico in addition to the authorities cited, 
see Palou, Vida, 150-9. It is related that when Serra arrived in San Blas 
from California and saw the Santiago in the dock-yard, he remarked that he 
would return in her, a remark that excited some ridicule, because everybody 
thought the San Blas establishment on the point of being abandoned. | 


CHAPTER X. 


RECORD OF EVENTS. 
1774. 


WANT IN THE Misstons—ANza’s First EXPEDITION—THE OVERLAND ROUTE 
FROM SONORA—RETURN OF PADRE JUNIPERO—RIVERA ASSUMES THE 
CoMMAND—DEPARTURE OF FaGES—EXPLORING VOYAGE OF PEREZ TO 
tHE NorTHERN Coast—San Digeco Mission Movep From Cosoy TO 
NIpaGuaAYy—CoMING OF SOLDIERS AND THEIR FAMILIES—THIRD EXPLo- 
RATION OF SAN FrANciIsco Bay—A Mission SITE SELECTED—FIRsT DRIVE 
ON THE BEACH TO THE CLIFF AND SEAL RocKS—TROUBLES BETWEEN THE 
FRANCISCANS AND GOVERNOR BaRRI IN THE PENINSULA—MutucH Abo 
About NoTHING—FELIPE DE NEVE APPOINTED GOVERNOR TO SUCCEED 
BARRI—SECOND ANNUAL REPORT ON MISSION PROGRESS. 


We have seen that Anza from Sonora, Serra from 
Mexico via Jalisco, and Rivera from Sinaloa via the 
peninsula were all en route for Monterey under vice- 
regal orders in the spring of 1774. California annals 
for that year may be most clearly presented by fol- 
lowing those expeditions, in the order named, as a 
thread to which may be attached all recorded events. 
Previous to their arrival there is nothing known of 
matters in the north, save that great want was ex- 
perienced through the non-appearance of the vessels 
due the year before.’ 

When Galvez was preparing the first expeditions 
to the north in 1769, Captain Juan Bautista de Anza, 
commander of the Tubac presidio in Sonora, a brave 
officer like his father, as we have seen in the annals 


1A ‘cruelisima hambre,’ Palou calls it, Vida, 153, 159-60, the greatest ever 
experienced. No bread, no chocolate, only milk and herbs ‘salted by tears.’ 
Milk had to be eaten by all from the commandant down. They had some 
very strange ideas of what constituted a famine. Soup of peas or beans took 
the place of tortillas, and coffee had to do instead of chocolate. The natives 


all left the mission to seek for food. /d., Not., i. 608. : 
(220 





ANZA’S FIRST EXPEDITION. 221 


of Pimerfa, became interested in the scheme, and 
offered to make the trip by land at his own expense 
to meet the sea expedition. The route up to the 
Colorado and Gila junction had often been traversed, 
and it had long been a favorite plan, especially among 
the old Jesuit pioneers, to reach the northern coasts 
from this direction; but for some reason not explained 
the visitador declined the offer. Anza, however, re- 
newed his proposition later, when San Diego and 
Monterey had been occupied, and finally Bucareli, 
authorized by the king to pay the expense from the 
royal coffers,’ and urged by Father Junipero in his 
memorial of March 1773—1in which he also urged the 
exploration of a route from New Mexico—gave the © 
required license, probably in September 1773. 
Anza obtained twenty soldiers and had nearly 
completed his preparations for departure, when the 
Apaches made one of their characteristic raids, steal- 
ing his horses and killing some of his men. This 
caused delay and obliged the captain to start with 
less force than he had intended; but as a compensa- 
tion he unexpectedly obtained a guide. This was a 
Baja California neophyte, Sebastian by name, who 
had deserted from San Gabriel in August, and, keep- 
ing far to the east to avoid meeting soldiers, had 
reached the Colorado River rancherias and had been 
brought by the natives to Altar, thus entitling him- 
self to the honor of having been the first Christian to 
make the overland trip.’ Under his guidance Anza 
set out from Tubac January 8, 1774, with Francisco 
Garcés and Juan Diaz, Franciscan friars from the 
Querétaro college. There were in all 34 men with 
140 horses and 65 cattle. 

In a month they had reached the Gila, by way of 
Sonoita through Papagueria. Palma, a famous Yuma 

2Ortega in a letter to Rivera, dated San Diego, May 5, 1775, says that 


Anza’s expedition cost from 25,000 to 30,000 pesos. Prov. St. Pap., Msi: 


162-5: 
’ According to one of the two chief authorities Sebastian had started from 


San Gabriel with his parents and wife, all of whom had perished. 


222 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


chief, entertained the Spaniards at his rancherfa at 
San Dionisio, Isla de Trinidad, a kind of island formed 
by a double channel of the Gila at its junction with 
the Colorado,* and received from Anza a badge of 
office under Spain. He accompanied the explorers 
across the Colorado and some eight or nine leagues 
south-westward to the lagoon of Santa Olaya. To 
this lagoon the whole party was obliged to return on 
the 19th of February, after having wandered for six 
days through a country destitute of grass and water.” 
But they started again on the 2d of March, leaving 
with Palma a large part of the animals in charge of 
three soldiers, three muleteers, and three Indian ser- 
vants. The route through the country of the Cojat, 
Cajuenches, and Danzarines, cannot be traced exactly; 
but as this was the first exploration of this region and 
of the great route into California, I append the de- 
tails, confusing as they are, ina note. Anza would 


4 One of the channels no longer carries water, and perhaps did so then only 
at high water. In Kiro’s map of 1701 San Dionisio is not represented as an 
island. Emory, Noées, 95-6, in 1846 noted that the Gila once flowed to the 
south of its present channel, and says: ‘During freshets it is probable the 
rivers now discharge their surplus waters through these old channels.’ An- 
other discovery of Anza is less intelligible. In a letter of Feb. 9th from San 
Dionisio to the viceroy, Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 190-1, he says he had crossed 
the Colorado and Gila, and had found a branch of the former extending north 
and west, and entering probably the South Sea—perhaps at San Francisco 
Bay. 

y Padre Garcés claimed to have been in this region, the north-east section 
of Baja California, in 1771; but the narrative of his trip in that year, in 
Arricivita, Cron. Serdf., 420 et seq., does not show clearly that he crossed the 
Colorado at all. 

6 The most complete, and indeed the only, authority in print is Arricivita, 
Cronica Serdfica, 450 et seq.; but it is very unsatisfactory. The best account 
of the expedition seems to be Anza, Descubrimiento de Sonora 4 Californias 
atio de 1774, MS. This appears to be an abridged copy of the original diary 
made soon after the date of the expedition by some one who did not accom- 
pany it. The route was as follows, items from the return march being in 
brackets: Feb. 9th. At junction of the Gila and Colorado, near the site of the 
later Concepcion. Feb. 10th to 12th. 51. w.n. (s.) w. and 4.51. s. w. and 
s. to Laguna de Sta Olaya, formed by the Colorado in time of flood. Lat. 
32° 34’. [According to the return trip Sta Olaya was 4 1. w. of the river and 
81. w.s. w. of 8. Dionisio, or Isla de Trinidad.] Feb. 13th to 19th. Off into 
the desert and back to Sta Olaya. March 2d. 41. w.s. w. to Laguna del 
Predicador. Mar. 3d to 5th. 31. w.s. w.; 6.51. wn. w.; 61. w.N. Ww. with 
low sierra on left; 3.1. N. w. across the hills; 21. w.; 1.5 1. N. and Nn. w., insight 
of an estero, to Pozos de San Eusebio. Mar. 6th. 41. w. to Sto Tomas, in 
middle of sierra. Mar. 7th and 8th. 41. N. w. and 1 1. N. E. to Pozos de Sta 
Rosa de las Lajas (18 1. in a direct line from Sta Olaya). Mar. 9th and 10th. 





_ ANZA FROM SONORA. 223 


seem at first to have kept far to the south of the 
modern railroad route, but to have returned to it be- 
fore reaching the San Gorgonio Pass, which he named 
San Cérlos. He crossed the Santa Ana River on a 
bridge of boughs the 20th of March, and on the 22d 
arrived at San Gabriel. | 

The travellers had exhausted their supply of food; 
and they found equal destitution at San Gabriel; but 
the friars Paterna and Cruzado entertained them as 
best they could after a mass, te deum, and sermon of 
welcome. A cow was killed, and in ten days four of 
Anza’s men returned from San Diego with supplies 
that had come on the Santiago.” In a few days all 
but six of the men were sent with Father Garcés 
back to the Colorado, having some slight trouble with 
the savages on the way, and, according to Arricivita, 
finding that the men left with the animals had become 
frightened and retired to Caborca. Anza with his 
six men made a trip up to Monterey and back from 
the 10th of April to the 1st of May; and two days 
later he started with Diaz for the Colorado, which he 
reached in eight days. Palou tells us that some of 
Fages’ men went with him to become acquainted 
with the route, and returning reported that they had 
been attacked by the natives as had been the men 
left at the Colorado. The explorers reached Tubac 
on the 26th of May, and in July Anza went to Mexico 
to report. 

His expedition had accomplished all that it had 


111. n. to S. Sebastian Peregrino, a large ciénega in the Cajuenche nation 
[22 1. w. and w. n. w. from Sta Olaya]. Mar. 11th. 1.5 1. w. on same ciénega. 
Mar. 12th. 61. w. nN. w. to 8. Gregorio. Mar. 14th. 61. nN. [N. w.] to Sta Cata- 
rina [10 1. from S. Sebastian]. 61. n. N. w. to Puerto de S. Carlos, following 
the cafiada [33° 42’]. Mar. 16th and 17th. 31. n. w. and nN. N. w. to Laguna 
and Valley of Principe [or S. Patricio, 81. w. N. w. from Sta Catarina]. Mar. 
18th. [4] 1. n. and N. N. w. to Valle de 8. José [33° 46'] on a fine stream. Mar. 
19th. 6 [5]]. N. w. to Laguna de S. Antonio de Bucareli. Mar. 20th. 5 1. N. w. 
and 2.51. w. n. w. to Rio Sta Ana. Mar. 2]st. 71. w. nN. w. to ia de 
Osos [or Alisos]. Mar. 22d. To S. Gabriel [10 1. w. and 5 1. w. n. w. from 
S. Antonio]. See also, in chap. xii. of this volume, the account of Anza’s 
second trip. 

7On March 24th Anza was godfather to a child baptized by P. Diaz. S. 
Gabriel Lib. Mis., MS., 7. 


- 


224 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


been intended to do, in showing the practicability of 


the new route.® 


President Serra sailed from San Blas January 24th 
in the new transport? Santiago or Nueva Galicia, built 
expressly for the California service, commanded by 
Juan Perez, and laden with supplies for San Carlos, 
San Antonio, and San Luis. Serra was accompanied 
by Pablo Mugdrtegui, a new missionary; and the San- 
tiage also brought to California Juan Soler, the store- 
keeper for Monterey, a surgeon José Davila with his 
family, three blacksmiths and families, and three car- 
penters. After a comparatively prosperous voyage 
the vessel anchored in San Diego Bay the 13th of 
March.” It had been the intention to go direct to 
Monterey, but an accident caused a change “of plan, 
and fortunately, for Serra by landing a small portion 
of the cargo was enabled to relieve the pressing need 
of the southern missions. He had quite enough of 
the sea, and besides was anxious to visit the friars; 
therefore he went up by land, starting on April 6th, 
having an interview with Captain Anza on the way, 
and reaching Monterey on the 11th of May after an 
absence of nearly two years. On account of ill-health 
Mugirtegui also landed and remained at San Diego, 
Amurrio taking his place on the Santiago, which 
sailed on the same day that Serra started, and 
anchored at Monterey two days before the president’s 
arrival the 9th of May.” 


®Mofras, Hxplor., i. 282, mentions this expedition, giving the date of 
starting incorrectly as Sept. 1773. See also brief account in Velasco, Sonora, 
150; Id., in Soc. Alex. Geog., Boletin, x. 704. 

* She is called both fragata and corveta. 

10 According to Perez, ?elacion, they reached the Santa Barbara Islands on 
March Gth. The northern group are named from west to east Santa Rosa 
(San Miguel), Santa Margarita (Santa Rosa), Santa Cruz (still so called), and 
Santo Tomas (Anacapa). Thence they sailed southward between the coast and 
San Clemente, reaching San Diego March 10th (another copy makes it March 
11th), sailing April 5th, and arriving at Monterey May 8th. Palou, Vida, 153- 
62, gives the latter date as May 9th. 

M1 Palou, Not., i. 606-8; fd., Vida, 156-61; Serra, in Bandini Doc. Hist. 
Cal., MS., i 





RIVERA SUCCEEDS FAGES. 225 


We left Rivera y Moncada at Loreto in March 
with fifty-one persons, soldiers and their families, re- 
cruited in Sinaloa for his new command.” Lieutenant 
Ortega was in the south at Santa Ana, with other 
families, whom he was ordered to bring up to Velicatd 
to join the rest, and was to remain in command of 
the camp until supplies and animals for the northern 
journey could be sent back. Rivera then started 
northward by land and reached Monterey on the 23d 
of May. Respecting the details of his march and the 
number of men he took with him nothing is known; 
but he left all the families and some of the new sol- 
diers at Velicaté. On the 25th he assumed the duties 
of his new office in place of Pedro Fages,* who pre- 
pared, as ordered by the viceroy, to go south with his 
company of Catalan volunteers.“ The first oppor- 
tunity to sail was by the San Antomo, which, leaving 
San Blas in March under Cajfiizares as master, had 
arrived on June 8th, this being the first trip ever 
made direct to Monterey without touching at San 
Diego. 

The feeling between Rivera and Tages was by no 
means friendly, the former having considered himself 
agerieved by Galvez’ act in preferring the latter at 
the beginning notr ithstanding the disparity of rank, 
and asecond time by Portold’s choice of a commander 
in 1770. Triumphant at last, he was not disposed 
to adopt a conciliatory policy toward his vanquished 
rival, whom, without any unnecessary expenditure of 
courteous phrases, he ordered to prepare his accounts 

12. March 20th, Rivera writes to the viceroy from Loreto that he has arrived 


from Sinaloa and will proceed by land to San Diego and join Anza. Arch. 
Santa Barbara, MS., xi. 378-9; but as we have seen he was too late to meet 
Anza. 

_ 13 The viceroy, on Jan. 2, 1775, acknowledges receipt of Rivera’s letter of 
June 14th, stating that he had taken possession of the command on May 25th. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS,, i. 168. Palou, Not., i. 609-13, makes the date May 
24th. May 4, 1771, Fages was made a captain. /d., i. 74. 

147In addition to the general instructions to Rivera and Fages already 
noticed, there was a special order of the viceroy dated Sept. 30, 1774, for 
- Fages with his volunteers and all of the cuera company not expressly ordered 
to remain to be sent to San Blas by the first vessel. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., 
Ms., i. 313. 
Hist. Cau., Vou. T. 15 


226 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


and get ready to sail on the San Antonio, taking with 
him all his men except ten who were to be retained 
until the new force arrived from the peninsula. Tages, 
though of course obliged to obey the viceroy’s orders, 
was not the man to quit the country without making 
a show of independence and an effort for the last 
word. A caustic correspondence followed, little of 
which is extant, but in which Rivera with the vantage- 
ground of his superior authority by no means carried 
off all the honors. Fages claimed the right to embark 
from San Diego, wishing to obtain certain receipts 
from padres and corporals at the several missions. 
Rivera replies, “The viceroy does not order me to 
allow the volunteers and you to embark at San Diego, 
but simply by the first vessel. His excellency knows 
very well that this presidio is the capital where you 
reside; therefore, this is the place he speaks of, and 
from this place you must sail.” Whereupon Don 
Pedro, as he might have done before, showed a per- 
mit from the viceroy to sail from San Diego, of later 
date than the commander’s instructions; and Rivera 
was forced to yield. 

Again Fages announced that he had some animals 
set apart for his own use which he proposed to take 
away with him to San Diego, and, after Rivera's 
prompt refusal to allow any such outrageous use of 
the king’s property, proceeded to prove that the mules 
were his own. Then he pleaded for more time to 
arrange his accounts, which could not be completed 
before the sailing of the San Antonio; but after getting 
an insolent permission to wait for the Santiago, he 
decided to start at once and leave the accounts to a 
clerk. Having gathered thus much from Rivera’s 
own letters, it is hard to resist the conclusion that if 
Fages’ letters were extant they would show the writer, 
with perfect sang froid, if not always with dignity, 
engaged in a deliberate epistolary effort to annoy his 
exultant and pompous rival. If this was not the case, 
all the more discreditable to himself was the tone 





NORTH-COAST EXPLORATIONS, 227 


‘adoyted in Rivera’s communications.® The San 
Antomo sailed from Monterey on July 7th, with - 
thirteen of the volunteers, and with Rafael Pedro y 
Gil the new store-keeper for San Diego. Fages 
started by land with two soldiers on the 19th and 
sailed on the 4th of August from San Diego. We 
shall hear again from this gallant officer. Fathers 
Prestamero and Usson also sailed for San Blas on 

the San Antonio, being forced to retire by ill-health. 


Perez in the Santiago was meanwhile engaged in 
another important service, that of exploring in the 
far north. There still existed among Spanish author- 
ities a fear of Russian encroachments on the Pacific 
coast, or at Jeast a spirit of curiosity to know what 
the Russians were doing. Bucareli had orders from 
the king to give this matter his attention as soon as 
it might be convenient.'® It is said to have been 
Serra who first suggested that the California trans- 
port might be advantageously used for purposes of 
geographical discovery, and opening up a new field 
for spiritual conquest. He also urged that no man 
was better fitted to take charge of the enterprise than 
his friend and compatriot Juan Perez, who had been 
the first in these later times to reach both San Diego 
and Monterey. - Perez was accordingly instructed, 
after landing the supplies at Monterey, to explore the 
northern coast up to 60°, with a view to discover 
harbors and to make such observations respecting the 
country and its inhabitants as might be practicable. 
The expense was borne by the king. 

It was the intention that Mugartegui should go as 
chaplain, but in case of his illness Serra had been 
requested” to name a substitute, and appointed Crespi 
and Peiia to act as chaplains and to keep diaries of 


1 Rivera y Moncada, Testimonio de diligencias en la toma de posesion del 
mando, 1774, MS., consisting of two letters dated June 21st and 22d. 

16 Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 117-19. 

4 Bucareli’s letter of Dec. 24, 1773, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 137-8. 


228 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


the voyage, as they did, both journals being still 
extant. The surgeon Davila went along, the vessel’s 
surgeon, Costan, remaining temporarily at Monterey. 
June 6th everything being ready at Monterey the 
padres went on board, and next day the Santiago 
attempted to sail, but was prevented by contrary 
winds. On the 8th the arrival of the San Antonio 
from San Blas, already noted, caused a new delay. 
Two days later solemn mass for the success of the 
expedition was said under the old oak that had wit-_ 
nessed the rite in 1602 and 1770, and on the 11th, 
just before noon, the vessel sailed from the bay. 
Adverse winds still baffled the navigators, driving 
them southward, so that for seventeen days they did 
not get above the latitude of Monterey, being driven 
back and forward along the coast between that lati- 
tude and that of the Santa Barbara Islands. On the 
9th July, when they were again able to make obser- 
vations, they were in latitude 45°, beyond the limits 
of the modern California of which I now write. The 
details of the voyage in northern waters, during which 
the Spaniards reached a latitude of 55°, making some 
observations and naming some points along the coast, 
dealing with the natives, who came off in canoes, but 
not landing, belong to another volume of this series, 
in which I shall narrate the annals of more northern 
lands.*® 

Reéntering California waters on the return trip 
the 17th of August, they sighted on the 22d what 
was supposed to be Cape Mendocino in latitude 40’, 
on the 26th they saw the Farallones, and next day at 
4 p.m. anchored at Monterey. The prevalence of 
fogs had prevented exploration of the Californian 
coast, beyond a mere glimpse of Mendocino and the 
Farallones. It is to be noticed that in speaking of 
the latter islands as a landmark for San Francisco 
the diarists clearly locate that port under Point 


18 For a full account of this voyage, with references to the original diaries, 
see dist. Northwest Coast, i. 150-8. 





MOVING OF SAN DIEGO. 229 


Reyes, and speak of the other bay discovered five 
years before as the grande estero, not yet named.” 


Two important events in California must be added 
to the record of 1774 before I call attention to certain 
other events on the peninsula and in Mexico nearly 
affecting the interests of the New Establishments. 
One was the moving of San Diego Mission in the 
extreme south in August; the other an exploration 
of San Francisco Bay in the extreme north at the 
close of the year. The site on which the mission at 
San Diego had been originally founded, and the pre- 
sidio a little later, had not proved a desirable one for 
agricultural purposes since the drying-up of the river; 
and in fact for several years seed had been sown for 
the most part at an inconvenient distance. The first 
proposition toward a change of site came early in 1773 
from Fages, who favored a removal of the rancheria 
containing all the neophytes as well as many gentiles 
from the vicinity of the stockade, for the reason that 
the huts would give the natives an advantage in hos- 
tile operations. This was not exactly a removal of the 
mission, since it does not appear that the friars were 
to accompany their neophytes; the fear of danger was 
deemed unfounded and even absurd; and, moreover, 
the measure was recommended by a man whose 
approval was enough to condemn any measure in 
Serra’s eyes. Consequently he opposed the change 
most strenuously in his report to the viceroy.” 

Jaume, the minister, however, addressed a letter in 
April 1773 to the president, in which he favored a 
removal of the mission. Experience had clearly 
shown, he thought, that want of water would always 
prove a drawback to prosperity at the original site; it 

19 Cresp{ in his Diario makes a long and confusing argument to prove that 
the faraliones seen at this time were not those seen in 1769, the former being 
50 leagues from Pt Reyes, and the latter much nearer. The reason of the 
_ friar’s confusion is not clear... The authorities on this voyage are: Crespt, 
na: Peiia, Diario, MS.; Perez, Relacion, MS.; and Perez, Tabla Diario, 

20 Serra, Repres. 21 de Mayo, 1773, MS. 


230 ' RECORD OF EVENTS. 


was always better for a mission to be a little re- 
moved from presidio influences; and he had a report 
from the natives confirmed by a soldier, of a very 
favorable site some six or seven leagues distant across 
the sierra.” The matter having been referred to the 
viceroy he authorized Rivera to make a change if it 
should seem expedient to himself and to Serra.” Of 
the subsequent consultations and explorations which 
doubtless took place we have no record; but the 
change was decided upon and effected in August 
1774. The new site was not the one which Jaume 
had in mind, but a nearer one called by the natives 
Nipaguay,” about two leagues up the valley north- 
eastward from Cosoy, and probably identical or nearly 
so with that of the later buildings whose ruins are 
still visible some six miles from the city and port. 
We have no account of the ceremonies by which the 
transfer was celebrated, nor do we know its exact 
date; but both friars and neophytes were pleased with 
the change, and worked with a will, so that by the 
end of the year the mission buildings were better than 
at Cosoy, including a dwelling, storehouse, and smithy 
of adobes, and a wooden church with roof of tules, 
measuring eighteen by fifty-seven feet. At the old 
site all the buildings were given up to the presidio, 
except two rooms, one for the use of visiting friars 
and the other for the reception and temporary storage 
of mission supplies coming by sea. Nothing further 
is known of San Diego events during the year, except 
that Ortega came up from below with the remaining 

1 Jaume’s letter of April 3d (or 30th), in Mayer MSS., No. 18, pp. 4, 5. 

22 Bucareli, Instruccion de 17 de Agosto 1773, MS. 

23 San Diego de Nipaguay—that is, San Diego at Nipaguay—was a com- 
mon name for the mission afterwards. Serra called it so in his second annual 
BT ane Informe de & Feb. 1775, MS., 124-7. An unfinished church built 
four or five feet above the foundations, with adobes all made ready to finish 
it, was also delivered. In a letter of October 3d the commandant of the pre- 
sidio says he was uncertain whether to accept the building, for how was it to 
be finished? Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 156-7. Lasuen in his report of 1783 
says the new site was but little better than the old so far as fertility was con- 


cerned. Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS.; see also Serra, in San Diego, Lib. de 
Alision, MS., 3, 4. 





EXPLORATIONS OF SAN FRANCISCO. 231 


force and families recruited by Rivera in Sinaloa, 
arriving at San Diego on September 26th, and de- 
spatching a part of the company to Monterey on the 
3d of October. The new troops gave Ortega some 
trouble by their tumultuous conduct, complaining of 
the quantity and quality of the food.” 


The occupation of the port of San Francisco and 
the founding of a mission there, though a matter still 
kept in abeyance, was one by no means forgotten, 
and one often mentioned in communications passing 
between Mexico and Monterey. Portolé and Crespi 
when they had almost reached the port in 1769, had, 
as we have seen, discovered a large bay before entirely 
unknown, and had explored to some extent its western 
shore. Galvez and the viceroy on hearing of Portold’s 
near approach to San Francisco had ordered the cap- 
tain of the San Antonio, when she brought ten new 
friars to California in 1771, in case she should reach 
San Francisco first, to leave there two of the padres 
and all that was required for an immediate foundation, 
under a temporary guard of sailors; but the vessel 
touched first at Monterey and Saint Francis was 
obliged to wait. In 1772 Fages and Crespi had again 
attempted to reach San Francisco by passing round 
the newly discovered bay, thus exploring the eastern 
shore, although prevented from accomplishing their 
main object by a great river which they could not 
cross.” 

In his instructions of August 17, 1773, Bucareli 
had ordered Rivera to make additional explorations 
of San Francisco, and with the approval of Serra to 
found a mission there.* Before either Rivera or his 
instructions reached California, however, Palou in 
his first annual report spoke of the proposed mission 
of San Francisco “in his own port supposed to be in 

2 Ortega to Rivera, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 154-6. 

6 Palou, Vida, 88-9 


27 See Chap. viii. of this volume. 
3 St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 333. 


232 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


the Ensenada of the Farallones toward Point Reyes,” 
of the attempt recently made to arrive there, of the 
obstacles in the way, and of the determination that 
had been formed. This determination was to explore 
the country northward from Monterey, and to estab- 
lish the proposed mission wherever a suitable place 
could be found, since it could not be exactly known 
where the port was until explorations were made by 
sea; and later, if the port were found on the other 
side of the new bay, another mission might be estab- 
lished there.” It must be borne in mind that the name 
of San Francisco had not yet been applied to the 
newly found body of water, although the latter was 
by some vaguely supposed to be connected with the 
port so long known; neither had the bay been explored 
as yet with boats so that it might be known whether 
it contained a ‘port’ at all; or if so, in what part of 
the broad expanse the harbor was to be found. 

In obedience to the viceroy’s orders,” and with a 
view, perhaps, to test the necessity or expediency of 
Palou’s plan, a new exploration was undertaken by 
Rivera as soon as his new recruits arrived at Monte- 
rey, which was early in November. He took with 
him sixteen soldiers, two servants, and a mule train 
Jaden with supplies for a journey of forty days. Palou 
accompanied him, by order of the president, to perform 
a chaplain’s duty and keep a diary.” Setting out on 
November 23d the party followed Fages’ route of 
1772, va what are now Hollister and Gilroy, until, 
on entering the grand valley about the bay, they bore 
to the left instead of to the right as Fages had done, 
and on the 28th encamped at the very spot where 
Rivera had spent four days in 1769, that is, on what 
is now San Francisquito Creek below Searsville.” The 

29 Palou, Not., ii. 32. 

5° These orders had, it seems, been repeated in a letter dated May 25, 1774, 
and directed to Palon. 

31 Palou, Espedicion y Registro que se hizo de las cercanias del puerto de Nues- 
tro Serdjfico Padre San Francisco, in Id., Not., ii. 43-92. 


5? As distances are not given in this diary it is of little or no help in fixing 
exact locations. The party was now about one league from the shore, about a 





UP THE BEACH TO THE CLIFF. 233 


natives were hospitable and not so shy as they had 
been along the way. This seemed a fitting place for 
a mission, and a cross was erected as a sign of the 
Spaniards’ purpose to locate San Francisco here. I 
suppose that from this circumstance originated the 
name San Francisquito later applied to the stream. 

Next day the explorers started on north-westward, 
soon crossing the low hills into the cafiada that had 
been followed in 1769, to which, or to a locality in 
which, they now gave the name Cajiada de San Andrés 
which it still bears. Rancherias were numerous, and 
the natives uniformly well disposed. On the 30th 
they left the glen, climbed some high land, and en- 
camped on a lagoon in the hills, not improbably that 
~ now known as Laguna de San Bruno. From a lofty 
hill Rivera and Palou obtained a view of the bay and 
valley to the south-eastward, but could not see the 
outlet, on account of another hill intervening. Decem- 
ber Ist Rivera with four soldiers climbed that hill and 
on his return said he had been very near the outlet, 
which could be conveniently reached from the camp 
by following the ocean beach. Delayed for a few 
days by cold, rainy weather, they started again on 
the fourth, proceeded north over low hills and across 
cafiadas, in three of which was running water, and 
encamped before noon on a stream which flowed into 
a large lake stretching toward the beach, known later 
as Laguna de la Merced. 

Taking with him four soldiers and accompanied 
also by Palou, Rivera continued north-westward over 
hill and vale into the sand dunes and down to the 
beach, at a point near where the Ocean Side House 
later stood. Thence he followed the beach, as so 
many thousands have done since in conveyances 
somewhat more modern and elegant than those of 
the gallant captain and friar, until stopped by the 


day’s journey from the end of the peninsula, and in 37° 46’ by their own reck- 
oning. That they were below Searsville is shown by the fact that on starting 
north-west they at first crossed a plain. 


234 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


steep slope of a lofty hill, in sight of some pointed 
rocks near the shore, this being the first visit to the 
Seal Rocks since famous, and to the site of the mod- 
ern ‘Cliff’ They climbed the hill and gazed around 
on what was and is still to be seen, and described by 
Palou as it might be described now, except in the 
matter of artificial changes. A cross was set up on 
the summit, and the explorers returned by the way 
they had come to their camp on Lake Merced after 
an absence of only four hours. 


It was now resolved to postpone the exploration of 
the Rio de San Francisco, the San Joaquin, until 
after the rainy season, and to return to Monterey by 
the shore route of 1769. Three hours’ journey south- 
ward, over grassy hills, brought them on the 5th into 
the old trail, by which, having crossed the San Lo- 
renzo and Pajaro rivers on the 11th, they arrived at 
the presidio the 13th of December.” On the trip 
Palou had found six sites which he deemed suitable 
for missions. These were, in the valley of San Pas- 
cual near the modern Hollister, in the ‘plain of the 
oreat estuary’ where the cross was left on San Fran- 
cisquito Creek, in the vale of San Pedro Regalado 
and that of San Pedro Alcantara between Spanish 
Town and Pescadero, on the River San Lorenzo at 
Santa Cruz, and on the River Pajaro at Watsonville. 
“God grant that in my day I may see them occupied 
by missions, and in them assembled all the gentiles 
who inhabit their vicinities, and that none of the lat- 
ter die without holy baptism, to the end that the 
number of the children of God and of his holy 
church be increased, and also of the vassals of our 


83 The lack of distances in this diary renders it of little use in fixing exact 
localities, although the route is somewhat more fully described in several 
respects than in the diary of the former expedition. The fact that three 
‘hours’ journey southward from the head of Lake Merced brought Rivera into 
the old trail confirms my former conclusion—see chap. vi.—that the first ex- 
pedition crossed from Pt San Pedro rather than from Half Moon Bay. Now 
the travellers visited a lagoon in the hills near the shore, about a league above 
Pt Angel—probably Laguna Alta. 





TROUBLE IN LOWER CALIFORNIA. 235 


catholic monarch,” adds the good padre in closing his 
journal.* | 


«When Palou left the peninsula in the summer of 
1773, he left Campa and Sanchez at Loreto to attend 
to the forwarding of certain cattle from the old mis- 
sions, which had been assigned to the new ones, but 
which he had been unable to obtain on account of the 
never ending excuses of Governor Barri and President 
Mora, who, however, had agreed to settle the matter 
definitely in October of the same year. Nothing being 
done, excuses following excuses, and there being some 
evidence that the recalcitrant governor was causing 
delay in the hope of breaking up the whole arrange- 
ment by communications with the viceroy, Campa 
wrote Palou how he was situated, and sailed on April 5, 
1774, for Mexico to consult the guardian, Sanchez start- 
ing about the same time to join Cambon at Velicata. 
In Mexico Campa made but little progress. Some 
cattle and horses purchased for the missions the 
viceroy had already ordered to be sent up, as they 
were early in 1775; but the Dominicans had convinced 
him, as was probably true, that their missions had‘no 
cattle to spare, and, therefore, stock for California 
must be sought elsewhere.” 

At Velicaté Cambon had been left by Palou in 
charge of vestments and other church property col- 
iected from the southern missions by the order of 
Galvez. The quarrel between the Franciscans and 
Barri, for which the removal of this property served 
largely as a motive, or at least a pretence, was now at 
its height. The governor had taken advantage of the 
fact that the agreement by which the Franciscans 
had voluntarily ceded the Lower California missions 
was not popularly known, to circulate a report that 
his own influence had forced the friars to quit the 

34 Rivera sent a diary of the trip to the viceroy on Jan. 5, 1775, as ap- 
Fees from Bucareli’s acknowledgment on May 24th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 


ia} 
35. Patou, Not., ii. 156-7, 207-8. 


236 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


country. He labored hard to win over the Domini- 
cans to his side, and was practically successful so far 
at least as the president was concerned, and he insisted 
that the property in question had been stolen. The 
details and merits of the general controversy need not 
be repeated here. It is evident enough that Barri 
allowed his bitterness toward the Franciscans to get 
the better of his judgment, and that he neglected no 
opportunity to annoy his foes. , 

From San Diego Palou sent back mules to bring up 
supplies and part of the church property, but Barri 
sent an order to the officer in command at Velicata to 
load the animals with corn, but by no means to allow 
the vestments to be taken, pretending that a new 
examination of the boxes was necessary. (Governor 
and president were now acting in full accord and caus- 
ing aelay by throwing the responsibility of every new 
hinderance each upon the other. Mora claimed to have 
full faith in Franciscan honor, but had consented to 
the proposed search merely to convince Barri of his 
error! Cambon was instructed to submit to the search 
if required, but to insist on exact inventories and cer- 
tificates. Thus things remained until Serra returned 
from Mexico with a positive order from the viceroy 
for the removal of the goods, an order which was sent 
south and reached Velicaté July 16, 1774. 

A. correspondence ensued between Cambon and the 
military officer in charge, in which the latter professed 
to be utterly ignorant of any embargo on the removal 
of the property, and to have received no orders what- 
ever from Barri on the subject, although the contrary 
was well enough known to be true. Preparations 
were made for Padre Sanchez to take the property 
with Ortega’s force, but a new difficulty arose; for 
Hidalgo, the Dominican in charge of Velicatd, had 
positive orders from President Mora to stop the goods. 
He was in much perplexity, and begged for delay. 
Finally, however, after obtaining a certificate from the 
commandant that he would furnish no troops to pre- 





APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR NEVE. 237 


vent the removal, Hidalgo gave his permission, and it 
was found that after all there were only three mules 
to carry the vestments, most of which had therefore to 
be-left behind. They were carried up, however, early 
in the next year by Father Dumetz, who came down 
from Monterey with a mule train for the purpose.* 


There was now but small opportunity left for quar- 
rels between Barri and the Franciscans, but it seems 
there were also dissensions with the Dominicans. It 
was evident to the viceroy, that only harmonious 
relations between the political and missionary author- 
ities could ensure the prosperity of the peninsula, and 
that under Barri’s rule such relations could not be 
maintained. Bucareli, therefore, decided, as he had 
done before in the case of Fages, without committing 
himself decidedly respecting the points at issue, to 
appoint a new governor, as in fact Barri had several 
times asked him to do. His choice of ‘‘a person 
endowed with wisdom and love for the service to 
establish, maintain, and firmly implant good order,” 
fell upon Felipe de Neve, major of the Querétaro 
regiment of provincial cavalry.” He was summoned 
to Mexico and received his instructions September 


36 Palou, Not., ii. 158-205. With the first collection of vestments there 
went up to Rivera a letter from Gov. Barri, simply stating that application 
for the property, in order to prevent delays, should have been made to Presi- 
dent Mora rather than himself, and the same mail carried a letter from Mora 
with the assurance that all the blame for delays belonged exclusively to Barri! 
Palou adds a short ‘reflexion’ making excuses, as was his duty, for all con- 
cerned. Mora probably was accused of complicity in robbing the missions, 
and favored a search in order to vindicate his own honor and that of the 
Franciscans. The viceroy consented from the same motives and to avoid 
litigation, and Gov. Barri’s charges and actions were, perhaps, from ‘ excess 
of zeal’ to protect the missions of Baja California. It would seem that there 
was also a quarrel between Barri and Rivera arising in some way from the 
opening by the commandant of a despatch addressed to the governor. Ortega 
in letters of July 18th and Oct. 3d—Prov. Sé. Pap., MS. i. 148-9, 155—advises 
Rivera that the governor is hostile and disposed to wrangle about superiority; 
that he had been taking testimony; and that it was only President Mora’s 
efforts which had prevented Rivera’s arrest on arrival at Loreto. 

37 The only item of information that I have found respecting Neve before 
he came to California, is the fact that when his regiment was formed in 1766 
he was sent to raise a squadron in Michoacan; but both at Val'adolid and 
Patzcuaro the people resisted the draft, liberated several recruits by force, 
wounded a sergeant, and forced Neve to return. Aivera, Gob. de Mew, i, 
407-S. 


238 RECORD OF EVENTS. 


30th from the viceroy. These instructions were similar 
in their general purport to those before issued to Rivera 
and already noticed, The only points relating to Upper 
California were those defining the official relations 
between Neve and Rivera, requiring special attention 
to the forwarding of despatches from the north and 
keeping open the routes of communication, and the 
forwarding of the church property at Velicaté. The 
commander of Monterey was only nominally subordi- 
nate to the governor, being required to maintain har- 
monious relations with that official, and to report in 
full to him as he did to the viceroy, but not in any 
sense to obey his orders. Bucareli was careful to avoid 
future dissensions by causing Neve to understand 
Rivera’s practical independence.* Neve’s appointment 
may be said to have begun with the date of his 
instructions on September 30th; but his final orders 
were received October 28th® and he started from Mex- 
ico the next day, although he did not reach Loreto 
and assume command until March 4th of the follow- 
ing year. Of Barri after he left Loreto March 26, 
1775, nothing is recorded. His term of office had been 
from March 1771 to March 1775, but he had exerted, 
as we have seen, no practical authority over Alta 
California. 

Serra’s second annual report for the year 1774, 
completed in February of the following year, is almost 
entirely statistical in its nature, containing in addition 
to figures of agriculture, stock-raising, mission build- 
ings, baptisms, marriages, and deaths, long lists of 
church ornaments, agricultural implements, and other 
property. The year would seem to have been fairly 
prosperous, with no disasters. At San Diego the mis- 
- gion had been moved to a new site and new buildings 
had been erected at least equal to the old ones. It was 
proposed to move San Gabriel also for a short distance, 


38 Bucareli, Instrucciones al Gobernador de Californias, 30 de Septiembre 
1774, MS. 

39 Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 191; Jd. xxii. 2. 

© Prov. Rec., MS., i. 1. 


STATISTICS. 239 


and for that reason but very slight additions had 
been made to the buildings. At the other missions 
many small structures had been put up for various 
uses. At San Luis Obispo a new church of adobes, 
elght by twenty varas, but as yet without a roof, was 
the most prominent improvement. At San Antonio 
an adobe storehouse had been built, a bookcase made | 
for a library, and an irrigating ditch dug for about a 
league. San Carlos had seven or eight new houses 
of adobe and palisades, besides an oven. 

Agricultural operations had been successful, and 
the grain preduct had exceeded a thousand fanegas, 
the seed having yielded forty fold. San Gabriel took 
the lead, close followed by San Carlos. San Luis 
raised the most wheat, while sterile San Diego showed 
a total return of only thirty fanegas of wheat. No- 
_where was there a total failure of any crop. In the 
matter of live-stock, horned cattle had increased from 
205 to 304; horses from 67 to 100; mules from 77 
to 85; sheep from 94 to 170; goats from 67 to 95; 
swine from 102 to 181; while asses remained only 4. 
The mission records showed a total of 833 baptisms, 
124 marriages, 74 deaths, and an existing neophyte 
population of 759; or for the year a gain of 342 bap- 
tisms, 62 marriages, 45 deaths, and 297 in population. 
San Carlos was yet at the head with 244 neophytes, . 
and San Diego came in last with 97." 


“1 Serra, Informe de los Augmentos que han tenido con todo el afio de 1774 las 
cinco misiones del Colegio A postélico de Propaganda Fide de San Fernando de 
Mexico de 6rden de N. P. 8S. Francisco y del estado actual en que se hallan 
ad ultimos de Diciembre del afio de 1774, MS. The report was dated San 
Carlos, Feb. 5, 1775. 


CHAPTER XI. 


NORTHERN EXPLORATION AND SOUTHERN DISASTER. 
1775. 


A CALIFORNIA-BOUND FLEET—FRANCISCAN CHAPLAINS— VOYAGE OF QUIROS 
IN THE ‘SAN ANTONIO’— VOYAGE OF AYALA IN THE ‘SAN CARLOS’— 
VoyaGE or HeEceTa AND BopeGa y CuADRA TO THE NORTHERN 
Coasts—DIscovERY OF TRINIDAD BAy—DIscovERY or BopEGA Bay— 
DEATH OF JUAN PEREZ—EXPLORATION OF SAN FRanNcisco Bay BY 
AYALA— TRIP OF HECETA AND Patou To San FRAnNciIsco BY Lanp— 
PREPARATIONS FOR NEW MIssrionS—ATTEMPTED FOUNDING OF SAN 
JUAN CAPISTRANO—MIDNIGHT DESTRUCTION oF SAN DriEGo MISSION 
MARTYRDOM OF PADRE JAUME—A NIGHT oF TERROR—ALARM AT SAN 
ANTONIO, 


A. FieET of four vessels was despatched from San 
Blas in the spring of 1775, all bound for Californian 
or yet more northern waters. The king had sent out 
recently from Spain six regular naval officers, one of 
whom was to remain at San Blas as commandant, 
while the rest were to assume charge of the vessels. 
The viceroy was to supply chaplains, and, no clergy- 
men being immediately accessible, he called upon the 
college pe San Fernando to peas friars for the duty, 
on the plea that all was intended to advance the work 
of converting heathen, a plea which the guardian 
could not disregard, and he detailed four Franciscans 
for the new service temporarily, though it was foreign 
to the work of the order.’ 

1 The friar chaplains were Campa, Usson, Santa Maria, and Sierra. Life 
on the ocean wave had no charms for them, and on return from the first 
voyage they asked permission to quit the service and to resume their legiti- 
mate work as missionaries. The first two were successful, but the others had 
to ‘sacrifice themselves’ again, and José Nocedal was sent also as a companion. 
The only consolation of each was the hope of being able to take the place of 


some retiring friar in California. Palouw, Noté., ii. 216-17, 257-8. 
5 ’ ? ’ (240) 
y 








ee ee ee, 


ee ee ee ee ee ee 


— 


A NORTHERN FLEET. 241 


All sailed from San Blas on the same day, the 16th 
of March.? The San Antonio was under Lieutenant 
Fernando Quirés, and her chaplain was Ramon Usson. 
She was laden with supplies for San Diego and San 
Gabriel. Quirds’ voyage was a prosperous one, and 
having landed the cargo at San Diego he was back at 
San Blas by the middle of June. The other trans- 
port, the San Carles, bearing the supplies for Monte- 
rey and the northern missions, set sail under the 
command of Miguel Manrique, but was hardly out of 
sight of land when he went mad and Lieutenant Juan 
Bautista de Ayala took his place, Vicente Santa Maria 
serving as chaplain. Her trip, though longer from 
adverse winds, was not less uneventful and prosperous 
than that of the San Antonio. Anchoring at Monte- 
rey June 27th, she discharged her cargo, and after 
having made an exploration of San Francisco Bay, 
for which Ayala had orders, and of which I shall 
have more to say presently, the Golden Fleece set out 
on her return the 11th of October.’ 

The other vessels were the ship Santiago, under 
Captain Bruno Heceta, with Juan Perez and Chris- 
tédbal Revilla as master and mate, and with Miguel 
de la Campa and Benito Sierra as chaplains; and the 
schooner Sonora alias Felicidad, commanded after 
Ayala’s removal by Lieutenant Juan Francisco de 
Bodega y Cuadra, with Antonio Maurelle as sailing- 
master. The full crew was one hundred and six 
men, and the supply of provisions was deemed sufli- 

2 Some authorities say the 15th, and Palou, probably by a misprint, has it 
the 26th. | 

3 May 5th, Ortega writes from San Diego to Rivera that the San Cdrlos 
was stranded in leaving San Blas, and that the cargo will probably be trans- 
ferred to the Santiago. This idea probably came from some rumor brought 
by the San Antonio, respecting the delay occasioned by Manrique’s madness. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 162. 

* Heceta, Quirdés, and Manrique were tenientes de navio, or lieutenants in 
the royal navy, the former being acting captain and comandante of the 
expedition. Ayala and Bodega were tenientes de fragata, a rank lower than 
the preceding and obsolete in modern times save as an honorary title in the 
merchant marine. Perez and Maurelle held the rank of alférez de fragata, 
still lower than the preceding, besides being, as was Revilla, pilo/os, or sail- 


ing-masters, 
Hist. Cau., Vou, I 16 


242 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


cient for a year’s cruise. Sailing from San Blas 
March 16th, the schooner being towed by the ship, 
they lost sight of the San Cédrlos in a week, and were 
kept back by contrary winds at first, only beginning 
to make progress northward early in April. May 
21st they were in nearly the latitude of Monterey, 
but it was decided in council not to“enter that port, 
since the chief aim of the expedition was exploration, 
and it was hoped to get water at the river supposed 
to have been discovered by Aguilar, in latitude 42° or 
43°. 

On the 7th of June, in latitude 42° as their ob- 
servations made it, the vessels drew near the shore, 
which they followed southward to 41° 6’,° and found 
on the 9th a good anchorage protected by a lofty 
headland from the prevalent north-west winds. Two 
days later they landed and took formal possession of 
the country with all the prescribed ceremonial, includ- 
ing the unfurling of the Spanish flag, a military salute, 
raising the cross, and a mass by Father Campa. 
From the day the name of Trinidad was given to the 
port, which still retains it, and the stream since known 
as Little River was named Principio. The natives 
were numercus and friendly, and by no means timid. 
They were quite ready to embrace the padres; they 
did not hesitate to put their hands in the dishes; and 
they were curious to know if the strangers were men 
like themselves, having noted an apparent indifference 
to the charms of the native women. More than a 
week was spent here, during which some explorations 
were made, water and wood were obtained, and the 
disposition and habits of the natives studied. One 
sailor was lost by desertion, and a new top-mast was 
made for the Santiago. Finally, on the 19th, the 
navigators embarked and left the port of Trinidad 
with its pine-clad hills, and, much to the sorrow of 
the savages, bore away northward, in which direction 


541° 8’, 41° 18’, 41° 7’, and 41° 9’ are given by different authorities. The 
true latitude is about 41° 4’. 


| 





ee ee ee 


EXPEDITION OF HECETA AND CUADRA. 243 


no more landings or observations were made on: Cali- 
fornian territory: 

The explorations of Heceta and Bodega in northern 
waters receive due attention in another volume of this 
series. The ship and schooner, the latter no longer 
in tow, kept together till the end of July, when they 
parted in rough weather. Heceta in the Santiago 
kept on to latitude 49°, whence on August 11th he 
decided to return, many of his crew being down with 
the scurvy. He kept near the shore and made close 
observations down to 42°30’; but on reéntering Cali- 
fornia waters on the 21st, the weather being cloudy, 
little was learned of the coast. Passing Cape Mendo- 
cino during the night of the 25th, the commander 
wished to enter San Francisco, but a dense fog rendered 
it‘unsafe to make the attempt, though he sighted the 
Farallones, and the 29th anchor was cast in the 
port of Monterey. Now were landed some mission 
and presidio supplies which had come to California by 
a roundabout way. 

The schooner Sonora, after parting from her capi- 
tana, kept on up to about 58°, and then turning’ fol- 
lowed the coast down to Bodega Bay, so named at this 
time in honor of Bodega y Cuadra,* though there was 
much doubt among the officials at first whether it 
were not really San Francisco. They anchored Octo- 
ber 3d, and without landing held friendly intercourse 
with the natives, who came out to them on rafts. 
The harbor seemed at first glance a good one, and 
as in the part since called Tomales Bay it extended 
far inland, apparently receiving a large river at its 
head, it seemed likely to have some connection with 
the great bahia redonda, San Pablo Bay, which had 
been discovered to the south. Next day, however, a 
sudden gale proved the harbor unsafe, breaking a boat, 
which prevented proposed soundings. Narrowly escap- 

6 Many suppose the name to have come from the fact that the Russians in 
later times had their cellars—in Spanish, bodegas—here. Strangely enough 


ex-governor Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 8, 10, takes this view of it, and also 
derives the name Farallones from Cabrillo’s pilot Ferrelo} 


244 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


ing wreck in leaving the bay, the Sonora headed 
southward; the Farallones were sighted on the 5th, 
and on the 7th Cuadra anchored at Monterey, to the 
great joy of his former companions who had given 
the schooner up for lost. Nearly all were down with 
the scurvy, but they rapidly recovered under the 
kindly care of the missionaries and the good-will of 
Our Lady of Bethlehem, to whose image in the mis- 
sion church of San Carlos the whole crew tendered a 
solemn mass of intercession a week after their arrival. 
The return voyage from Monterey to San Blas lasted 
from the 1st to the 20th of November.’ Juan Perez, 
who had been the first in these later expeditions to 
-enter both Monterey and San Diego from the sea, 
died the second day out from port, and funeral honors 
were paid to his memory a year later when the news 
came back to San Carlos. 


At the end of 1774 the viceroy writes both Rivera 
and Serra, of his intention to establish a new presidio 
of twenty-eight men at San Francisco, under a lieu- 
tenant and a sergeant. This establishment will serve 
as a base of operations for a further extension of 
Spanish and Christian power, and under its protection 
two new missions are to be founded at once, for which 
Serra is requested to name ministers. It is announced 
that Anza will recruit the soldiers in Sonora and Sin- 
aloa and bring them with their families, to the number 
of one hundred persons or so, by the overland route 
explored by himself the same year, coming in person 
to superintend the ceremonies. The comisario at San 


™The authorities for these voyages, for particulars of which in the north 
see List. Northwest Coast, i. 158 et seq., are Heccta, Viaje de 1775 ; Diario de la 
Santiago, MS.; Bodega y Cuadra, Viage de 1775; Diario de la Sonora, MS.; 
Maurelle, Diario del Viage de la Sonora 1775, MS. (with Reflexiones, tadblas, 
etc.); Bodega y Cuadra, Comento dela Navegacion y Descubrimiento 1775, MS.; 
Heceta, Segunda Exploracion de la costa Septentrional de California 1775, 
MS.; Heceta, Hapedicion maritima hasta el grado cincuenta y ocho de las costas 
del Mar Pactjico, in Palou, Not., ii. 219-57; Maurelle, Journal of a Voyage in 
1775; Palou, Vida, 162-5; Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex., Viage, xciii.—-ix.; 
Mofras, Explor., i. 107-9; Greenhow’s Or. and Cal., 117-20; Forster’s Hist. 
Voy., 455-8. 


ee 





LY 
¢ 


SAN FRANCISCO BAY. 245 


Blas has orders to send by the next year’s transports 
supplies sufficient for the new colony, and the com- 
mander of the vessel which brought these letters is 
- Instructed to make a preliminary survey of San Fran- 
cisco Bay.* Details are left to the well known dis- 
cretion and zeal of the commandant and president, 
who are directed to report minutely and promptly on 
all that is done. The substance of these communica- 
tions is duplicated in others written at the beginning 
of 1775;° one set and perhaps both reaching Monterey 
the 27th of June by the San Carlos. 

Lieutenant Ayala, as I have said, has orders to ex- 
plore San Francisco by water. His instructions refer 
more directly to the new bay than to the original San 
Francisco, Asis natural in the case of two bodies of 
water so near together and probably connected, there 
is no further effort in Mexico to distinguish one from 
the other, the lately discovered grandeur of the new 
absorbing the traditional glories of the old. For a 
time the friars and others in California show a feeble 
tendency to keep up the old distinction, but it is prac- 
tically at an end. From 1775 the newly found and 
grand bay bears the name San Francisco which has 
before belonged to the little harbor under Point 
Reyes. Ayala’s mission is to ascertain if the mouth 
seen by Fages three years before from the opposite 
shore is indeed a navigable entrance, and also to learn 
by examination if the bay is a ‘port,’ or if it contains 
a port. He is also to search for a strait connecting 
the bay with the San Francisco of old. Rivera is to 
codperate by means of a land expedition, and the two 
are to make all possible preparations for the recep- 
tion of Anza’s force soon to be on its way. Rivera 
cannot send his party till his men return from the 


® Letters dated December 15, 1774. Of that to Serra I have the original, 
partly in the handwriting of Bucareli himself. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 49-56; 
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 119-22; Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Miscel., MSs, 11 
20-5. 

® Letters dated January 2, 1775. Original addressed to P. Serra, in Doc. 
Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 25-7. See also Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 166-7; Jd., xxii. 3. 


246 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


south, whither they have gone to escort Dumetz to 
Velicaté and back in quest of church property. 
Father Junipero names Cambon and Palou for the 
proposed mission, and Ayala busies himself in con- 
structing a cayuco, or ‘dugout, from the trunk of a 
redwood on the River Carmelo, a beginning in a small 
way of ship-building on the Californian coast. 
Ayala, with his two pilotos, José Cafiizares and 
Juan Bautista Aguirre, and his chaplain Santa Maria, 
sail from Monterey, probably on the 24th of July,” be- 
ginning with the voyage a novena to Saint Francis, at 
the termination of which on the Ist of August just at 
night the San Carlos is off the entrance to San Fran- 
cisco Bay. The boat is sent in first, and as she does 
not immediately return, the paquebot follows in the 
darkness, and anchors without difficulty in the vicinity 
of what is now North Beach. Next morning she 
joms the boat and both cross over to the Isla de 
Nuestra Seiiora de los Angeles, so named as I sup- 
pose from the day, August 2d, and still known as 
Angel Island." There they find good anchorage, 
with plenty of wood and water. Ayala remains at 
anchor in the bay for over forty days, making careful 
surveys and waiting for the land expedition, which 
does not make its appearance. It is unfortunate that 
neither the map nor diary of this earliest survey is 
extant. Cajiizares is sent in the boat to explore the 
northern branch, the ‘round bay,’ now called San 
Pablo, going up to fresh-water rivers,” and bartering 
beads for fish with many friendly natives. Aguirre 
makes a similar reconnoissance in the southern branch 


10Palou, Wot., ii. 218, 248-9; Vida, 201-3, the only authority extant, says 
July 27th, but this I think is a misprint, since it would not allow the anchor- 
age at Angel Island August 2d. 

11 The fact that it is called ‘la isla que esta en frente de la boca’ would 
agree better with Alcatraz, but Font, Journal, MS., a little later mentions 
another island agrecing with Alcatraz, removing all doubt. 

12 As nothing is said of the bodies of water corresponding to Suisun Bay and 
Carquines Strait, it would seem likely that the rivers were Petaluma, Sonoma, 
or Napa creeks, and not the San Joaquin and Sacramento; but in his J’ida, 
203, Palou says they noted the mouth of the great river San Francisco formed 
by five other big rivers. 





AYALA AND AGUIRRE IN THE BAY. 247 


of the bay, noting several indentations with good 
anchorage; but he encounters only three natives, who 
are weéping on the shore of what is now Mission 
Bay, called from that circumstance Ensenada de los 
Llorones. Santa Maria and the officers land several 
times on the northern shore toward Point Reyes, 
visiting there a hospitable rancheria. The conclusion 
reached is that San Francisco is indeed a port, and 
one of the best possessed by Spain, “not merely one 
port, but many with a single entrance.” There is an 
aboriginal tradition that the bay was once an oak 
grove with a river flowing through it, and the Span- 
iards think they find some support for the theory in 
the shape of oak roots there found.” On the 22d of 
September the San Cérlos is back at Menterey. 

In the mean time the Santiago has arrived from the 
north, and Heceta, who had been unable by reason of 
fogs to enter San Francisco by water, resolves to make 
the attempt by land. He obtains nine soldiers, three 
sailors, and a carpenter, places on a mule a canoe pur- 
chased from the northern Indians, and with Palou and 
Campa sets out the 14th of September. Following 
Rivera’s route of the preceding year the party arrive 
on the 22d at the sea-shore, and find on the beach 
below the cliff Ayala’s canoe wrecked. This first prod- 
uct of home ship-building, after fulfillmg its destiny 
in the first survey of California’s chief harbor, had 
broken loose from its moorings and floated out with 
the tide to meet its fate where more pretentious craft 
have since stranded. 

On the hill-top, at the foot of the old cross, are found 
letters from Santa Maria directing the land party to 
go about a league inland, and light a fire on the beach 
to attract the notice of the San Cérlos anchored at 
Angel Island. Heceta does so, but finds no vessel, 
and returns to encamp on Lake Merced, so named 
from the day, September 24th, on which he left it. 
Next day he returns to North Beach, but finds no 


8 Arch, Santa Barbara, MS., iv. 153. 


, 248 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


ship; and, supposing correctly that she has left the 
bay, departs on the 24th for Monterey, where he 
arrives the 1st of October.* Thus no buildings are 
yet erected for Anza’s expected force. 


Before receiving the viceroy’s instructions regarding 
San Francisco, Serra had desired to found some new 
missions under the regulations of 1773; that is, by 
diminishing the old guards and taking a few soldiers 
from the presidio. But Rivera declared that no sol- 
diers could be spared, and the president had to content 
himself -with writing to the guardian and asking that 
officer to intercede with the viceroy for twenty men. 
Had he known of the force already assigned to the 
new presidioyit is doubtful if even he would have had 
the effrontery to ask so soon for a reénforcement. 
The guardian, unable to get the soldiers, asked per- 
mission to retire the supernumerary padres, which was 
granted at first but immediately countermanded; and 
Bucareli wrote to both Serra and Rivera, authorizing 
the former and instructing the latter, in view of 
Anza’s expected arrival, to establish two or three new 
missions on the old plan, depending on future arrange- 
ments for additional guards.” 

The viceroy’s letter just alluded to reached Mon- 
terey on the 10th of August. At a consultation held 
two days later it was resolved to establish at once a 
mission of San Juan Capistrano between San Diego 
and San Gabriel, under Fermin Francisco de Lasuen 
and Gregorio Amurrio, with a guard of six men, four 
from the presidial force and two from the missions of 
San Carlos and San Diego.” The friars from Mon- 
terey and San Luis, where they had been waiting, 
went down to San Gabriel i August, Lasuen con- 
tinuing his journey to San Diego, whence he accom- 


14 Palou, Not., ii. 243-8. 

'S Palou, Not., ti. 259-61; Bucareli to Rivera, May 24, 1775, in Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 174-5. 

16 Rivera announced this to the viceroy in a letter of Aug. 22d. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS8., i. 191-2. Gov. Neve notified the viceroy of the padre’s im 
ment, on Dee. 10th. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 156-7. 





TROUBLE AT SAN DIEGO. 249 


panied Ortega to explore a site for the new mission. 
This done, Lasuen returned from San Diego with 
Ortega, a sergeant, and twelve soldiers, sending word 
to Amurrio to come down from San Gabriel with the 
cattle and other church property. Lasuen formally 
began the mission on the 80th of October.” The 
natives were well disposed, work on the buildings was 
progressing, Father Amurrio soon arrived, and pros- 
pects were deemed favorable, when on the 7th of 
November the lieutenant was suddenly called away 
by tidings of a disaster at San Diego. By his ad- 
vice the new mission was abandoned, the bells were 
buried, and the whole company set out for the pre- 
sidio.* 


Of affairs at San Diego, before the event that 
called the company back from San Juan, we have no 
record, save a few letters of Ortega to the command- 
ant, relating for the most part to trivial details of 
official routine. There is some complaint of lack 
of arms and servants in the presidio. Several mule 
trains arrive and depart; there are hostile savages on 
the. frontier; the lheutenant is sorry because Rivera 
wishes to leave, doubts if he can obtain permission to 
resign, which is the first we know of any such inten- 
tion on the part of the commandant.” 

At the new mission, six miles up the valley, pros- 
pects are bright. New buildings have been erected, a 
well dug, and more land made ready for sowing. On 
the 3d of October sixty new converts are baptized. 
Then comes a change. On the night of November 
4th the mission company, eleven persons of Spanish 


17So says Palou; but Ortega, in a letter to Anza dated pent 30th, says it 
was Oct. 19th. Arch. Cal. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 

18 Thus Anza on his arrival Jan. 8, 1776, found the site na unfinished 
buildings unoccupied. Anza, Diario, MS., 90. 

19 Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 142-7, 163-6; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 144-5. In one 
of his letters Ortega speaks of the landing- -place of goods for the presidio as 
being at least two leagues distant. It would be interesting to know just 
where this landing was and what was the necessity of landing goods so far 
off. In fact without crossing to the peninsula it would seem impossible to 
find a spot so far away. 


250 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


blood, retire to rest in fancied security. A little after 
midnight they awake to find the buildings in flames 
and invested by a horde of yelling savages. The two 
ministers, Luis Jaume and Vicente Fuster, with two 
boys, a son and a nephew of Ortega,” rush out at the 
first alarm. Jaume turns toward the savages with his 
usual salutation Amad dé Dios, hyos, ‘ Love God, my 
children.’ Thereupon he is lost sight of by Fuster, 
who with the young Ortegas succeeds in joining the 
soldiers at their barracks. 

Two blacksmiths, José Manuel Arroyo and Felipe 
Romero, the former being on a visit from the presidio,™ 
were sleeping in the smithy. Arroyo is the first to be 
roused, and though ill he seizes a sword and rushes 
forth. Receiving two arrows in his body he staggers 
back into the shop to rouse his companion, and falls 
dead. Romero, awakened by the ery, ‘Compaiiero, 
they have killed me!” springs from his bed, seizes a 
musket, and from behind his bellows as a barricade 
kills one of the assailants at the first shot. Then, 
taking advantage of the confusion which follows, he 
escapes and joins the soldiers. The carpenter, José 
Urselino, was in the barracks anc',at once joins the 
soldiers; but in doing this, or immediately after, he 
receives two arrow wounds which some days later 
prove fatal. 

The’ mission guard consisting of three soldiers, 
Alejo Antonio Gonzalez, Juan Alvarez, and J oaquin 
Armenta,” under Corporal Juan Estévan Rocha, in the 
absence of a sentinel are aroused from their slumber 
by the flames, and by the yells of the assailants. 

20 These were not the Juan and José Maria of the list given at the end of 
this volume. Their age at this time is not stated. The records are strangely 
silent about these boys during the rest of this eventful night. 

21 Palou, WVot., ii. 264-71, and Vida, 176-87, one of the leading authorities 
on this affair, erroneously speaks of the three mechanics as two carpenters 
and one smith, one of the two room-mates being the carpenter Urselino. 

2 Francisco Pefia, the fourth man, was ill at the presidio. The names of 
the guard with many other interesting particulars are given in Ortega, Informe 
de Nov. 30, 1775, MS., this document being a communication addressed to 
Lieut.-Col. Anza, and one of the most valuable sources of original information 


respecting the disaster, embodying as it does all the results of Lieut. Ortega’s 
investigations down to date. 


A NIGHT OF TERROR. 251 


Reénforced by the blacksmith, the wounded carpenter, 
and the surviving friar, the Spaniards defend them- 
selves for a time; but the fire soon forces them to seek 
other shelter.* They first repair to a room of the 
friars’ dwelling, where Father Fuster makes a haz- 
ardous but ineffectual attempt to find Jaume. 

The fire soon renders the house untenable. In 
their dire extremity they bethink themselves of a 
small enclosure of adobes in which they take refuge, 
there to fight to the death. In one wall is an open- 
ing through which arrows are shot; but the soldiers 
erect a barricade with two bales or boxes and a copper 
kettle brought from the burning house at great risk. 
But by the time the opening is closed, all are wounded, 
and two soldiers besides the carpenter disabled. A 
fast of nine Saturdays, a mass for each of the soldiers 
and mechanics, and a novena for the priest are prom- 
ised heaven for escape; and thereafter not an arrow 
touches them, though sticks and stones and burning 
brands are still showered on their heads.“ Urselino 
and the disabled soldiers strain their feeble strength 
to ward off the missiles, Fuster covers with his body, 
his cloak, and his prayers the sack containing fifty. 
pounds of gunpowder, while the blacksmith and one 
soldier load and reload the muskets which Corporal 
Rocha discharges with deadly effect into the ranks of 
the foe, at the same time shouting. commands in a 


3 Tt may be noted that according to the last annual report—Serra, Informe 
de 1774, MS.—the mission buildings on the new site ‘had not been enclosed 
in the usual stockade defences. The barracks are not described in that report, 
but were of wood; the church was not of adobe; and all the adobe buildings 
except the granary had tule roofs. The padres’ house, or the smithy, or the 
granary with their adobe walls would seem to have afforded better protection 
than the building chosen; but the progress of the flames or some other unre- ~ 
corded circumstance doubtless determined their action. 

4 For this night’s struggle I have followed for the most part Fuster, Regis- 
tro de Defunciones, MS., in San Diego, Lib. de Mision, 67-74, an original record 
by a survivor of the fiery ordeal left by Fuster in the mission register of deaths. 
This author calls the structure which afforded shelter a ‘ cercadito de adobes, 
como de tres varas,’ and does not imply that it had a roof. Palou says it was 
a kind of kitchen with walls but little over three feet high and roofed with 
branches and leaves, the burning of which added to the peril. This author 
also gives some indications of the padre’s bravery which modesty prompted 
the other to conceal, 


252 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


stentorian voice as if at the head of aregiment. What 
a subject for a painting! Thus the hours slowly pass 
until at dawn the savages withdraw. The survivors, 
or such of them as can move, crawl from behind the 
adobe battlements, and the Baja Californians and 
neophytes make their appearance. 

The latter come fully armed with bows and arrows, 
and claim to have been largely instrumental in put- 
ting the foe to flight. The first solicitude of the sur- 
vivors 1s to learn the fate of Father Jaume, of whom 
the neophytes say they know nothing. His body is 
soon discovered in the dry bed of the creek at some 
distance, naked, bruised from head to foot with blows 
of stones and clubs, his face disfigured beyond recog- 
nition, and with eighteen arrow wounds.” It is sub- 
sequently ascertained from the natives that the friar 
fell calling on Jesus to receive his spirit. 

Two Indians were now sent to the presidio, though 
not without serious misgivings, since it was under- 
stood that one party of savages had gone to attack 
the garrison. The force at the time, during the 
absence of Ortega and Sergeant Mariano Carrillo at 
San Juan, consisted of Corporal Mariano Verdugo 
and ten soldiers, four of whom were on the sick-list 
and two in the stocks. They were found safe and 
entirely ignorant of what had happened up the river. 
On receipt of the news Verdugo hastened with his 
four men to the mission, where he arrived about eight 
oclock in the morning; and a few hours later the 
whole company started in sorrowful procession back 
to the presidio, carrying the disabled with the body 
of Jaume and the charred remains of the blacksmith, 
Arroyo, and driving the few animals that. were left 
of the mission herds. A small band of neophytes, all 
that had shown themselves since the attack, was left 
behind to battle with the flames and save, if possible, 
something from the general wreck. 


*> Palou says his consecrated hands alone were uninjured, preserved doubt- 
less by God to show his innocence; but Fuster says nothing of this. 


DESTRUCTION OF SAN DIEGO. 253 


On the sixth, after letters from Verdugo and the 
store-keeper, Pedro y Gil, had been sent by a courier 
to recall the commandant, Fuster performed funeral 
rites to the memory of his martyred associate, and 
buried the body in the presidio chapel. He had died 
without the last sacrament, but he had said mass 
the day before his death, had confessed only a few 
days before, and it could hardly be doubted that all 
was well with him. The same day Arroyo's body 
was buried. In the forenoon of the 8th Ortega 
arrived, soon followed by Carrillo with the remainder 
of the San Juan party. On the 10th the carpenter, 
Urselino, was buried by Fuster, having died from the 
effects of his wounds the day before, after receiving 
the sacrament, and having left all the pay due him to 
be used for the benefit of his murderers. 

From investigations set on foot as soon as the presi- 
dio had been put in a state of defence, some informa- 
tion was brought to light repecting the revolt and its 
attendant circumstances. Just after the baptism of 
October 3d two brothers Francisco and Carlos, both 
old neophytes,” and the latter chieftain of the San 
Diego rancheria, had run away and had not returned 
when Ortega went north to found San Juan. It was 
learned that they had visited all the gentiles for leagues 
around, inciting them to rise and kill the Spaniards. 
No other cause is known than that a complaint of hav- 
ing stolen fish from an old woman was pending against 
them, and so far as could be learned they made no 
charges against the friars except that they were going 
to convert all the rancherfas, pointing to the late 
baptism of sixty persons as an indication of that pur- 
pose. Some rancherias refused to participate in the 
plot; but most of them promised their aid,” and the 


26 San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 74-5. Arroyo’s widowed mother had 
been buried here before. Her name was Petrona Garcia. 

27 So Palou calls them, but I think there may be some doubt about this. 

*8 Ortega in his Jnforme, MS., 5, names the Christian rancherias of San 
Luis, Maiamé, Xamacha, Meti, Xana or Xanat, Abascal, Abuscal or Aguscal, 
and Maytate or San Miguel; and the gentile rancherias of La Punta, Melejd, 


254 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


assailants were estimated at from eight hundred to a 


thousand. They were divided into two bodies and were | 


to attack mission and presidio simultaneously; but the 
mission party began operations prematurely, and the 
others, seeing the light of the burning buildings, 
which they supposed or feared would rouse the garri- 
son, abandoned their part of the scheme. 

At the mission the savages first went to the neo- 
phyte’s huts and by threats and force, as the latter 
claimed, or by a previous understanding, as many 
Spaniards believed, insured their silence while they 
proceeded first to plunder and then to burn. About 
the part taken by the neophytes in this revolt there 
is some disagreement among the authorities. All the 
evidence goes to show that some renegade converts 
were concerned in it; but Palou, reflecting doubtless 
the opinions of the other friars,” accepts the plea of 
those in the huts that they were kept quiet by force, 
and that the mass of the Christians were faithful. 
Others, however, and notably Anza, an intelligent and 
unprejudiced man well acquainted with the facts, be- 
lieved, as there was much testimony to prove, that it 
was the neophytes who planned the rising, convoked 
the gentiles, and acted treacherously throughout the 
whole affair.” 


Otai, Pocol, Cojuat, and El Corral, as among those involved in the movement. 
Chilcacop, or Chocalcop, of the Xamacha rancheria, a Christian, is said to 
have aided in the killing of Jaume, in connection with the pagans, Tuerto and 
the chief of the Maramoydos, both of Tapanque rancheria. St. Pap. Sac., 
MS., ix. 72. Those who led the attack were Oroche, chief of Magtate or 
Mactati, Miguel, Bernardino of Matamé, and two others. Zegotay, chief of 
Matam6, testified that 9 rancherias were invited, and that among the leaders 
were Francisco of Cuyamac, himself, and another. The southern rancherias 
assembled at La Punta, the mountaineers at Meti. Chief Francisco plotted 
the revolt, and he, Zegotay, had invited 10 rancherias. Arch. Cal., Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 228-32. Very little satisfactory information can be gathered 
from the reports of these investigations. Rafael of Xanat and the chief of 
Aguscal were also leaders, according to Ortega. 

29 Lasuen, however, in his Informe de 1783, MS., says that most of the 
neophytes took part in the revolt. 

80 Anza, Diario, MS., 90-6. Anza, as we shall see, arrived early in the 
next year. He calls attention to the cool lying of the neophytes with a view 
to exonerate themselves, they even claiming that when liberated from their 
confinement they had turned upon the gentile foes, driving them to the moun- 
tains. There was evidence of some understanding between the natives of 
San Diego and those of the Colorado River. Garcés on the Colorado in 1776 


a 


DEFENSIVE MEASURES. 255 


To insure safety at the presidio a roof of earth was 
rapidly added to the old friars’ dwelling, to which 
families and stores were removed. The tule huts 
were then destroyed and other precautions taken 
against fire. Letters asking for aid were despatched 
to Rivera’at Monterey, and to Anza approaching from 
the Colorado region, and both, as we shall see, arrived 
early the next year. Then parties of soldiers were 
sent out in different directions to learn something of 
the enemy’s plans, and several leaders were captured 
and made to testify. Thus, in suspense and fear of 
massacre, the little garrison of San Diego passed the 
rest of the year.” 

Serra at San Carlos received a letter announc- 
ing the disaster the 13th of December. “God be 
thanked,” exclaimed the writer, ‘now the soil is 
watered; now will the reduction of the Dieguinos be 
complete!” Next day the six friars paid funeral 
honors to the memory of Jaume, whose lot, we are 
told, all envied. They doubted not he had gone to 
wear a crown of martyrdom; but to make the matter 
sure, “‘si acaso su alma necesitase de nuestros sufra- 
gios,” each promised to say twenty masses. Serra 
wrote to the guardian that the missionaries were not 
disheartened, but did not fail to present the late dis- 
aster as an argument in favor of increased mission 
guards.” 


heard of the disaster, and from his intimate acquaintance with the tribes of 
that region he believes that they would have joined the San Diego rancherias 
in a war against the Spaniards later, had it not been for the favorable impres- 
sion left by Anza. Garcés, Diario, 264-285. 

31See also on the San Diego revolt Serra, Notas, in San Diego, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 4; Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS.; Id., in Arch. Santa Barbara, 
MS., ii. 197; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 16, 127; and investigations 
of Ortega and Rivera in April to June 1776, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,i. 
22-3. Ortega credits privates Ignacio Vallejo, Anastasio Camacho, and Juan 
de Ortega with great gallantry in these trying times, Informe, MS., 3; and 
Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 83, goes so far as to say that Vallejo was the 
chief cause of the Spanish triumph, thus becoming a great favorite among the 
padres. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 68-76, is somewhat confused in his 
account of this affair, making the natives destroy San Carlos and attack the 
presidio in 1779. 

82 Palou, Not., ii. 272-5; Id., Vida, 184-7. Dumetz now went to San 
Antonio and Cambon and Pieras returned to San Carlos Dec. 23d. 


256 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. 


Rivera set out for the south on the 16th of Decem- 
ber, with thirteen men, one of whom was to be left at 
San Antonio while two were to remain at San Luis. 

In August there had been an alarm at San Antonio. 
A. messenger came to the presidio on the 29th with 
the news that the natives had attacked the mission, 
and shot a catechumen about to be baptized. Rivera 
sent a squad of men who found the wounded native 
out of danger. They captured the culprits and held 
them after a flogging, until the commandant ordered 
them flogged again, when after a few days in the 
stocks they were released.* . 


83 Palou, Not., ii. 244-5. 


CHAPTER, XIT. 


EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 
1775-1776. 


ANZA AND HIS COLONY—PREPARATIONS IN MExiIco AND SonorA—Two Hon: 
DRED IMMIGRANTS—ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES—MARCH TO THE Rio CoLoe 
RADO—MISSIONARIES LEFT—ITINERARY—Map—A Terpiovus Marcu To 
San GABRIEL—ANZA GOES TO THE RELIEF OF SAN DrEGO—RIVERA Ex- 
COMMUNICATED-—ANZA BRINGS HIS ForcE TO MonTEREY—HIs ILLNESS— 
Rivera Comes Noxtu. AND Anza Gors SoutH—A QuARREL—RIVERA 
VERSUS ANZA AND THE FRIARS—STRANGE ACTIONS OF THE COMMANDANT— 
His Marcu SouTHWARD—INSANITY OR JEALOUSY—ANZA’S RETURN TO 
THE COLORADO AND TO SONORA—EXPLORATIONS BY GARCES—UP THE 
CoLorapo—Across THE MosgaveE DrEsERT—INTO TULARE VALLEY—A 
REMARKABLE J OURNEY—DOMINGUEZ AND ESCALANTE. 


Captain Anza, returning from his first exploration 
of an overland route to California, went to Mexico to 
lay before the viceroy the results of his trip. Very 
soon, by royal recommendation, the projects of estab- 
lishing missions in the Colorado region and a new 
presidio at San Francisco were taken into considera- 
tion. In November 1774 the board of war and finance 
determined to carry out or advance both projects by a 
single expedition to California, by way of the Colo- 
rado, under the command of ee This determina- 
tion, as we have seen, was announced to Rivera and 
Serra at Monterey by Bucareli in December and Jan- 
uary. Anza was advanced to the rank of heutenant- 
colonel and hastened homeward to raise the required 


1 Anza states that the decree of the viceroy, under which he acted, was 
dated Nov. 24th, Garcés says the expedition, or his part of it, was deter mined 
on by the junta on Nov. 28th, was ordered by the viceroy by letter of Jan. 
2d, and by the letters of the ‘guardian of Santa Cruz College Jan. 23th and 


Feb. 17th, 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 17 ( 257 ). 


258 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCZS. 


foree of thirty soldiers with their families for Cali- 
fornia. 

Bucareli was very liberal with the king’s money 
on this occasion; giving four mule trains and many 
horses and cattle for the new establishment, and also 
providing that families of settlers, like those of the 
soldiers, were to be transported at government ex- 
pense, recelving pay for two years and rations for 
five. The expense of each family was about eight 
hundred dollars. Anza took with him from Mexico 
animals, arms, and clothing, and began his work im- 
mediately by recruiting on the way. He clothed his 
recruits, men, women, and children, from head to foot, 
and allowed their pay and rations to begin with the 
date of enlistment. At San Felipe de Sinaloa a regu- 
lar recruiting-office was opened, Anza’s popularity, 
with his liberal display of food and clothing, insuring 
success both here and in the north, until in Septem- 
ber 1775 most of the company were assembled at the 
appointed rendezvous, San Miguel de Horcasitas. 
They were ready the 29th of September, all being 
united in time to start from the presidio of Tubac the 
23d of October.’ 

The force that set out from Tubac consisted, first, 
of Anza, commander, Pedro Font of the Querétaro 
T’ranciscans as chaplain, ten soldiers of the Horcasi- 
tas presidio, eight muleteers, four servants, and Ma- 
riano Vidal, purveyor—twenty-five persons in all who 
were to return to Sonora; second, Francisco Garcés 
and Tomas Eixarch,’ destined to remain on the Rio 
Colorado with three servants and three interpreters; 
and third, Alférez José Joaquin Moraga, and Ser- 
geant Juan Pablo Grijalva, twenty-eight soldiers, 
eight from the presidio force and twenty new recruits; 
twenty-nine women who were wives of soldiers; 136 


2 Arricivita, Crdén. Serdf., 461, says they left Horcasitas on April 20th, and 
Tubac Oct. 21st. The rendezvous of the friars connected with the expedition 
was at the mission of Tumacacori near Tubac. 

3So Font callshim. Garcés writes the name Eixarth; Arricivita, Eyzarch ; 
and Anza, Esiare. 


IMMIGRANTS FROM SONORA. 259 


persons of both sexes belonging to the soldiers’ families 
and to four extra families of colonists;* seven mule- 
teers, two interpreters, and three vaqueros—alto- 
gether 207 destined to remain in California,’ making 
a grand total of 235, to say nothing of eight infants 
born on the way. The live-stock of the expedition 
consisted of 165 mules, 340 horses, and 320 head of 
cattle.® 


Our Lady of Guadalupe, Saint Michael, and Saint 
Francis of Assisi were selected as patrons of the ex- 
pedition, and after the celebration of mass on Sun- 


*Palou says there were 12 of these families and that the whole force for 
California was 200 souls. 

° There may be some slight inaccuracy respecting the vaqueros, muleteers, 
and interpreters, the numbers given being those not otherwise disposed of 
definitely in the diaries. The names are included in the list at end of this 
volume. ‘There are no means of separating most of them from other parties. 

8 Anza, Diario del Teniente Coronel Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Capitan del 
Presidio de Tubac, Sonora, de su expedicion con familias desde dicho presidio, al 
reconocimiento del puerto de San Francisco de Alta Cal’fornia; y de su vuelta, 
desde este puerto al Presidio de San Miguel de ITorcasitas, MS., 232. Com- 
pleted at Horcasitas on June Ist. This official journal kept by the comandante 
from day to day throughout the whole expedition is of course the chief 
authority on the subject. There is an occasional ambiguity of expression 
which causes confusion, notably so at the beginning where the company is 
described; but otherwise the diary leaves nothing to be desired. The author 
was a man of great ability and force of character, besides being very popular 
with his men. Another original authority is Lont, Journal made by Padre 
Pedro Font, Apostolic Preacher of the College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro, 
taken from the minutes written by him on the road, during a journey that he 
performed to Monterey and the Port of San Francisco, in company with Don 
Juan Bautista de Anza, etc., MS., 52. Completed at Ures, Sonora, June 23d. 
This translation was made from the original in the parochial archives of Guad- 
alajara, or, more probably, from a copy of the same, apparently about 1850, 
under circumstances of which I know nothing, but evidently with considerable 
care. The original, which I have not seen, is cited in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xiii. 206, among other documents as Diario que jirma el P. Font...con dos 
mapas. A copy of the translation was obtained in California by Bartlett, 
and is cited in that author’s Personal Narrative, ii. 78, 278-80. Another 
copy, probably made from that in my possession, is preserved in the library 
of the Territorial Pioneers in San Francisco, and an abridgment was pub- 
lished by that society. Territorial Pioneers of Cal., First Annual, 81-107. 
The maps are not copied in the translation, though there are a few rude pen 
drawings, and though the numbers on one of the maps, representing days’ 
journeys, are given in the diary. Fortunately this map, a very interesting 
and important one, has been found, and a lithographic copy of it—though 
with many blunders in lettering—published in Hinton’s Hand- Book of Arizona, 
of which book, recently printed, it is the sole meritorious feature so far as 
history is concerned. I reproduce the map, or that part of it representing 
California, in this chapter. Font’s diary, though less complete and extensive 
than that of Anza, is still of very great value as an authority on this expedi- 
tion. Still another original authority is Garcés, Diario y Derrotero que sigué 
el M. R. P. Fr. Francisco Garcés en su viaje hecho desle Octubre de 1775 hasta 17 


260 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


day, they began their march on Tuesday, the 23d of 
October. Details of the route and march, through 
Pimeria and the country since known as Arizona, 
belong rather to the annals of those territories than 
to those of California, but there is little to record 
anywhere. ‘The route was by San Javier del Bac 
and Tucson to the river Gila, and down that river 
generally along the southern bank to the Colorado 
junction, a route often travelled in the old Jesuit ere. 
The march was not a difficult one. The natives were 
uniformly hospitable, and ready both to receive trifling 
gifts and to have the authority of their chieftains 
confirmed by Spanish appointments. ‘The only mis- 
fortunes were the death of a woman in childbirth, 
the desertion of one or two muleteers brought back 
by natives, and the loss of a few horses from bad 
water and excessive cold. The only delays were 
caused by an examination of the famous Casa Grande, 
by an occasional halt for rest, and by other detentions 
of a day or two by the birth of young immigrants. 
They reached the Gila the last day of October and 
were about a month on the march down to the Colo- 
rado junction. 

Crossing the Gila to the northern bank near its 
mouth November 28th, Anza and his company were 
given a hospitable and even enthusiastic welcome by 
the Yuma chief, Palma, whose domain lay, it seems, 


on both sides of the Colorado, and who had built a 


large house of branches especially for the use of the 
travellers.’ Four soldiers were met here, who had 
been sent in advance, and had been searching during 
the past six days, on the California side of the Colo- 


de Septiembre de 1776, al Rio Colorado para reconocer las Naciones que habitan 
sus mdryenes, y & los pueblos del Moqui del Nuevo- México, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 
serie li. tom. i. 225-348. This diary is nearly as complete as Anza’s, and more 
so than Font’s, down to the time when Anza’s expedition left the Colorado 
for the north-west. Other authorities are Palou, Not., ii. 218-15, 277-82; 
Id., Vida, 204-5, 186-7; Arricivita, Cron. Serdf., 461-90, the last being a 
very full account but with some errors respecting minor details. 

‘P. Font’s map is incorrect in representing the ford of the Colorado as 
below the Gila, while all three diaries say that it was a little way above. 


ON THE COLORADO. 261 


rado, for a more direct route than that followed the 
year previous; but without success, as neither water 
nor grass could be found. The first task, and by no 
means an easy one, was to get the large company 
with cattle and stores safely across the river. The 
Yumas said the Colorado was not fordable, and must 
be crossed by means of rafts, a slow and tedious proc- 
ess, but one which Anza was inclined to think neces- 
sary for the families and supplies at least. At seven 
o clock in the morning of the 29th he went down 
to the bank to reconnoitre. He ordered the neces- 
sary timber for rafts, and then with a soldier and a 
Yuma determined to make one final search for a ford, 
which he found about half a mile up the river, where 
the water was diverted by islands into three channels. 
The afternoon was spent in opening a road through 
the thickly wooded belt along the bank; and on the 
30th before night all the families and most of the 
supplies were landed on the western side, without 
the use of rafts. 

The travellers remained in camp on the right bank 
for three days, partly on account of the dangerous 
illness of two men, and also to make certain needful 
preparations for the comfort and safety of the two 
friars who were to remain here until Anza’s return. 
Father Garcés was requested to select the place where 
he would reside, and chose Palma’s rancherfa about a 
league below the camp and about opposite the mouth 
of the Gila. So earnest were Palma’s assurances of 
friendship and protection that it was deemed safe to 
leave the missionaries with their three servants and 
three interpreters. Before starting Anza built a house, 
and left provisions for over four months, and horses 
for the use of the remaining party, whose purpose was 
to explore the country, become acquainted with the 
natives, and thus open the way for the establishing of 
regular missions at an early date. I shall presently 
have more to say of their travels in California. Set- 
ting out December 4th from Palma’s rancheria, Anza 


262 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


marched slowly down the river, the way made difficult 
by the dense growth of trees and shrubs, by cold, and 
by illness in the company. The first halt was at the 
rancherias of San Pablo, or of Captain Pablo as Font 
says; the second was at the lagoon of Coxas, or Cojat, 
the southern limit of Yuma possessions and of Palma’s 
jurisdiction; and the third, on the 6th of December, 
was at the lagoon of Santa Olaya, the beginning of 
Cajuenche territory, about twelve leagues below the 
mouth of the Gila.® 

During the stay at Santa Olaya Garcés overtook 
the party, having already set out to explore the coun- 
try toward the mouth of the Colorado. Anza divided 
his force into three parties under the command of 
himself, Grijalva, and Moraga, who started on the 
9th, 10th, and 11th, respectively, and were reunited 
December 17th at San Sebastian. I give some de- 
tails of names and distances in a note.’? I also append 
a copy of Font’s map, substituting names for numbers 
in the case of important places and where space per- 
mits. The route followed was nearly the same as 
in Anza’s former trip, and substantially that of the 
modern railroad through Coahuila Valley and San 
Gorgonio Pass. The journey, every petty detail of 


8 Font, Journal, MS., 16, 17, makes the distance 14 leagues with some 
winding, and the latitude 32° 33’ which by the distances is very nearly accurate. 
Garcés, Diario, 244, calls the lagoon Santa Eulalia. By Anza and Font the 
name is written Olalla. See chap. x. for Anza’s trip of 1774. 

® Route from Palma’s rancheria on the west bank of the Colorado near 
mouth of the Gila to San Gabriel. The courses are from Jont’s Journal, 
Anza’s agreeing with them generally but being less definitely expressed. The 
distances in parentheses, differing widely from Anza’s, are from Font, whose 
leagues were about 2 miles. The numbers refer to Font’s map: 42. Laguna 
of San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 45 1. (5) w. $s. w.; 43. Laguna of Coxas, or 
Cojat, 31, (4) s. w., Laguna of Santa Olalla, 32° 33’, 41. (5) s. w.; 45. Pozo 
del Carrizal, or Alegria, 5 1. (7) w. nN. w.; 46. Dry Gulch, 5 1. (7) w. N.w.; 47. 
Pozos de Santa Rosa de las Lajas, 101. (14) w.N. w., w., W. Ss. w.; 48. Dry Creek, 
41. (3) N.; San Sebastian, 33° 8’, 541. (7) N. N. w.; 51. Pozo de San Gregorio, 
74 1. (9)w. 4N. w.; 52. Arroyo of Santa Catalina del Vado, Sink, 41. nN. w.dw.; 
53. Id., source, 141.(1)N. w. 4 w.; 54. Danzantes rancheria in same cafiada, 31. 
(4) w. N. w.; San Carlos Pass (San Gorgonio?) 24 1. (3) N. N. w.; [123. Porte- 
zuelo on return;] 56. San Patricio Cafiada, source of stream, 33° 37’; 57. San 
José Arroyo, 61. (7) N. w. 4 w.; 58. Laguna of San Antonio Bucareli, down 
San José Valley, 41. (5) w. Nn. w.; Santa Ana River, 91. (8) w. n. w.; 60. Arroyo 
de los Alisos, 61. w. N. w.; 61. River San Gabriel, branch, 5 1. (6) w. N. w., 
San Gabriel, 34° 35’, 21. w. s. w. 





















































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264 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCIS. 


which is fully described in the commandant’s diary, 
was a slow, tedious, and difficult one, requiring a 
full month for its accomplishment; and the fact that 
it was accomplished at all under the circumstances 
speaks highly for Anza’s energy and ability. Long 
stretches of country without water must be crossed, 
and at first the company must be divided that all 
should not arrive the same day at the same watering- 
place. It was midwinter, the cold was intense, and 
most of the company were not accustomed to a cold 
climate. Storm followed storm of snow and hail and 
rain, and an earthquake came to increase the terrors 
of San Gorgonio pass. They were obliged to dig 
wells, and then obtained only a small supply of water, 
and the cattle were continually breaking away in 
search of the last aguage. There was much sickness; 
and yet, beyond the loss of some hundred head of 
live-stock, there was no serious disaster, owing to the 
skill and patience of Anza and his aids. On the 
first day of 1776 the new pioneers of California and 
San Francisco forded the River Santa Ana, and on 
January 4th the expedition reached the mission of 
_ San Gabriel. 

Rivera had arrived from the north the day before, 
on his way with ten or twelve men to afford protec- 
tion to the threatened presidio of San Diego, and to 
punish the Indians who had destroyed the mission. 
The disaster and danger at San Diego seemed to 
justify Anza in suspending his own expedition for 
a time, especially as the season was not favorable 
for the immediate exploration of San Francisco. At 
the request of Rivera, therefore, he determined to 
proceed with a part of his force to punish the south- 
ern foe. 

The company of immigrants was left to rest at San 
Gabriel under the command of Moraga, and, after 
religious ceremonies of gratitude for safe arrival cele- 
brated on the 6th, Anza set out at noon on the 7th, 
accompanied by Font and seventeen of his soldiers in 


ANZA AT SAN DIEGO. 265 


addition to Rivera’s force, for San Diego, where he 
arrived the 11th.” 

Naturally, the coming of reénforcements caused 
great relief to Ortega and his little garrison, who 
were in constant fear of an attack from the gentiles. 
There seems to have been some foundation for these 
fears besides the exaggerated rumors always preva- 
lent on such occasions ; but, whatever may have been 
the plans of the savages, their hostile purposes did 
not long survive the arrival of new forces. One of 
Rivera’s first acts was to send six soldiers to the 
peninsula with communications for the viceroy and a 
demand for reénforcements, in view of the recently 
developed dangers threatening the permanency of the 
Spanish establishments in California. Then followed 
investigations respecting the late outbreak, lasting 
the remainder of the year; they were imperfectly re- 
corded, and of slight importance. Raids were made 
to different rancherias; gentile chiefs were brought 
in, made to testify, flogged, liberated, or imprisoned, 
but nothing was learned in addition to what has been 
already stated.” 

It was not long before a difference of opinion arose 
between the two commanders which later developed 
into a quarrel. As we have scen Anza had consented 
to postpone temporarily the special business the vice- 
roy had intrusted to him, in view of the danger threat- 
ening San Diego. He found the danger somewhat 
less than had been represented. He had come to San 
Diego for a brief, vigorous, and decisive campaign 
against the savages, but he found Rivera disposed to 


a policy of delay and inaction. Anza’s chief concern 


10 Anza, Diario, MS., 89-90, says he took 17 men; Font, Journal, MS., 22, 
says 20 men; Palou, Not., ii. 275-6, makes it 18 men ; and the same author, 
Vida, 186-7, implies that there were 40 men. The route from San Gabricl 
was: 63. River Santa Ana 61. (10 according to Font); Arroyo de Santa Maria 
Magdalena, or La Quema, 11 1. (14); River San Juan Capistrano, 111. (14); La 
Soledad rancheria, via San Dieguillo and 68 Agua Hedionda, 9 1. (12); San 
Diego, 3 1. (4). 

4 Anza, Diario, MS., 97-100, 104, 106; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 
22-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 215-32. 


266 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


was naturally the founding of San Francisco, while m 
Rivera’s mind the protection of San Diego was the 
only subject at present to be thought of. Anza at 
first yielded to the captain’s views, realizing that as 
ruler of the province he naturally felt for its safety, 
but at last tidings came from San Gabriel which turned 
Anza’s attention again to his own affairs. Five men 
arrived February 3d with a despatch from Moraga and 
the purveyor Vidal, to the effect that the mission 
could no longer furnish food for the immigrants ex- 
cept to the injury of its own neophytes, Father Paterna 
having distributed rations for eight days and given 
notice that these would be the last. 

On receipt of this intelligence Anza resolved to take 
his military colony without delay up to Monterey. 
He agreed, however, with Rivera, to leave ten of his 
soldiers at San Gabriel, thus relieving a portion of 
the old guard at that mission for service at San Diego 
if needed,” and with the other seven, having sent in 
advance a mule train laden with maize and beans, he 
set out on the 9th, still accompanied by Font, and 
arrived at San Gabriel on the 12th. Only one event 
occurring at San Diego after Anza’s departure re- 
quires notice in this connection. Carlos, an old neo- 
phyte but a ringleader in the late revolt, returned in 
real or assumed penitence, and, prompted doubtless by 
the missionaries, took refuge in the church. Rivera 
sent a summons to Fuster to deliver the culprit on the 
plea that the right of church asylum did not protect 
such a criminal, and moreover that the edifice was not 
a church but a warehouse used temporarily for wor- 
ship. luster by the advice of his comrades of the 
cloth refused, and warned the commandant to use no 
force. Rivera then entered the church sword in hand 
with a squad of soldiers and took the Indian out, pay- 
ing no heed to the expostulations of the three padres, 


12 Anza, Diario, MS., 108. He did leave 12 instead of 10. Palou, Not., ii. 
275-6; Vila, 186-7, implies that the 12 men were left at San Diego instead 
of San Gabriel. 


ani an 


SAN GABRIEL TO MONTEREY. 267 


Fuster, Lasuen, and Amurrio. The priests proceeded 
to excommunicate the commander and the soldiers 
who had aided him, and ordered them to leave the 
church before beginning service on the next day of 
mass. The friars reported to Serra, sending the report 
up to Monterey by Rivera himself.* 

Arriving at San Gabriel on February 12th Anza 
found that the night before three of his muleteers and 
a servant with a mission soldier had deserted, taking 
twenty-five horses and other property, part of which 
belonged to the mission and part to the expedition. 
The colonists proper, however, seemed content and 
showed no disposition to desert. Moraga was sent 
with ten men to capture the fugitives, and before his 
return Anza resolved to set out for the north. Leav- 
ing twelve men and their families under Grijalva to 
reénforce the mission guard, and ordering Moraga on 
his arrival to follow with eight men, the commandant 
started on the 21st with seventeen men, the same 
number of families,‘ the mule train, and the live-stock. 
Heavy rains had swollen the streams and rendered 
many parts of the route well nigh impassable. Ob- 
servations respecting the natives of Channel rancherias 
are omitted by Anza as having been given in the diary 
of his former trip, a diary which unfortunately is no 
longer in its entirety extant. Font gives merely an 
outline of distances and directions.” With no other 


138 Palou, Not., ii. 292-5. 

4 The full division of the forces was as follows on Anza’s departure: At 
San Gabriel, 8 California soldiers, 12 families, Sergeant Grijalva, and 4 soldiers 
of Anza’s guard waiting for Moraga; with Moraga, 8 California soldiers (2 of the 
10 having returned before Anza started); with Anza, 11 California soldiers, 17 
families, and 6 of Anza’s men—total 29 out of the 30 soldiers who were to 
remain in California, one not being accounted for. This explanation is neces- 
sary on account of the confused statements of Anza, who had no head, or pen 
at least, for figures. 

15 The route was as follows; the earlier part to the sea-shore being appar- 
ently further south than that followed by the first Spanish explorers in 1769, 
and Anza’s distances being as before considerably less than Font’s. The num- 
bers refer to Font’s map, q. v.: San Gabriel; 119. Rio Porciuncula, 21.; 72. 
Portezuelo, 61.; 73. Agua Escondida, 71. (10); 74. Rio Santa Clara, 91. (15); 
75. Rincon or Rinconado rancheria, past Carpinteria, 61. (9); [117.] Assumpta 

tiver]; 76. Mescaltitlan rancheria, 71. (9); Rancheria Nueva, 81. (9); 78. Cojo 
rancheria, 71. (10); 79. River Santa Rosa, past Pt Concepcion, rancherias of 


268 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


notable occurrence than an occasional miring of the 
train, in the midst of which it became necessary to 
unload the animals, the women meanwhile being com- 
pelled to walk,” the immigrants were welcomed 
March 2d at San Luis Obispo, where next day, as 
shown by the mission records, Anza stood as god- 
father to several native children baptized by Font.” 
From this place they passed directly north by the 
modern stage route to the Salinas River, or Rio de 
Monterey as they called it, reaching San Antonio on 
the 6th, and feasting on two fat hogs magnanimnously 
killed for their use by order of the friars. Moreover, 
they were delighted to receive intelligence from the 
south, having been in great anxiety since they heard 
of the late disaster. Here Moraga came up, having 
captured the deserters near the Colorado River, and 
having left them tied at San Gabriel. On the 10th 
all arrived safely at Monterey.* 

Next morning Padre Junipero came over from San 
Carlos to congratulate Anza on the safe termination 
of his march, and to assist with his three companions 
at the religious ceremonial of thanksgiving, on which 
occasion Hather Font delivered an address of encour- 
agement with advice to the newly arrived company. 
Anza and Font went over to the mission by invita- 
tion of the president, where the commandant was con- 
fined to his bed for more than a week by a painful 
illness. On the 18th eight of the presidio soldiers 
were sent south to reénforce Rivera at San Diego, 
with a request to that officer to take immediate steps 


Pedernales and Espada, 931. (12); 81. Buchon rancherfa, 91. (13); San Luis 
Obispo, 35° 174’, 31. (4); over mountains and down Rio Santa Margarita to 
(83) Ascencion on Rio de Monterey (Salinas), 71. (10); 84. First ford of Rio San 
Antonio, 81. (10); [111]. Cafiada de Robles]; San Antonio, 36° 24’, 81. (10); 86. 
Los Ositos, on Rio de Monterey, past Roble Caido (in Cafiada de S. Bernabé) 
71. (9); 87. Los Correos, on the river, 81. (10); [109. 8S. Bernabé Cafiada; 108. 
Buena Vista;|] Monterey, 7 1. (10). 

16 Hundreds of travellers over the coast stage route in winter, myself among 
the number, have no difficulty in identifying this place near San Luis. 

"San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 31. 

18On the journey to Monterey see Anza’s Diario, MS., 112-34; Font’s 
Journal, MS., 25-9. 


RIVERA’S STRANGE ACTIONS. 269 


for the founding of San Francisco. On the 23d, 
against the surgeon’s advice, Anza insisted on mount- 
ing his horse and setting out to explore San Francisco 
Bay, returning April 8th from this exploration, which 
may be most conveniently described in connection 
with other San Francisco matters in the next chapter. 

Back at Monterey the commandant was disap- 
pointed in finding neither Rivera in person nor any 
message from him. He accordingly sent Sergeant 
Gongora with four men™ south with letters requesting 
Rivera to meet him at San Gabriel on the 25th or 
26th for consultation respecting important matters. 
Two days later, on the 14th of April, having turned 
over his company and all connected with the San 
Francisco establishment to Moraga, he began his re- 
turn march with Font, Vidal, seven soldiers of his 
escort, six muleteers, two vaqueros, and four servants. 
The parting with the soldiers and their families, whom 
he had recruited in Sonora and brought to their new 
home, is described by Anza as the saddest event of 
the expedition. All came out as their leader mounted 
to leave the presidio, and with tearful embraces bade 
him god-speed. Font affirms that according to the 
list, which he consulted just before starting, there were 
one hundred and ninety-three souls of the new colony 
left at Monterey. 

Next day between Buena Vista and San Bernabé, 
less than twenty miles from Monterey, they met 
Géngora, who announced that Rivera was close behind 
him, and revealed certain strange actions of this 
officer. He had met Rivera between San Antonio and - 
San Luis, and in reply to questions had told his busi- 
ness and presented Anza’s and Moraga’s letters, which 
the captain refused to take, simply saying ‘“ Well, 
well; retire!” Géngora followed his superior officer 
north, keeping at a little distance, and a day or two 
later Rivera suddenly called for the letters, received 


19 Two of the men were of Anza’s guard, and the others of the Californian 
troops. Palou, Vol., 288-90, says that Gongora had but twomen. » 


270 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


them without breaking the seals, and gave in return 
two letters for Anza which the sergeant was to deliver 
in all haste. As Géngora called Anza aside and 
delivered the letters he stated his belief that Rivera 
was mad. The letters contained a simple refusal to 
effect or permit the establishing of San Francisco. 
Gongora was ordered to go on to Monterey, and after 
proceeding another league Anza met Rivera on the 
road, saluted him, and asked about his health. Rivera 
said his leg troubled lim, heard Anza’s expressions of 
regret, and started on, as if it were a casual meeting, 
with a simple adios. ‘Your reply to my letter may 
be sent to Mexico or wherever you like;” called out 
Anza, and Rivera answered, ‘It is well.” Calling on 
the friars who accompanied him,” to witness what had 
occurred, Anza, considerably offended by actions which 
seemed to him attr'butable to impoliteness and a 
“great reserve’ rather than madness, went on his way, 
ariving at Sau Luis Obispo the 19th of April. 

In the mean time Rivera went on to Monterey, 
arriving on the 15th, and sending word to Serra to 
come over from the mission for his letters, which he 
wished to deliver in person and was too unwell to visit 
lim. Serra came, and thought Rivera’s illness, which 
was a slight pain in the leg, greatly exaggerated. 
He found his letters likewise broken open, though 
Rivera assured him it was accidental and they had 
not been read. He then told the president of his 
excommunication at San Diego, and Serra, after con- 
sultation with the San Carlos friars, approved what 
Fuster had done, refusing to grant the captain’s re- 
quest for absolution, until he should give satisfaction 


20 Pieras was returning in his company to San Antonio. Anza, Diario, 
MS., 185, says he took a written certi. cate from the padres. Font, Journal, 
MS., 43, says: ‘We supposed that he had returned to speak with Capt. Anza 
before his departure and treat about the affairs of the expedition, and that 
we should probably have to return to Monterey or at least stay where we 
were; but we soon found that his arrival did not cause us any detention what- 
ever, for when we fell in with Capt. Rivera, a short time afterward, the two 
captains saluted each other on passing, and without stopping to speak about 
anything Capt. Rivera immediately went on to Monterey, and we continued 
our journey toward Sonora.’ 


ANZA AND RIVERA. 271 


to the church by returning the Indian Carlos to the 
sanctuary, on which condition the San Diego minis- 
ters could grant absolution without necessity of Ser- 
ra’s interference. He also wrote the guardian about 
the matter, and after much difficulty in getting an 
escort from Rivera, who put him off with frivolous 
pretexts, he sent Cambon with the letter to overtake 
Anza. The next day, April 19th, Rivera himself 
started south again, refusing Serra’s request to go 
with him on the plea of very great haste.” 

Cambon overtook Anza at San Luis on the 19th, 
bringing besides the president’s letters for Mexico 
one in which he announced his purpose to come down 
with Rivera if possible, and asked Anza to wait a 
little; another from Moraga telling of Rivera’s arrival 
at Monterey, and volunteering the opinion that the 
commandant was insane; and still another from Rivera 
himself announcing his immediate departure, asking 
for a delay and consultation, and apologizing for past 
discourtesy on the plea of ill-health.” On the after- 
noon of the 21st some soldiers came in saying that 
Rivera had encamped for the night but a little way 
off. Anza at once sent a message that he would con- 
sult with him on matters affecting the service, but 
that all communication must be in writing. Next day 
came back a letter naming San Gabriel as the place 
of consultation. Anza was there on the 29th,” and 


21 Palou, Not., ii. 291-7. Another serious cause of trouble between Rivera 
and Serra was the action of the former respecting the mules which were 
sent for mission use. One hundred mules were sent via Baja California, 
and 89 were sent up by Gov. Barri to Rivera, who, knowing that they 
belonged exclusively to the missions, distributed them all the same among 
his soldiers, except 40 which he brought to Monterey, admitting when ques- 
tioned that the mules were not his, but pleading military service. Subse- 
quently, a letter came to Serra for Rivera ordering the distribution of the 
mules. The letter was open, and was sealed and delivered after being read, 
but Rivera never mentioned the matter again. /d., 209-11. 

22 Palou, Not., ii. 297-300, says that Anza was induced by the padres to 
read the letter, but would not answer it. According to this author Rivera’s 
apology was in the subsequent letter. 

23'This is Anza’s own version, Diario, MS., 189-97. Font, Jowrnal, MS., 
44, tells us that Rivera came to San Luis on the 22d, and after staying a 
while without seeing Anza started for San Gabriel. Palou also says that 
Rivera came to San Luis, got angry because Anza refused to communicate 


272 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


found that Rivera had arrived two days before him. 
Here the two commandants had no personal interview, 
but exchanged several letters, Anza sending to Rivera 
a description and map showing his survey of San 
Francisco, and giving him three days in which to 
prepare such reports or other communications as he 
might wish to forward to the viceroy. When the 
time had passed Rivera was offered more time, but 
replied that no more was needed and that his de- 
spatches would soon overtake Anza.“ The latter 
finally set out for Sonora May 2d, with the same 
company he had brought from Monterey and the re- 
mainder of his ten soldiers. 

Next day there came from Rivera, not his report 
to the viceroy on matters connected with his com- 
mand, but a private letter to Anza in which he said 
that he “lacked a paper bearing upon a criminal who 
took refuge in the place where mass is said at San 
Diego,” and asked Anza to present his excuses to the 
viceroy. He also enclosed a letter to the guardian of 
San Fernando. Anza sent back both letters to the 
writer, and went on to the Colorado; while Rivera 
went immediately down to San Diego. The quarrel 
is certainly a curious item in the annals of California, 
being a subject which it is difficult fully to compre- 
hend. Rivera was evidently a weak man. Whether 
he was insane, or influenced solely by a spirit of child- 
ish jealousy, of which we have seen manifestations in 
a previous quarrel with Fages, is a question. Both 
officers were subsequently reprimanded by Bucareli 
except in writing, and went on to San Gabriel followed by Anza. Here may 
be mentioned a tradition of the natives recorded by Anza as having been 
told to P. Figuer, of the arrival and wreck, 23 years before, of a vessel bear- 
ing 12 white men like the Spaniards, who before their death in the wreck had 
landed and gave the Indians beads and other articles, including the knives 
found by the Spaniards in 1769. ‘ Qué gente seria esta queda al discurso de 
quien est’ mas instruido que yo,’ writes Anza, and I can do no better than 
follow his discreet example. 

4 Palou says that Anza did not stop at the mission but encamped at a little 
distance, fearing a controversy with Rivera; and that he subsequently sent 
back Rivera’s letters with the message that ‘he was not the mail.’ The cor- 


respondence between the two was sent by Anza to the viceroy but has not, so 
far as I know, been preserved. 


WANDERINGS OF GARCES. 273 


for allowing a quarrel in matters of etiquette to inter- 
fere with the public service; but Rivera’s early re- 
moval to Lower California put an end to the matter, 
as it did to his quarrel with the friars. 

The return march of Anza’s party to the Colorado 
presents nothing of importance. They followed the 
same route as before, except between San Sebastian 
and Santa Olaya, where they kept more to the north, 
and arrived May 11th at the Portezuelo de la Con- 
cepcion, just below Palma’s rancherfa, and nearly if 
not exactly identical with the site of the modern Fort 
Yuma. Here they found Padre Eixarch in safety and 
added him to the company; but of Garcés nothing 
could be learned except that he had gone up the river 
to the country of the Jalchedunes, whither a letter 
was sent ordering him to return. Palma with three 
other natives also joined the party, being allowed at 
the earnest solicitation of himself and nation to go 
with Anza to Mexico to present his petition for mis- 
sionaries. They crossed the swollen river on rafts 
just below the Gila, followed the banks of the latter 
stream for two days, and then, turning to the right, 
returned to Horcasitas by way of Sonoita, Caborca, 
and Altar, arriving the Ist of June.” 


I have now to narrate briefly the Californian wan- 
derings of Father Francisco Garcés, whom Coloncl 
Anza had left on the 4th of December 1775 at 
Palma’s rancheria opposite the mouth of the Gila, 
and whom he had subsequently seen at Santa Olaya 
on the 9th, the friar being already on his way to ex- 
plore the country and learn the disposition of the 
natives toward the Christians. This first trip lasted 
till January 3d, and in it the friar wandered with 

2% Anza, Diario, MS., 198-232; Font’s Journal, MS., 45-52; Arrieivita, 
Cron. Serdf., 464-8, 490. The last author affirms that Palma was well received 
at Mexico, but there was some hesitation about sending missionaries, as he 
was chief of one rancheria only. I should add that one of the deserting mule- 
teers condemned hy Anza to remain in California escaped from San Diego and 
crossed the country eastward alone and uninclested, jounng Ana on the 


Colorado. _The name of this first explorer on this route is not recorded, 
Hisr. Car., Vou. 1. 18 


274 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


three Indian interpreters in all directions over the 
country between Santa Olaya and the mouth of the 
Colorado,* everywhere kindly received, everywhere 
showing his banner with a picture of the virgin on 
one side and of a lost soul on the other. The natives 
invariably looked with pleasure on the former paint- 
ing, pronouncing it muy buena, but turned with horror 
from the latter as something very bad, to the un- 
ceasing delight of Garcés, who regarded ‘their prefer- 
ance as a token of predestination to salvation. The 
diary contains much useful information respecting the 
aboriginal tribes. 

On the return of Garcés early in January the two 
padres moved their residence from Palma’s rancheria 
to what they called the Puerto, or Portezuelo, de 
Concepcion, the site, as already stated, of the modern 
Fort Yuma. They also examined the rancheria, or 
puerto, of San Pablo below on the river, and pro- 
nounced it a suitable site for a mission. Visitors 
came in from different nations, and among others 
from those dwelling in the mountains toward San 
Diego. The people called Quemeyabs announced that 
those on the coast had already killed a priest and 
burned his house, that war was expected, and that in 
case It came all the nations would combine against 
the Spaniards, asking the Colorado tribes to remain 
neutral. Garcés paid, however, very little attention 
to this story, knowing of course nothing about the 
massacre at San Diego; yet he lost no opportunity 
to insist on the necessity of maintaining the most 
friendly relations with these tribes, in order to insure 
the safety of the coast establishments and communi- 
cation with them. 

On February 14th Garcés started up the river, 
always to the west of it, with two or three interpret- 
ers to visit the Yamajabs, as the Mojaves were orig- 

6 The general route is indicated by dotted lines on Font’s map, but must 
have been added after the diary was finished, for then Font had heard noth- 


‘ing of Garcés. This part of the padre’s wanderings might, indeed, have been 
reported by Eixarch, but not his northern travels, also shown on the map. 


FROM MOJAVE TO SAN GABRIEL. 275 


inally called, arriving on the 28th in their country, or 
rather opposite, for they lived on the east of the river, 
between what are now the Needles and Fort Mojave.” 
During his short stay two thousand natives came 
across the Colorado to visit the first white man who 
had ever been in that region. Here the adventurous 
friar conceived the idea of crossing the country west- 
ward to visit the friars who lived near the sea, and 
was encouraged by the natives, who had traded with 
the coast tribes and said they knew the way. Leav- 
ing some of his not very bulky effects and one of his 
interpreters, he started with the rest and a few Yam- 
ajabs March 1st and arrived on the 24th at San 
Gabriel.* The route was substantially that of the 
modern road from Los Angeles to Mojave, up the 
Mojave River and through the Cajon Pass; and the 
journey was without incident requiring special mention. 

Garcés was warmly welcomed by the priests at San 
Gabriel, where it will be remembered he had been with 
Anza in 1774, finding that establishment ‘muy adel- 
antada en lo espiritual y temporal,” and remaining for 


27 This being the first exploration of most of this region, or of all west of 
the river, I give the route in full. See also Font’s map route marked —-—-— ‘ 
Puerto de la Concepcion, 63 1. N. w.; 21. w. N. w. through pass in Sierra de 
San Pablo to San Marcelo watering-place; 51. N. w. in sight of Cabeza del 
Gigante in the east, Grande Medanal, and vicinity of San Sebastian, passing 
near Pefion de la Campana; 81. N. and N. N. w. through pass in the sierra on 
north of the Medanal to San José watering-place 33° 28’; 341. N.N. w. and E.N. 
E., across sicrra to a valley; 61. N. N. w. and E. N. £.; 6]. EB. N.E. and N. into 
Sierra of Santa Margarita to banks of Colorado, across valley to watering-place 
in 33° 25/(?); 141. w.; Gor 111. N. w. and w. N. w. to Tinajas del Tezquien, one 
day’s journey from river; 8 1. (or 61.) N. N. w. and N, across a sierra, to Santo 
Angel springs 34° 31’ (in Chemehueves country); 61. N. E. and N. w.; 71. N.N. 
E. across a sierra to Yamajab nation, whose rancherias, La Pasion, were across 
the river. (35° on Font’s map.) 

28 The full route over a country which Garcés was the first, as also for many 
years the last, to traverse is worth recording as follows. (See also map): 3 1. 
N. w. to rancherias of Santa Isabel; 31. N. w. and E. N. w. (sic) to San Pedre 
de los Yamajabs in 35° 1’, still near the river; 241. s. w. to San Casimiro wells; 
81. w. 4 w. s. w. to wells; 51. w., 31. w.s. w. to Sierra de Santa Coleta; 41. 
Ww. N. W. across sierra (Providence Mts.) to Cafiada de Santo Tomas; 61. w. 
s. w. to wells of San Juan de Dios, where the country of the Befiemés begins; 
51. to Pinta Pass and Arroyo de los Martires (Rio Mojave); 1241]. w. s. w. on 
same stream; 21. w. N. w., and 21. s. w. and s. 34° 37’; 51. s. w. up the 
stream; 841. up the stream; 31.8. w. and s. to San Benito rancheria; 31.8. s. 
Ww. across sierra (Cajon Pass?) in sight of sea, and 31. E. s. E. to Arroyo de los 
ue 231. w. s. w. into Anza’s trail, and 81. w. N. w.; 21. w. N. w. to San 

abriel, 


276 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


over two weeks.” It had been his intention to reach 
San Luis instead of San Gabriel, but the natives had 
refused to guide him in that direction. He now de- 
termined to go up to San Luis by the highway, and 
thence to return eastward to the Colorado across the 
tulares. He applied to the corporal of the mission 
guard for an escort and supplies for the trip, and was 
refused, being subsequently refused also by Rivera to 
whom he wrote at San Diego. The commandant soon 
arrived, however, on his way to Monterey, and a dis- 
cussion ensued on the matter, which finally elicited 
from Rivera, after various excuses, the declaration 
that he was not in favor of anycommunication between 
the natives of the Colorado and those of the missions, 
having already taken some measures to prevent it by 
ordering the arrest of eastern Indians coming to the 
missions to trade. Gareés deemed Rivera’s views 
erroneous, but he was obliged to submit, receiving, 
however, from the missionaries supplies which enabled 
him to partially carry out his plans, though he did not 
venture along the Channel shores. 

Setting out on the 9th of April, the padre crossed 
the San Fernando Valley—I use here for convenience 
modern names, referring to a note for those applied 
at the time®—and the Santa Clara River; entered 


29Tt appears by the mission record that Garcés on April 6th baptized an 
Indian of 20 years named Miguel Garcés, Sergeant Grijalva being godfather. 
San Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10. It is very strange that neither Anza 
nor Font in their diaries mention Garcés’ visit to San Gabriel, though the 
route is indicated on the latter’s map, which, as I have said, must have been 
made after the completion of the diary. 

30 See also Font’s map. San Gabriel; 141. N. w. and w. N. w.; 541. N. w. 
at foot of sierra; 241. N. w. to rancheria in 34° 13’ (vicinity of San Fernando 
mission); 21. N, to Santa Clara Valley and 141. w. N. w. toa ciénega; 91. w. 
and N. across (?) the Sierra Grande; $1. N. E. to a lake where Fages had been 
(Elizabeth Lake?); 51. across valley to Sierra de San Marcos; 241. x. and 3$1. 
w. across the Sierra to San Pascual rancheria of the Cuabajay nation (in 
edge of Tulare Valley, but this nation farther west on map); 141. w. N. w. to 
rancheria in 35° 9’; 81. nN. to Arroyo de Santa Catarina in country of the 
Noches; 1 1. nN. w. to a great river Sun Felipe flowing with rapid current from 
eastern mountains (Kern River above Bakersfield?) and 31. nN. w. and n. to 
smaller stream Santiago (Posa Creek?); 45 1. N.; 24 1. N. to River Santa Cruz 
(White River?); 1 1. £. to rancheria. Back to San Miguel at junction of two 
branches of River San Felipe; back to San Pascual rancheria; 21. F, and N. E. 
in sierra to lagoon of San Venancio; 351. N. w. ands. E.; 141. s. £. to Arroyo 


EXPLORATION OF THE TULARES. 277 


the great Tulare Valley by way of Turner’s and Tejon 
_passes; crossed Kern River, which he called San 
Felipe, near Bakersfield; went up nearly to the lati- 
tude of Tulare Lake, which he did not see, being too 
far to the east; left the valley, probably by the Teha- 
chepi Pass but possibly by Kelso Valley; and thence 
went across to the Mojave, and back by nearly his 
original route to the starting-point on the Colorado. 
Thus he had been the first to explore this broad 
region, the first to pass over the southern Pacific 
railway route of the thirty-fifth parallel. His petty 
adventures with the ever friendly natives in the Tulare 
Valley are interesting, but cannot be sufficiently con- 
densed for insertion here. Seven days’ journey north 
of the limit of his trip he heard of another great 
river which joined the San Felipe, and which Gar- 
cés thought might be that flowing into San Fran- 
cisco Bay, the San Joaquin, as it doubtless was. At 
one place the priest was greeted by a native who 
asked him in Spanish for paper to make cigarritos, who 
said he came from the west, and who was, doubtless, 
a runaway neophyte from San Ciirlos or San Antonio. 
Everywhere the natives were careful to inquire of 
the guides whether the friar was a Spaniard of the 
west or of the east, the latter bearing a much better 
reputation than the former. 

On the Colorado Garcés received Anza’s letter 
requiring his return if he wished to accompany the 
party to Sonora. But it was already too late; there 
was much to be done in his favorite work of making 
peace between hostile tribes, the Indians desired him 
to stay, and there were other regions to explore. 
Consequently, although he had once started down the 
river, he suddenly changed his mind and decided to 
visit the Moqui towns. Parting from his last inter- 
de la Asuncion; 64 1. s. s. w. out of mountains and over plains; 71. 8. s. w. 
to Rio Martires at old station in 34° 37’; back to San Juan de Dios by old 
route; 21. FE. N. E. to Médano; 441. £. s. E. across Sierra of Santa Coleta; 31. 


E. N. E. to well of San Felipe Neri; 51. n. £.; 141. N. E. to Trinidad; 1$1.N. E.; 
91. &. ani s. E. to San Casimiro; 21. E. s. w. (sic) to starting-point. 


278 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 


preter he crossed the river and started June 4th with 
a party of Hualapais for the north-east, reaching the 
Mogqui towns the 2d of July. Here his good-fortune 
deserted him. The Mogquis did not harm him, but 
would not receive him in their houses, would not re- 
ceive his gifts, looked with indifference on his paint- 
ings of hell and heaven, and refused to kiss the 
Christ. Having passed two nights in a corner of the 
court-yard, and having written a letter to the min- 
ister at Zufii, Garceés turned sorrowfully back and 
retraced his steps to the country of the Yamajabs, 
where he arrived on the 25th. He was a month in 
going down the river to the Yuma country, and reach- 
ing San Javier del Bac, on the 17th of September.” 

The expedition of Dominguez and Escalante may 
be alluded to here as an unsuccessful attempt to reach 
California. They went in 1776 from Santa Fé, New 
Mexico, to Utah Lake. But winter was near, food 
became scarce, reports of the natives were not en- 
couraging, and they soon gave up their plan of reach- 
ing Monterey, returning to Santa I’é by way of the 
Moqui towns.” 

31 Garcés, Diario, 246-348., Signed at Tubutama Jan. 30, 1777. Forbes, 
Hist. Cal., 157-62, saw this diary in MS., at Guadalajara. Journey men- 
tioned in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 47-8; vi. 59. Palou, Noé., ii. 281-2, mentions 
rumors that Garcés had been killed by savages. 

32 Dominguez and Escalante, Diario y Derrotero, 1776. In his Carta de 28 
de Octubre 1775, MS., Escalante favors a route from Monterey to the Moquis 
and to Santa Fé. He has heard of some light-colored natives somewhere on 


the route, who had probably reached the interior from Monterey, by the great 
rivers. 


CHAPTER XIII. 


FOUNDING OF THE PRESIDIO AND MISSION OF SAN 
FRANCISCO. 


1776-1777. 


Aw‘za’s EXPLORATION OF THE PENINSULA OF SAN FRANCISCO—ITINERARY— 
THE Camp on Mountain LAKE—SURVEY OF THE PENINSULA—ARROYC 
DE LOS DoLORES—TRIP TO THE GREAT RIVER—BLUNDERS OF Font IN 
CoRRECTING CRESPI—RETURN TO MonTEREY—ORDERS FOR THE FouNDA- 
TION—A HiT AT THE PADRES—ARRIVAL OF THE TRANSPORT VESSELS— 
Moraca Leaps tHE CoLtony To THE PENINSULA—CaAMP oN LAKE 
DoLorES—CoMING 07 THE ‘SAN CARLOS’—-THE PRxESIDIO FooNvDED — 
New EXpLoraATIon OF Rounp Bay AND RIO DE SAN FRANCISCO—F LIGHT 
OF THE NATIVES—FORMAL DEDICATION OF THE Miss1oN—DIScUSSION OF 
Datr, Location, AND NAME—EarRty PRoGRESS—ANNALS OF 1777— 
VISITS OF GOVERNOR AND PRESIDENT AND COMMANDANT. 


THE expedition of Anza, described in the preceding 
chapter, was planned and executed with almost exclu- 
sive reference to the establishment of a presidio at 
San Francisco, and of one or two missions in the same 
region under its protection. Though I have not found 
the text of Bucareli’s instructions to Anza, it was 
probably the intention that the foundation should be 
accomplished during, that officer’s stay in California, 
and to a certain extent under his supervision. The 
expedition, however, for various reasons, did not reach 
California so early as had been intended. The matter 
was delayed by the critical state of things at San 
Diego, and still farther delayed by Rivera’s idiosyn- 
crasies; and Anza was obliged to leave the country 
before his colonists had been settled in their new 
home. Yet he did not go until he had made every 
poszible effort to forward the scheme by repeatedly 


(279 | 


280 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


urging its importance upon the dilatory and obstinate 
commandant, and by making in person a new exam- 
ination of the San Francisco region. This examina- 
tion, minutely described in the original records,’ was 
omitted from its chronological place as a part of 
Anza’s expedition, and must now receive attention. 

With Moraga, Font, a corporal, and two soldiers 
from the presidio, eight of his own men, and provisions 
for twenty days, Anza left Monterey for San Fran- 
cisco the 23d of March 1776, having been but two 
days from his sick-bed at San Carlos.” The party 
followed the route of Rivera and Palou in their jour- 
ney of December 1774,’ to the Arroyo de San Fran- 
cisco, now known as San Francisquito Creek, at 
a spot where the Spaniards had first encamped in 
December 1769, and which Palou had selected two 
years previously as a desirable site for the mission of 
San Francisco. The cross set up in token of this 
sclection was still standing, but intermediate explora- 
tion, as Anza tells us, referring presumably to Heceta’s 
trip of the year before, had shown a lack of water in 
the dry season, very unfortunately, as in respect of 
soil, timber, and gentilidad the place was well adapted 
for a mission. 

Instead of entering the cafiada of San Andrés Anza 
seems to have kept nearer the bay shore—though 
neither he nor I’ont states that the bay was kept in 
sight; but after crossing the Arroyo de San Mateo, 
so called at the time and since, there are but slight 
data, save the general course, between north-west 

1 Anza, Diario, MS., 139-78; Font’s Journal, MS., 80-43. 

2 Palou, Not., 285-7, says the start was March 22d, and the total number of 
soldiers 10. Anza wished Palou to go with him, but Serra objected. Two of 
the soldiers, however, had been over the route before. 

3See chap. x. of this volume. The itinerary, with Font’s distances in 
parentheses, was as follows: From Monterey, 741. (7) to Asuncion or Nativi- 
dad across the River Monterey or Santa Delfina: 81. (12) to Valley of San 
Eernarcino or Arroyo de las Llagas (still called Llagas Creek) across Arroyo 
de San Benito and Pajaro River (7); 81. (12) to Arroyo de San José Cupertino 
(93 on Font’s map) in sight of bay; 41. (6?) to Arroyo de San Francisco. At 
one place on the way the poles used to support the altar on a previous visit 


of the Spaniards were found decorated with offerings of arrows, feathers, food, 
etc., recalling the similar occurrence at Monterey in 1770. 


; MAP OF EXPLORATIONS. 281 








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PENINSULA OF SAN FRANCISCO. 





282 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


and north, from which to determine the exact route,‘ 
until, on March 27th, he encamped at about 11 a. M. 
on a lake near the “mouth of the port,” out of which 
was flowing water enough, as the writer says, for a 
mill. This was what is now Mountain Lake, to which 
the Spaniards at this time gave no name,’ though 
they called the outlet Arroyo del Puerto, now known 
as Lobos Creek. As soon as the camp was pitched 
Anza set out exploring toward the west and south, 
spending the afternoon, and finding water, pasturage, 
and wood, in fact all that was required for his pro- 
posed fort except timber. 

Next morning he went with the priests to what is 
now Fort Point, “ where nobody had been,” and there 
erected a cross, at the foot of which he buried an ac- 
count of his explorations.° Here upon the table-land 
terminating in this pomt Anza determined to estab- 
lish the presidio. Font presently returned to canip,’ 
while Anza and Moraga continued their explorations 
toward the east and south-east, where they found, in 
addition to previous discoveries, a plentiful supply of 
oak timber which, though much bent by the north- 
west winds, would serve to some extent for building 
purposes. About half a league east of the camp they 


‘From the topography of the region, and from the fact that no mention is 
made of seeing or being near either the bay or Lake Merced, it is most likely 
that Anza followed the route of the present county road and railroad from 
San Bruno to the vicinity of Islais Creek, thence turning to the left past the 
present Almshouse tract. 

5The lake is called Laguna:del Presidio on La Pérouse’s map of 1786. 
That the lake on which this party encamped was Mountain Lake, an identity 
that no previous writer has noticed, is proved not only by Anza’s subsequent 
movements, but by the following in Font’s Journal, MS., 31: ‘The coast of 
the mouth (of San Francisco Bay) on this side runs from N. E. to 8. w., not 
straight, but forming a bend, on the beach of which a stream, which flows 
from the lagoon where we halted, empties itself, and we called it the Arroyo 
del Puerto.’ No other part of the shore corresponds at all to this statement. 

6 Misled, perhaps, by this mention of the cross, Palou, Not., ii. 286, says 
that Anza followed his, Palou’s, route of 1774 until he reached the cross 
planted at that time. 

7 Font in his diary gives a long and accurate description of San Francisco 
Bay. He clearly mentions Alcatraz Island, though without applying any 
name. It is to be noted that he mentions Punta de Almejas, or Mussel Point, . 
still so called; but this was not the original Mussel Point of 1769, though 
Font very likely thought so. 


ANZA’S VISIT. 283 


found another large lagoon, from which was flowing 
considerable water, and which, with some artificial im- 
provements, they thought would furnish a permanent 
supply for garden irrigation. This was the present 
Washerwoman’s Bay, corner of Greenwich and Octa- 
via streets. About a league and a half south-east of 
the camp there was a tract of irrigable land, and a 
flowing spring, or ojo de agua, which would easily 
supply the required water. Anza found some well 
disposed natives also, and he came back at 5 p. m. very 
much pleased, as Font tells us, with the result of his 
day’s search. 

Next morning, the 29th, they broke camp, half the 
inen with the pack animals returning by the way they 
had come, to San Mateo Creek, and the commander 
with Font and five men taking a circuitous route by 
the bay shore. Arriving at the spring and rivulet dis- 
covered the day before, they named it from the day, 
the last Friday in lent, Arroyo de los Dolores.® 
Thence passing round the hills they reached and 
crossed the former trail, and went over westward into 
the Cafiada de San Andrés in search of timber, of 
which they found an abundance. They followed the 
olen some distance beyond where the San Mateo 
creek flows out into the plain, killed a large bear, 
crossed the low hills, and returned northward to join 
their companions on the San Mateo. 

The next objective point was the great River San 
Francisco, which had in 1772 prevented Fages from 


8It is to be noted that Anza calls it simply an ‘ojo de agua 6 fuente’ and 
Font an ‘arroyo,’ but neither mentions any lagoon. Palou, however, says, 
‘on reaching the beach of the bay which the sailors called De los Llorones 
(that is Mission Bay, called Llorones by Ayala’s men on account of two weep- 
ing natives, see chap. xi.), he crossed an arroyo by which empties a great 
lagoon which he named Dolores, and it seemed to him a good site for the mis- 
sion,’ etc. This may be punctuated so as to apply the name to the stream 
rather than the lagoon ; but I suspect that the lagoon—subsequently known 
as The Willows—with its stream was entirely distinct from Anza’s stream of 
Dolores. Of this more in note 26 of this chapter. Font from an eminence 
noted the bearing of the head of the bay E. s. E., and of an immense spruce, 
or redwood, afterwards found it to be 150 feet high and 16 feet in circumfer- 
‘ence, on the Arroyo de San Francisco, 8. E. 


284 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


reaching Point Reyes? Save that in going round 
the head of the bay they named Guadalupe and 
Coyote streams, and further on the Arroyo de San 
Salvador, or Harina, there is nothing of value or 
interest in the diaries until April 2d when the ex- 
plorers reached the mouth of ‘the fresh water port 
held hitherto to be a great river,’ that is, to the 
strait of Carquines and Suisun Bay. The water was 
somewhat salt; there was no current; this great 
River San Francisco was apparently no river at all, 
but an extension of the bay. The matter seems to 
have troubled them greatly, and their observations 
were chiefly directed to learning the true status of 
this body of water. There was no reason for it, 
but they were confused. Crespi’s diary of the for- 
mer trip had described the body of water accu- 
rately enough, and had not at all confounded the 
strait and bay with the River San Francisco, or San 
Joaquin; but, possibly, Fages had also written a 
diary in which he expressed “the matter less clear hep 

The camp on the 2d was on a stream supposed to 
be identical with the Santa Angela de Fulgino™ of 
Fages. Onthe 3d they continued eastward past the 
low range of hills, from the summit of which, near 
Willow Pass, like Fages and Crespi before them, they 
had a fine view of a broad country, which they describe 
more fully, but not more accurately, than their prede- 
cessors.” The long descriptions are interesting, but 
they form no part of history and are omitted, strange 
as it may seem, on account of their very accuracy, as 
is also true regarding Font’s description of San Fran- 
cisco Bay. They described the country as it was and 

®TIt is noticeable that Anza several times implies that more than one ex- 
ploration had been made in this direction, but only one, that of Fages, is 
recorded. 

10See account of Fages’ trip in chapter viii. According to Arvicivita, 
Créx. Serdf., 465-7, Font named the body of water Puerto Dulce. 

No. 100 of Font’s map. 

™ See also Font’s map in preceding chapter, on which ‘a’ is ‘the hill to 
which Fages arrived;’ ‘b’ a ‘rancheria at edge of the water;’ “G: a ‘hill from 


which we saw the tulares;’ ‘d’ the ‘summit of the sierra;’ and ‘e’ some ‘min- 
eral hills.’ 


=, Se oe 


MOUTH OF THE SAN JOAQUIN. 285 


is; it is only with the annals of their trip and such 
errors in their observations as had or might have 
had an effect on subsequent explorations that I have 
to deal. There are, however, errors and confusion to 
be noted. It is evident that for some reason they had 
an imperfect idea of Fages’ trip. On the strait they 
had labored hard to prove it not a river, as it certainly 
was not, and as it had never been supposed to be, so 
far as can be known. Now that they had reached the 
river and were looking out over the broad valleys of 
the San Joaquin and Sacramento from the hills back 
of Antioch, they still flattered themselves that they 
were correcting errors of Crespf and Fages, and they 
still labored to prove that the broad rivers were not 
rivers, but ‘fresh water ports’ extending far to the 
north and south, possibly connecting by tulares in the 
former direction with Bodega Bay. In all this, how- 
ever, Anza was not so positive; but in correcting .an 
error Crespi never made respecting the Strait of Car- 
quines, Font was singularly enough led into real error 
left on record for others to correct. 

Like Fages, Anza descended the hills and advanced 
some leagues over the plain to the water’s edge,” 
but instead of turning back and entering the hills by 
the San Ramon Cafada, as Fages had done, after 
some rather ineffectual attempts to follow the miry 
river-banks, he kept on over the foot-hills, noting vast 
herds of elk, or jackass deer, passed to the left of 
what is now Mount Diablo, mid crossed the moun- 


18 Font in one place calls the hill the terminus of Fages’ exploration, and 
says: ‘From said hill which may be about a league from the water, Captain 
Fages and P. Crespi saw its extent and that it was divided into arms which 
formed islands of low land; and as they had previously tasted the water 
on the road further back and found it to be fresh, they supposed without 
doubt that it must be some great river which divided itself here into three 
branches,..without noticing whether it had any current or not, which was 
not easy for them to do from said hill at such a distance.’ Font counted 
seven islands. Anza, Diario, MS., 168, says of the body of water ‘nos pareciéd 
ser mas una gran laguna que rio, "and 172, ‘Me hizo esta noticia (the state- 
ment of two soldiers that the tulares were "impassable even in the dry season) 
y lo que yo observaba acabarme de conceptuar que lo que se ha tenido por rio 
es puramenie una gran laguna.’ San Ricardo was the name given to the 
rancheria in the Ancioch region. 


286 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


tains by a difficult route not easy to locate, on which 
he named the Cafiada de San Vicente and the Sierra 
del Chasco, finding also indications of silver ore. 
April 6th the party encamped on Arroyo del Coy- 
ote,“ and on the 8th arrived at Monterey. As before 
related, Anza started south on the 14th, and his final 
exhortation to Rivera on the importance of prompt 
action in the San Francisco matter was accompanied 
by a diary and map of the exploration just described.” 


With the arrival of the colony at Monterey from 
the south, there had come instructions from Rivera 
to build houses for the people, since there would be 
at least a year’s delay before the presidio could be 
founded.*® And such were the orders in force, not- 
withstanding Anza’s protest, when that officer turned 
over the command to Moraga,” and left the country. 
But Rivera, coming to his senses perhaps after a litile 
reflection, or fearing the results of Anza’s reports in 
Mexico, or really taking some interest in the new 
foundation now that the object of his jealousy had 
departed, changed his policy, and the day after his 
arrival in San Diego, on May 8th, despatched an order 
to Moraga to proceed and establish the fort on the 
site selected by Anza. He could not, however, neg- 
lect the opportunity to annoy the priests by saying 
that the founding of the missions was for the present 
suspended, as Moraga was instructed to inform the 
president. Truly the latter had not gained much in 
the change from Fages to his rival. At the same 
time Rivera sent an order to Grijalva at San Gabriel 
to rejoin the rest of the colony at Monterey with the 


14No. 104 of the map. 

19 The route of Anza’s trip is shown, but of course in a general way, on 
Font’s map. See chapter xii. The natives had been as usual friendly in every 
rancheria visited. 

16 Palou, Not., ii. 283. From the viceroy Rivera had permission dated 
Jan. 20th, to delay the exploration only until Anza’s arrival. Prov. St. Pap., 
nee i. 193-4. But of course the viceroy knew nothing yet of the San Diego 
affair. 

"Feb. 4th, Rivera orders Moraga to take command of the expedition 
after Anza’s departure. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 19. 





PREPARATIONS. 287 


twelve soldiers and their families. Anza’s departure 
had, it seems, greatly lessened the danger at San 
Diego. | | 

Gongora brought the order to San Gabriel, and 
Grijalva, setting out at once with his company, carried 
it to Moraga at Monterey. It was resolved to start 
north in the middle of June, and though the mission 
must wait, Serra thought it best that Palou and 
Cambon, the friars destined for San Francisco, shoul<l 
accompany the soldiers to attend to their spiritual 
interests and be ready on the spot for further orders. 
Meanwhile the transport vessels arrived on their 
yearly voyage, having sailed from San Blas together 
on the 9th of March. The San Antonio, Captain 
Diego Choquet, with Francisco Castro and Juan B. 
Aguirre, as master and mate, and Friar Benito Sierra 
as chaplain, arrived May 21st, unloading supplies for 
Monterey and waiting for some pine lumber for San 
Diego. The San Carlos, a slower vessel, arrived the 
3d of June,’ under Captain Quirés, Cafiizares and 
Revilla as master and mate, with Santa Maria and 
Nocedal as chaplains. She brought supplies for Mon- 
terey and also for San Francisco, and many articles 
were put on board to go up by water and save mule 
transportation; but as two cannons were to be taken 
from the presidio an order from Rivera was necessary, 
and the vessel was obliged to wait until this order 
could be obtained. 

On June 17th Moraga with his company of sol- 
diers, settlers, families, and servants’ set out in com- 
pany with the two friars by the old route, moving 
very slowly, halting for a day on San Francisco 


18 June 5th, Moraga to Rivera, announcing arrival of the transports. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., i. 232-3. 

19 About the number of soldiers there is much confusion. Rivera’s orders, 
Palou, Not., ii. 300, had been to take 20 of them, but the same author says, 
page 307, that Moraga had 13; and elsewhere, Vida, 205-7, that there were 
17. He still claims that 12 of Anva’s force were at San Diego, but there is 
no doubt that all the 29 were at Monterey and that about 20 of them started. 
There were 7 settlers with their families, 5 vaqueros and muleteers, 2 Lower 
Californians, 1 San Carlos neophyte, a mule train, and 200 head of cattle. 


288 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


Arroyo, noting the abundance of deer and antelope, 
and finally encamping, June 27th, on the Laguna de 
los Dolores in sight of the Ensenada de los Llorones 
and of the south-eastern branch of the bay. An altar 
was set up and mass was said on the 29th, as on every 
succeeding day. Here Moraga awaited the coming 
of the San Carlos, because the exact location of the 
presidio site was to depend to some extent on her 
survey for anchorage. A. month was passed in ex- 
plorations of the peninsula, in cutting timber, and in 
other preparations of which no detailed record was 
kept, and still no vessel came. The heutenant finally 
determined to go over to the site selected by Anza, 
and make a beginning by erecting barracks of tules 
and other light material. Thus far all had lived in 
the field tents, and the camp was transferred on the 
26th of July. The first building completed was in- 
tended for a temporary chapel, and in it the first mass 
was said on July 28th by Palou.” The priests, how- 
ever, did not change their quarters. They as well as’ 
Anza thought the first camp in a locality better fitted 
for a mission than any other part of the peninsula; 
and though by Rivera’s orders the mission was not 
yet to be founded, the spot was so near the presidio, 
and the natives were so friendly, that it was deemed 
safe and best for the two friars to remain with the 
cattle and other mission property, guarded by six sol- 
diers and a settler, who might without disobedience 
of superior orders make preparations for their future 
dwellings. Things continued in this state for nearly 
another month. | 

To their great relief on the 18th of August the San 
Carlos arrived and anchored near the new camp. 
After leaving Monterey she had experienced con- 
trary winds and had been driven first down to the 
latitude of San Diego, then up to 42,° anchoring on 
the night of the 17th outside the heads and north of 


0 The camp was pitched July 26th, and building begun July 27th. Letter 
of Sal to Governor in 1702. Prov. Si. Pap., MS., xi, 52, 54. 





ig as 





we a il FO, aa r, 


THE PRESIDIO BEGUN. 288 


the entrance. Quirdés and the rest having approved 
the choice of sites, work was immediately begun on 
permanent buildings for the presidio, all located within 
a square of ninety-two yards, according to a plan made 
by Caiiizares. Qluirés sent ashore his two carpenters 
and a squad of sailors to work on the storehouse, com- 
mandant’s dwelling, and chapel, while the soldiers 
erected houses for themselves and families. All the 
buildings were of palisade walls, and roofed with 
earth. They were all ready by the middle of Septem- 
ber, and the 17th was named as the day of ceremonial 
founding, being the day of the ‘Sores of our seraphic 
father Saint Francis.’** Over a hundred and _ fifty 
persons witnessed the solemn ceremony. The San 
Carlos landed all her force save enough to man the 
swivel-cuns.. Four friars assisted at mass, for Peiia 
had come up from Monterey, and the prescribed rites 
of taking possession, and the te deum laudamus, 
were accompanied and followed by ringing of bells 
and discharge of fire-arms, including the swivel-guns 
of the transport. The cannon so terrified the natives 
that not one made his appearance for some days.” 
Thus was the presidio of San Francisco founded, and 
after: the ceremonies its commandant, Moraga, enter- 
tained the company with all the splendor circum- 
stances would allow.” 

While the presidio supplies were being transferred 
to the warehouse, a new exploration of the head of 
the bay and of the great rivers was made by Quirés, 
Cafiizares, and Cambon in the ship’s boat, and by 

21<On that same 17th of September on the other side of the continent Lord 
Howe’s Hessian and British troops were revelling in the city of New York.’ 
Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 336-7 

2280 says Palou, and it reads well. It must be added, however, that 
according to the same author all had left the peninsula a month before. 

*3Tn connection with the founding of the presidio it may be noted that 
Moraga in his preliminary search found one or two fine springs which Anza 
had not mentioned. Gen. Vallejo, in his Discurso Histérico, pronounced at 
the centennial celebration of the founding of the mission, notes that some 
remarkable qualities were popularly attributed to the spring called El Polin. 
Women drinking the water were, it seems, made more than usually prolific, 


giving birth to twins in many instances. Several other Californians men- 


tion this old popular belief. 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 19 


290 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


Moraga with a party of soldiers by land. The two 
expeditions were to meet beyond the ‘round bay,’ or 
at the mouth of the river, on a certain day, apparently 
September 26th, whence by water and land they were 
to go up the river as far as possible. They started on 
the 23d, the land party carrying most of the supplies, 
while the boat took only enough for eight days. On 
the 29th Quirés returned. He had roiched the ren- 
dezvous at the appointed time, but not meeting 
Moraga, he had been obliged after waiting one day to 
turn back for want of provisions. Although prevented 
from exploring the great river, he was able to settle 
another disputed question and prove that the ‘round 
bay’ had no connection with Bodega. For sailing in 
that direction he had discovered a new estuary and 
followed it to its head, finding no passage to the sea, 
and beholding a lofty sierra which stretched toward 
the west and ended, as Quirds thought, at Cape 
Mendocino. This was, probably, the first voyage 
of Europeans up the windings of Petaluma Creek.” 
Respecting the region at the mouth of the great 
rivers he had done no more than verify the accuracy 
of previous observations by Fages and Anza. 
Meanwhile Moraga, on arriving at the south-eastern 
head of the bay, had changed his “plans, and instead of 
following the shore had conceived the idea that he 
could save time and distance by crossing the sierra 
eastward. This he accomplished without difficulty by 
a route not recorded, but apparently at an unexpected 
cost of time; for on reaching the river he concluded it 
would be impossible to reach the mouth at the time 


*4Palou, Noticias, states that Quirds sailed two days on the new estero, 
and he might with unfavorable winds have spent that time on Petaluma 
Creek; but if he waited a day for Moraga the two days must include the whole 
return voyage. He had not, however, disproved Font’s theory that the bay 
communicated with Bodega by way of the great ‘fresh water port,’ or lagoon, 
now called the Sacramento River. In his Vida, 210-14, Palou gives rather 
vaguely additional details. At the mouth of the great river was a fine har- 
bor, as good as San Diego, named Asuncion (Suisun Bay?). The lofty sierra 
stretching to Cape Mendocino was called San Francisco. The estuary on +he 


west of Round Bay, up which they sailed one day and night, was named 
Merced. 


THE MISSION AT DOLORES. 291 


agreed on, and resolved to direct his exploration in the 
other direction. Marching for three days rapidly up 
the river he reached a point where the plain in all di- 
rections le hizo horizonte, that is, presented an unbroken 
horizon as 1f he were at sea! The natives pointed out 
a ford, and Moraga travelled for a day in the plain 
beyond the river, seeing in the far north lines of trees 
indicating the existence of rivers. But he had no 
compass, and fearing that he might lose himself on 
these broad plains he returned by the way he had 
come, arriving at the presidio the 7th of October. 
Let us now return to the other camp at the Laguna 
de los Dolores, where since the end of July Palou and 
Cambon, reénforced after a time by Pefia appointed to 
Santa Clara, had been making preparations for a mis- 
sion. 1x soldiers and a settler had built houses for 
their families, and the establishment lacked only cer- 
tain dedicatory formalities to be a regular mission. 
True, there were no converts, even candidates, but 
the natives would doubtless come forward in due time. 
Their temporary absence from the peninsula dated from 
the 12th of August, before which time they had been 
friendly though apparently unable for want of an inter- 
preter to comprehend the aims of the missionaries. On 
the date specified the southern rancherias of San Mateo 
came up and defeated them in a great fight, burning 
their huts and so filling them with terror that they 
fled in their tule rafts to the islands and contra costa, 
notwithstanding the offers of the soldiers to protect 
them. Jor several months nothing was seen of them, 
except that a small party ventured occasionally to the 
lagoon to kill ducks, accepting also at such visits gifts 
of beads and food from the Spaniards. Two children 
of presidio soldiers were baptized before the founding 
of the mission. As soon as Quirés arrived he had 





25 San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3. These are the first entries in the 
mission books; the first on August 10th was the baptism of Francisco José de 
los Dolores Soto, infant son of Ignacio Soto; the second that of Juana Maria 
Lorenza Sanchez 15 days of age, on Aug. 25th. Both were baptized ad instantuem 
mortem without ceremony, the latter by a common soldier. 


292 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


given his attention to the mission as well as the pre- 
sidio, and immediately set six sailors at work to aid 
the priests i in constructing a church and dwelling, so 
that the work advanced rapidly. 

No orders came from Rivera authorizing the estab- 
lishing of a mission, but Moraga saw no reason for 
delay and took upon himself the responsibility. A 
church fifty-four feet long and a house of thirty by 
fifteen feet, all of wood, plastered with clay, and roofed 
with tules, were finished and the day of Saint Francis, 
October 4th, was the time set for the rites of founda- 
tion. On the 3d the church, decorated with bunting 
from the vessel, was blessed; but next day only a mass 
was said, the ceremony being postponed on account of 
the absence of Moraga. He arrived, as we have seen, 
on the 7th, and on Oorarer 9th ae solemne funcion 
was celebrated in presence of all who had assisted at 
the presidio a month before, save only the few soldiers 
left in charge of the fort. Palou said mass, aided by 
Cambon, Nocedal, and Pefia; the image of Saint 
Francis, patron of port, presidio, and mission, was 
carried Apanne in procession. Volleys of musketry rent 
the air, aided by swivel-guns and rockets brought from 
the San Carlos, and finally two cattle were killed to 
feast the guests before they departed. Thus was for- 
mally established the sixth of the California missions, 
dedicated to San Francisco de Asis on the Laguna 
de los Dolores.” 

*6 The patron of this mission, it is needless to say, was the founder of the 
Franciscan order of friars. He was born in the city of Assisi, Italy, in 1182, 
in a stable, and on the shoulder was a birth-mark resembling a cross. With 
a slight education and somewhat dissolute habits he was employed in trade 
by his father until 25 years of age. Taken prisoner in a petty local war, his 
captivity caused or was followed by an illness during which his future vocation 
was revealed to him in dreams. Useless thereafter for business and regarded 
as insane by his father, he renounced his patrimony, vowed to live on alms 
alone, and retired to the convent of Porciuncula near Assisi, where he laid the 
foundations of his great order. This organization was approved by the pope 
in 1209, and at the first chapter, or assembly, in 1219 had over 5,000 members 
in its different classes. The founder gave up the generalship as an example 
of humility, and went to Egypt in 1219 in search of martyrdom; but the Sul- 
tan, admiring his courage, would not allow him to be killed. Among the 


many miracles wrought by or through him, the most famous is that of the 
stigmata, or llagas de Jesus, the wounds of the nails and spear inflicted on the 





EARLIEST ANNALS. 293 


The annals of San Francisco for the first months, 
or even years, of its existence are meagre. The 
record is indeed complete enough, but there was 
really very little to be recorded. On October 21st 


body of Christ imprinted by an angel on Saint Francis as he slept. Though 
in feeble health he continued preaching until his death on Oct. 4, 1226. He 
was canonized in 1228, and his festival is celebrated on the day of his death, 
October 4th. 

As to the exact date of the foundation there is a degree of uncertainty, it 
lying between the 8th and the 9th. True, Palou, Not., ii. 320, in a statement 
which from its connection with the date of Moraga’s return (p. 318) cannot 
be a slip of the pen or typographical error, is the only authority for the 
former date, while Palou himself, Vida, 214, and all other authorities (except- 
ing of course a few very recent writers who follow the Noticias), including the 
annual and biennial reports of missionaries so far as they have been pre- 
served, agree on Oct. 9th. Yet this evidence is not so overwhelming in favor 
of the latter date as it seems, since all printed works have doubiless followed 
Palou’s Vida, and it is not certain that the regular reports alluded to did not 
follow the same authority. I have seen no report preceding 1787, the date 
when Palou’s work was published, which gives the date at all. Ordinarily 
the writers of official reports obtained such dates from the mission books, on 
the title-pages of which the date of founding is in every other mission cor- 
rectly given; but strangely enough in this instance San Francisco, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 2, the date is given in Palou’s own handwriting as August Ist, 
which is not only incorrect but wholly unintelligible. Lacking this source 
of information I suppose the friars may have used Palou’s work, which was 
in most if not all the mission libraries. To name the writers who have given 
one date or the other would not aid in settling the question, and it must be 
left in doubt. Since it is only conjecture that the source of information for 
official reports was Palou’s printed book, the balance of evidence is of course 
in favor of Oct. 9th. Vallejo, in his Discurso Histdrico, MS., states that the 
founding was on Oct. 4th, but in a note appended to the translation of his 
discourse, San Irancisco, Centennial Mem., 105-6, as in conversation, he ex- 
plains his meaning to be that as Oct. 4th was the day appointed for the cer- 
emony, as it was the day of San Francisco, and as 1t was the day annually 
celebrated by the Californians, it ought still to be the day celebrated as an 
anniversary. Whatever may be said of the theory, it has no bearing on the 
actual date as an historical fact. Vallejo’s suggestion that both Oct. 8th and 
Oct. 9th in Palou may be typographical errors is scarcely sound. 

Respecting the locality of the mission there was a theory long current 
that it was first founded on Washerwoman’s Bay, the lagoon back of Russian 
Hill, and subsequently moved to its present site. Soule’s Annals of S. F., 
46-7; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal., 85-6; and many other modern writings in books, 
magazines, and newspapers. This supposition was unfounded, except in the 
statements of Palou, Vida, 209-10, the only authority extant until quite 
recently, that Moraga’s expedition encamped June 27th ‘on the bank of a 
great lagoon which emptied into the arm of the sea of the port which extends 
inland 15 leagues toward the south-east,’ and that a mission site was selected 
‘in this same place at the lagoon on the plain which it has on the west.’ To 
John W. Dwinelle, Colon. //ist. S. F., p. xiii., belongs, I believe, the credit 
of having been the first to show the inaccuracy of the prevalent opinion as 
early as 1867, and without the aid of Palou’s Noticias which he had never 
seen. By the aid of the Vida, of La Pérouse’s map (which I reproduce in 
chap. xxii.) and the testimony of Dofia Carmen Cibrian de Bernal, an old 
lady at the mission, he identified the Laguna de los Dolores with ‘The Wil- 
lows,’ a lagoon, filled up in modern times, which lay in the tract bounded by 
17th, 19th, Howard, and Valencia streets, discharging its waters into Mission 


294 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


the San Carlos sailed for San Blas, leaving four sail- 
ors as laborers at the new mission, who completed 
the buildings and brought water in a ditch from the 
stream. Meanwhile Rivera, having received at San 


Bay. Gov. Neve in his report to the viceroy of Feb. 25, 1777, in Prov. Rec., 
MS., i. 141, says the mission was 1} leagues from the fort and near Lake 
Dolores. Vallejo, in his Discurso Histérico, advanced the theory that Laguna 
de los Dolores was a small lake situated between two hills to the right of the 
old road from the presidio to the mission. In the translation and accompany- 
ing notes, San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 25, 107, the lake is located, osten- 
sibly on Vallejo’s authority, ‘in Sans Souci Valley, north of the Mission... 
and immediately behind the hill on which the Protestant Orphan Asylum 
now stands.’ Dwinelle in his oration delivered on the same day and printed 
in the same book (p. 86) declared in favor of ‘ The Willows’ and maintains his 
position in a supplementary argument (pp. 187-91). There can be no doubt, I 
think, that the Laguna de Dolores of Palou was identical with the pond of 
the Willows, formerly the head of an estuary, according to the testimony of 
Sra Bernal and other old residents, though fed by springs, and not with the 
pond to which Vallejo alludes. The statement of Palou that the mission was 
on the plain westward of the laguna, together with La Pérouse’s map which 
gives the same relative position, seems conclusive. But while Dwinelle’s 
argument against Vallejo is conclusive, it contains some curious errors. 
Palou, Not., ii. 309, says the Spaniards encamped on June 27th ‘4 la orilla 
de una laguna que llamé el Seflor Anza de Nuestra Sefora de los Dolores que 
esta & la vista de la ensenada de los Llorones y playa del estero 6 brazo de 
mar que corre al Sudeste,’ that is, ‘on the bank of the lake which Anza 
named Dolores, which is in sight of the Ensenada de los Llorones and of the 
beach of the estuary, or arm of the sea, which runs to the south-east.” Now 
the ‘ Ensenada de los Llorones,’ as we have seen, was Mission Bay, the name 
having been given by Aguirre in 1775 (see p. 247 of chap. xi.) from three 
‘weeping Indians’ standing on the shore. Dwinelle, however, translated 
Llorones as ‘weeping willows,’ which but for the circumstance alluded to 
would be correct ; and having the willows on his hands, must have fresh 
water for their roots, which he obtains by translating ensenada as ‘ creek,’ and 
thus identifying Ensenada de los Llorones with a stream of fresh water flow- 
ing from a ravine north-west of the mission and into the bay at what was 
in later years City Gardens, a stream which supplied the mission with water 
for all purposes, being ‘in sight of’ the mission, and moreover lined in Dwi- 
nelle’s own time with willows. Then having fitted the name of one of the 
objects seen from the mission site to the fresh-water stream, it remained to 
identify the other, the ‘playa del estero 6 brazo de mar que corre al 
Sudeste ’ with Mission Bay, which he does by a peculiar system of (unwrit- 
ten) punctuation and by changing de to del, making it read ‘shore of the in- 
let, or arm, of that sea which trends to the south-east’! The meaning of the 
original was ‘in sight of Mission Bay and of the south-eastern branch of San 
Francisco Bay.’ Dwinelle’s reasoning is a very ingenious escape from diffi- 
culties that never existed. 

After all I have an idea that Palou made the first blunder in this matter 
himself. It will be remembered that Anza applied the name Dolores to an 
ojo de agua, a spring or stream, which he thought capable of irrigating the 
mission lands, making no mention of any laguna. I suppose that this was 
the fresh-water stream alluded to by Dwinelle which did, as Anza had 
thought it might, supply the mission with water. Later when Palou came 
up, for some unexplained cause he transferred the name of Dolores to the pond 
at the Willows, too low to be used for irrigation and probably at that time 
connected with tide-water. . 

Respecting the name of this mission it should be clearly understood that 


ae 
Prec 


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ignite 


i ae —" en = 
ee te ah een 


eure at 


RT ent 


‘yt were 


pe irra 


RIVERA AT THE NEW PRESIDIO. 295 


Diego communications from the viceroy in which that 
official spoke of the new missions in the north as 
having been already founded, concluded that it was 
time to proceed north and attend to their founding 
On the way at San Luis Obispo he learned that his 
orders had been disobeyed at San Francisco, and said 
he was glad of it and would soon go in person to 
found the other mission. From Monterey accom- 
panied by Pefia, who had in the mean while returned, 
he went up to San Francisco, arriving November 
26th and cordially approving the choice of sites and 
all that had been done. Three days later he set out 
with Moraga to make a new exploration of the great 
river and plain, leaving Pefia at the mission, and 
promising on arrival at “Monterey to send up soldiers 
for the founding of Santa Clara. MRivera’s expedition 
accomplished nothing, for after fording the river he 
did not go so far as Moraga had done, fearing that a 
rise in the stream might prevent his return. On his 
way back he was met by a courier with news of 
trouble at San Luis, which claimed his attention, 
whereupon Moraga returned to his presidio, and Pena 
was obliged to wait. 

In December the self-exiled natives began to come 
back to the peninsula; but they came in hostile atti- 
tude and by no means disposed to be converted. They 
began to steal all that came within reach. One party 
discharged arrows at the corporal of the guard; 
another insulted a soldier’s wife; and there was an 
attempt to shoot the San Carlos neophyte who was 
still living here. One of those concerned in this 


it was simply San Francisco de Asis and never properly anything else. Asis 
was dropped in common usage even by the friars, as was Borromeo at San 
Carlos and Alcalé at San Diego. Then Dolores was added, not as part of the 
name but simply as the locality, like Carmelo at San Carlos, and, more rarely, 
Nipaguay at San Diego. Gradually, as San Francisco was also the name of 
the presidio, and there was another mission of San Francisco Solano, it became 
customary among settlers, soldiers, and to soine extent friars also, to speak of 
the Mision delos Dolores, meaning simply ‘the mission at Dolores.’ No other 
name than San Francisco was employed in official reports. Dolores was in 
full Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores, one of the virgin’s most common appella- 
tions, and a very common name for places in all Spanish countries. 


296 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. 


attempt was shut up and flogged by Grijalva, where- 
upon the savages rushed up and discharged a volley 
of arrows at the mission buildings, attempting a 
rescue, though they were frightened away by a dis- 
charge of musketry in the air. Next day the sergeant 
went out to make arrests, when a new fight occurred, 
in which a settler and a horse were wounded, while 
of the natives one was killed, another wounded, and 
all begged for peace, which was granted after sundry 
floggings had been administered. It was some three 
months before the savages showed themselves again 
at the mission. 

Events of 1777 may be very briefly disposed of, 
and as well here as elsewhere. The natives resumed 
their visits in March, gradually lost their fears, and 
on June 24th three adults were baptized, the whole 
number of converts at the end of the year being 
thirty-one.” Some slight improvements were made 
in buildings at both establishments; but of agricult- 
ural progress we have no record. José Ramon Bo- 
jorges was the corporal in command of the mission 
guard. In April San Francisco was honored by a 
visit from the governor of the Californias, who had 
come to hve at Monterey, and wished to make a per- 
sonal inspection of the famous port.” May 12th the 
Santiago, under lenacio Arteaga, with Francisco Castro 
as master, and Nocedal as chaplain, entered the harbor 
with supplies for the northern establishments and San 
Blas news down to the Ist of March. This was the 
first voyage to the port of San Francisco direct with- 
out touching at intermediate stations. Arteaga set 
sail for Monterey on the 27th. In October the good 


27 San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS. The first convert was named Fran- 
cisco Moraga, the commandant of the presidio standing as godfather. The 
first burial of a neophyte was on October 20th. There had already been eight 
deaths of Spaniards, but there were no more for two years. The first marriage 
was that of Mariano A. Cordero, a soldier, and Juana F. Pinto on November 
28, 1776; the first burial that of Maria de la Luz Muiioz, wife of J. M. Valen- 
cia, a soldier. 

8 His report to the viceroy dated February 25, 1777, isin Prov. Rec., MS., 
i. 140-2, 





, 


a — ea 


Se ee ee ee ea me 








on TF ea 


i 


FATHER JUNIPERO AT THE GOLDEN GATE. 297 


padre presidente on his first visit to San Francisco 
arrived in time to say mass in the mission church on 
the day of Saint Francis in the presence of all the 
‘old residents’ and of seventeen adult native converts. 
Passing over to the presidio October 10th, and gazing 
for the first time on the blue waters under the purple 
pillars of the Golden Gate, Father Junfpero exclaimed: 
“Thanks be to God that now our father St Francis 
with the holy cross of the procession of missions has 
reached the last limit of the Californian continent. 
To go farther he must have boats.”” 


2° Comprehensive references on the general subject of this chapter are 
Palou, Not., ii. 285-347; Id., Vida, 201-24. A few additional notes on minor 
topics of San Francisco history are as follows: February 25, 1777, the governor 
reports that Moraga has been ordered to enclose the presidio, and has begun 
the work. The commandant’s house and the warehouse are of adobe, though 
very unsubstantial; all the other structures are mere huts. Prov. Rec., MS., 
i. 142. On June 4th the governor notes the arrival of a picture of St Francis 
for the presidio chapel, [d., 69, which it seems was sent at Moraga’s request. 
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., vi. 1389. The value of effects received in the 
warehouse in 1776 was $14,627. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vi. 60. The expense of 
building the presidio down to 1782 had been in goods as per Mexican invoice 
$1,200. Jd., iii. 230. Eight servants at the mission at end of 1777, names 
given. Jd., Ben., i. 11. The force of the San Francisco district, including 
San José, at the end of 1777, was as follows: Lieutenant Moraga; Sergeant 
Juan Pablo Grijalva; corporals Domingo Alviso, Valerio Mesa, Pablo Pinto, 
Gabriel Peralta, and Ramon Bojorges; 33 soldiers, including mission guards 
at San Francisco and Santa Clara; settlers Manuel Gonzalez, Nicolas Berrey- 
esa, Casimiro Varela, Pedro Perez, Manuel Amézquita, Tiburcio Vasquez, 
Francisco Alviso, Ignacio Archuleta, and Feliciano Alballo; sirvientes of the 
presidio, including mechanics, etc., Salvador Espinosa, Juan Espinosa, Pedro 
Lopez, Pedro Fontes, Juan Sanchez, Melchor Cardenas, Tomas de la Cruz, 
Miguel Velez, Felipe Otondo; sirvientes of the mission, Diego Olvera, Alejo 
Feliciano, Victoriano Flores, Joaquin Molina, Angel Segundo, José Rodri- 
guez, José Castro, José Gios; sirvientes of Santa Clara, 9 (see chapter xiv.); 
padres, Francisco Palou, Pedro Benito Cambon, José Antonio Murguia, and 
Tomas de la Peiia; store-keeper, Hermenegildo Sal. Total 80 men. Moraga’s 
report in MS. Moraga, Informe de 1777, MS. 


CHAPTER XIV. 


MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 
1776-1777. 


INDIAN AFFRIGHT AT MONTEREY—FIRE AT SAN Luis OBISPO—AFFAIRS AT 
San Drrgo—RIVERA AND SERRA—REESTABLISHMENT OF THE Miss1on— 
Tue Lost REGIstTERS—FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO—FATHER 
SerrA ATTACKED—FOUNDING OF SANTA CLARA—CHANGE OF CAPITAL 
OF THE CALIFORNIAS—GOVERNOR NEVE Comes TO MoNTEREY—RIVERA 
AS LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR AT LoRETO—PRovincias INTERNAS—Gov- 
ERNOR’S REPORTS—PRECAUTIONS AGAINST CAPTAIN CookK—MOVEMENTS 
OF VESSELS—NEVE’S PLANS FOR CHANNEL ESTABLISHMENTS—PLANS FOR 
Grain SuppLy—EXxPERIMENTAL PuEBLo—FounDING oF SAN Josi—InD- 
IAN TROUBLES IN THE SoUTH—A SoLpIER KILLED—FourR CHIEFTAINS 
Suot—TuHeE First Pusiic ExEcuTION IN CALIFORNIA. 


Aut that is known of Monterey affairs during the 
year 1776 has been told in connection with the found- 
ing of San Francisco, except a rumor of impending 
attack by gentiles on San Carlos in the spring, which 
filled Father Junipero’s heart with joy at the thought 
of possible martyrdom—a joy which, nevertheless, the 
good friar restrained sufficiently to summon troops 
from Monterey; but the rumor proved unfounded.’ 

Of San Antonio nothing is recorded save that the 
mission was quietly prosperous under the ministrations 
of Pieras and Sitjar. At San Luis Obispo there was 
a fire on November 29th which destroyed the build- 
ings, except the church and granary, together with 
implements and some other property. The fire was 
the work of gentiles who discharged burning arrows 
at the tule roofs, not so much to injure the Spaniards 


'Palou, Vida, 318-20. Anza in his report, Diario, MS., 135, represented 
San Carlos as in a very prosperous condition, with over 300 neophytes. 
( 298 ) 





FRANCISCAN POLICY. 299 


as to revenge themselves on a hostile tribe who were 
the Spaniards’ friends. Rivera hastened to the spot, 
captured two of the ringleaders, and sent them to 
the presidio.” Cavaller and Figuer were in charge, 
assisted much of the time by Murguia and Mugdartegui; 
while at San Gabriel, of which mission something has 
been said in connection with Anza’s expedition, Pa- 
terna, Cruzado, and Sanchez were serving. 


In the extreme south as in the extreme north the 
year was not uneventful, since it saw the mission of 
San Diego rebuilt and that of San Juan Capistrano 
successfully founded. Rivera returned to San Diego 
in May, to resume his investigations in connection 
with the disaster of the year before; but he seems to 
have had no thought of immediate steps toward re- 
building the destroyed mission. His policy involved 
long investigations, military campaigns, and severe 
penalties, to be followed naturally in the distant 
future by a resumption of missionary work. Such, 
however, was by no means the policy of Serra or of 
the missionaries generally. Throughout the north- 
west both Jesuits and Franciscans had from the first, 
on the occurrence of hostile acts by the natives, 
favored prompt and decisive action, with a view to 
inspire terror of Spanish power; but long-continued 
retaliatory measures they never approved. Condemna- 
tion and imprisonment .were sometimes useful, but 
mainly as a means of increasing missionary influence 
through pardon and release. This policy, though 
sometimes carried too far for safety, was a wise one, 


2 Palou, Not., ii. 339-40. Neve’s Report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Rec., 
MS., i. 19. The mission register of marriages was uestroyed. Note of Serra 
in S. Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 57. The mission was twice again on 
fire within ten years, which caused the use of tiles for roofs to be universally 
adopted. Palou, Vida, 142-3. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 83, says that 
Ignacio Vallejo, the author’s grandfather, was at the intercession of the 
padres allowed to quit the service temporarily to superintend the rebuilding 
of the mission and the construction of irrigation works; and in fact Vallejo’s 
name appears as witness in a marriage which took place the day after the fire, 
ae carpenter and employé of the mission.’ San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, 

of Dis 


300 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


and indeed the only one by which the friars could 
have achieved their purpose.® 

The viceroy on hearing of the massacre at San 
Diego had given orders for protective measures, in- 
cluding a reénforcement of twenty-five men; but a 
little later he expressed his opinion, agreeing with 
that of the missionaries, that it would “be better to 
conciliate than to punish the offending gentiles, and 
that the reénforcement ordered. should be employed 
rather to protect the old and new establishments than 
to chastise the foe.*  Bucareli’s communications, 
though dated in the spring of 1776, seem to have 
been delayed; at any rate Rivera was doing nothing 
towards reéstablishment, and the southern friars were 
becoming discouraged. Serra therefore determined 
to go down in person. As we have seen, he had 
wished to accompany Rivera, but that officer had 
pleaded necessity for a more rapid march than was 
suited to his advanced age and feeble health. Now 
he sailed on the San Antonio which left Monterey the 
last day of June, and arrived at San Diego the 11th 
of July. Father Nocedal was left at San Carlos; 
Serra took the latter’s place as chaplain; and Santa 
Maria accompanied the president, who intended to 
substitute him for some southern missionary whose 
discontent might not impair his usefulness, for three 
had already applied for leave to retire.° 

Serra found the natives peaceable enough; in fact 
Rivera had reported them to the viceroy as ‘pacified ;’ 
but though the military force was idle in the presidio, 
the friars for want of a guard could not resume their 


3Jn a communication to Rivera Serra urges a suspension of hostilities, 
which would do more harm than good, and a light punishment to captives. 
Let the living padres be protected ‘as the apple of God’s eye,’ but let the dead 
one be left to enjoy God, and thus good be returned for evil. St. Pap., MS., 
xv. 14, 15. 

* Bucareli’s letters to Serra of March 26th ’and April 3d, in Arch. Santa 
Barbara, MS., vi. 1-3, and Palou, Vida, 187-90. It is stated in the letters: 
that instructions of similar purport were sent to Rivera. 

> These were probably Fuster, the survivor of San Diego, and Lasuen and 
Amurrio destined for San Juan. Their petition to retire was simply a protest 
oe Rivera’s inaction, and not improbably had been suggested by Serra 

imself, 


WORK AT SAN DIEGO. 301 


work. The president at once made an arrangement 
with Captain Choquet of the San Antonio, who of- 
fered to furnish sailors to work on the mission, and 
go in person to direct their labors. Then Rivera, 
asked in writing for a guard, could not refuse, at 
detailed six men for the service. On August 22d 
the three friars, Choquet with his mate and _ boat- 
swain and twenty sailors, a company of neophytes, 
and the six soldiers went up the river to the old site 
and began work in earnest, digging foundations, col- 
lecting stones, and making adobes. The plan was to 
erect first an adobe wall for defence and then build 
a church and other structures within the enclosure. 
Good progress was made for fifteen days, so that it 
was expected to complete the wall in two weeks and 
the buildings before the sailing of the transport, with 
time enough left to put in a crop. But an Indian 
went to Rivera with a report that the savages were 
preparing arrows for a new attack, and though a ser- 
geant sent to investigate reported, as the friars claim, 
that the report had no foundation’ the commandant 
was frightened, and on September 8th withdrew the 
guard, advising the withdrawal of the sailors. Cho- 
quet, though protesting, was obliged to yield to save 
his own responsibility, and the work had to be aban- 
doned, to the sorrow and indignation of the mission- 
aries. 

About this time a native reported that Corporal 
Carrillo was at Velicaté with soldiers en route for 
San Diego. Serra was sure they were the soldiers 
promised him for mission guards, and Rivera equally 
positive that they were destined to reénforce the pre- 
sidio; but he refused to send a courier to learn the 
truth until a letter came from Carrillo on the 25th. 


6Lasuen in his report of 1783, in Bandint, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 2, states 
that the mission was retstablished in June 1776. There may, however, be 
an error of the copyist. 

‘The governor in a later report says that investigations had proved a 
second convocation of 21 rancherias for hostile operations. Prov. Rec., MS., 
i. 60-1. It is not certain however that the allusion is to this occasion. 


302 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


Three days later the viceroy’s despatches arrived and 
proved favorable to Serra’s claims, directing the 
troops, which arrived on the 29th, to be used for the 
restoration of the missions. The president celebrated 
his triumph by a mass and the ringing of bells. Rive- 
ra was obliged to modify his plans, assigning twelve 
of the twenty-five men to the mission, ten to San 
Juan, two to San Gabriel, and the remainder to the 
presidio. He also released the Indian captives whom 
he had intended to exile to San Blas.2 On the 11th 
he started north to establish the missions near San 
Francisco, learning on the way, as we have seen, that 
one of them had already been founded in spite of his 
orders to the contrary.? 

Work was at once resumed at the mission, and the 
buildings were soon ready for occupation. Three friars, 
Fuster, Lasuen, and probably Santa Maria, moved 
into their new quarters and under the protection of 
an increased escort renewed their labors, the date bein 
apparently the 17th of October.” Already the lost 
mission registers of baptism, marriages, and deaths 
had been replaced with new ones in which the miss- 
ing entries were restored, so far as possible, from 
the memory of priests, neophytes, and soldiers, by 
Serra himself, who added some valuable notes on the 
past history of the mission, at various dates from 
August 14th to October 25th; Fuster also added an 
interesting narrative of the tragedy of November 5, 
1775. These records, which I have had occasion to 


8 But this release would seem not to have been immediate, for the gov- 
ernor in a letter of Feb. 27, 1777, says that there were still 13 prisoners at 
San Diego implicated in the revolt. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 143. Ina letter of 
June 3d he states that on receipt of the viceroy’s orders of Feb. 2d, the troops 
were drawn up, the prisoners called out and harangued on the enormity of 
their offence meriting death, warned that if they abused the present clem- 
ency they must expect the severest penalty, and then they were dismissed 
with an exhortation by the priests, both soldiers and criminals uniting in a 
cheer, and a salute from two cannons celebrating this termination of a pain- 
ful matter. Jd., 60-1. One of the prisoners had strangled himself on Aug, 
15th, the anniversary of the day when six years before he had attempted te 
kill Father Serra in the first attack on the mission. Palou, Vida, 87. 

® Palou, Not. ii, 825-37; Id., Vida, 191-3, 196-7. 

10 Ortega to Rivera, Dec. 3d, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 151. 


FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO. 303 


use freely in the preceding chapters, are among the 
most valuable original authorities on the early history 
of California.“ Palou asserts that progress in the 
work of conversion was rapid from the first, whole 
rancherias coming in from far away to ask for baptism. 
The only additional record for the year at San Diego 
is in letters of Ortega to Rivera complaining of some 
minor matters of the presidio routine, among others 
of want of clothing and tortillas.” 


In the last days of October, leaving San Diego 
affairs in a satisfactory condition, Serra started north- 
ward with Gregorio Amurrio and the escort of ten 
soldiers*® to establish the new mission of San Juan 
Capistrano,“ on the site abandoned the year previous. 
The buried bells were dug up to be hung and chimed; 
mass was said by the president, and thus the seventh 
mission was founded the Ist of November” on or near 
the site where stood the ruins of a later structure 
a century after, near a small bay which offered good 
anchorage and protection from all but south winds, and 
which long served as the port for mission cargoes. La- 
suen, originally assigned to this mission, had remained 


1 Serra, Notas, MS.; Fuster, Registro de Defunciones, MS. 

12 Ortega to Rivera, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 152-3. 

13The mission guard under Corporal Nicolés Carabanas included the 
soldiers Jacinto Gloria, José Antonio Pefia, Francisco Pefia, Pio Quinto 
Zufiiga, Nicol4s Gomez, Matias Vega, José Dolores Dominguez, Julian Ace- 
bedo, and José Joaquin Armenta. It is to be noted that many early -Cali- 
fornians wrote their names ‘Joseph’ rather than José. 

14The patron saint of this mission was born at Capistrano in the kingdom 
of Naples in 1385, was educated as a lawyer, became a judge, and in 1415 
took the habit of St Francis. He was noted thereafter for his austere life and 
his zeal against heretics, occupying high positions in the Inquisition. He also 
travelled extensively in Europe on diplomatic business for the pope. He took 
part in the crusades, and hated Jews and Turks no less than heretics. He was 
prominent in the siege and Christian victory of Belgrade in 1456, and died in 
October of that year, to be canonized in 1690. He was the author of many 
ecclesiastical works, and his festival is celebrated by the church the 3lst of 
October. - 

15,8. Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS., title-page; Ortega, in Prov. St. 
haps MS. alk ie 

16 According to Los Angeles, Hist., 5, the first mission was located some 
miles north-easterly from the present location, at the foot of the mountain, 
the place being still known as Mision Vieja; but this can hardly agree with 
Palou’s statement, Vida, 197-200, that the mission stood half a league from 
the bay, on a stream running into it, and in sight of it as at present, 


304 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


in Jaume’s place at San Diego, and Pablo Mugértegui, 
appointed in his place, soon came down from San Luis. 
A. few days after the founding Serra made a trip to 
San Gabriel. While returning in company with a 
pack-train and a drove of cattle he went a little in 
advance with a soldier and a neophyte, and was met 
on the Trabuco stream by a horde of painted and 
armed savages who approached with shouts and 
hostile gestures, but were induced to desist by a few 
judicious falsehoods applied by the San Gabriel neo- 
phyte, who affirmed that there was a large body of 
soldiers close behind who would take terrible vengeance 
for any harm done to the friar.” There were no further 
demonstrations of the kind. The natives near the 
mission were not averse to christianity, and Amurrio 
administered baptism December 15th, and Mugéartegui 
again on Christmas, the whole number during the year 
being four, and during the next year forty. The 
native name of the mission site was Sajirit.* 


As soon as Rivera arrived from the south in the 
autumn of 1776, he gave his attention to the two 
new missions which the viceroy in his late communi- 
zations had spoken of as already founded, and which 
the commandant now realized to have been too long 
neglected. One of them had indeed been established ; 
Tomas de la Pefia and José Murguia had long since 
been assigned to the other; mission guard, church para- 
phernalia, and all needed supplies were ready; and 
Peiia had already been over the northern country and 


Nov. 12th Corporal Beltran reports the hostile demonstrations against 
Serra and the soldier Pefia, and adds that the natives are at the mission ready to 
fight. Nov. 15th Ortega reports having sent Mariano Carrillo to investigate. 
He adds that two soldiers and a servant have deserted from the new mission. 
Nov. 23d Carrillo reports that all is quiet since the original demonstration; all 
round the mission were peaceable, and two pagan chiefs had come to ask per- 
mission to settle at San Juan. One chief complains that a soldier has taken 
his wife, but the soldier will be sent to San Diego. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vii. 
5-13. 

18 San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS. In several of the mission 
registers the aboriginal name was written Quanis-Savit, which was, in all but 
one, erased and Sajirit substituted. 


FOUNDING OF SANTA CLARA. 305 


made up his mind about the most desirable site. Set- 
ting out in November to inspect the establishments 
at San Francisco, and accompanied by Petia, Rivera 
visited on the way the proposed site near the banks of 
the Guadalupe River in the broad San Bernardino 
plain, since known as Santa Clara Valley.” Subse- 
quently Friar Tomas was left at San Francisco with 
the understanding that Rivera on his return to Mon- 
terey should send up the men and supplies, with the 
other priest, and orders to proceed at once to the 
founding. On account of the alarm at San Luis 
Obispo already noticed, these orders were delayed, but 
they came late in December, and on the 6th of Janu- 
ary 1777, Moraga with Peta and a company of sol- 
diers” started southward. 

A cross having been erected and an enramada pre- 
pared, Father Tomas said the first mass on January 
12th, dedicating the new mission to Santa Clara,”. 
virgin, on the site called aboriginally Thamien, among 


the natives known as Tares, who had four ranchertas 


in the vicinity.” In respect of agricultural advantages 
this valley was thought to be hardly inferior to the 
country of San Gabriel, but it was feared, and with 


reason as it proved, that the mission site might be 


liable to occasional inundations.” The work of build- 


19Palou, Not., ii. 341-3, implies that the site was formally selected by 
Moraga later; but this is not probable; at any rate the site had doubtless been 
long before fixed upon more or less definitely by the priests. 

20 The soldiers destined for the new mission were the remaining ten of 
Anza’s company who had been all this time at Monterey. Palou, Vida, 218- 
20, implies that these soldiers with their families came up to San Francisco; 
which may be true, but it seems more likely that they met Moraga at the head 
of the bay, the latter taking with him a few men from his own presidio. 

21 Santa Clara was the daughter of a rich and noble family of Assisi, Italy, 
born in 1193, and wholly devoted to the fashionable frivolities of her class, 
until at the age of 17 she was converted by the preaching of Saint Francis, 
retired to the convent of Porcitincula, and became as famous for the austerity 
and piety of her life as she had been for her wit and beauty. She founded an 
order of religiosas named for herself, died: in 1253, and was canonized in 1255. 
Her day is celebrated on the 12th of August. 

22 Pefia’s Report of Dec. 30th, in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 505-9. 
Tares was the native word for men. A newspaper scrap says the place was 
called Socoisuka from the abundance of laurels. The governor on Feb. 25th 
writes that the mission was located on Jan. 4th. Prov. Iec., MS., 1. 141. 

23Tn January and February 1779 the mission was twice flooded. Several 

Hist. Cat., Vou. I. 20 


306 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS 


ing was at once begun within a square of seventy 
yards. Father Murguia arrived with cattle and other 
mission property on the 21st, and Moraga went back 
to San Francisco. The latter however was soon 
recalled, for the natives, though friendly at first, soon 
developed a taste for beef, which flogging and even 
the killing of three of their number did not entirely 
eradicate.* In May an epidemic carried off many 
irae ren, most of whom were baptized, and missionary 
work proper was thus begun.” 

According to the minister’s report at the end of the 
year there had been sixty-seven baptisms, including 
eight adults, and twenty-five deaths. Thirteen Chris- 
tians and ten catechumens were living at the mission, 
and the rest at the rancherfas with their parents. In 
the way of material improvements the new estab- 
lishment could show a church of six by twenty 
varas, two dwellings of six by twenty-two and five by 
thirty-one varas respectively, divided into the neces- 

sary apartments, all of timber plastered with clay and 
roofed with earth. There were likewise two corrals 
and a bridge across the stream.” 


Since March 1775 Felipe de Neve had been ruling 
at Loreto as governor of the Californias, though his 
authority over Upper California had been merely 
nominal, the commandant of the new establishments 


houses fell and all had to be moved to higher ground. Governor's report of 
April 4th, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 125-6. 

“4 Gov. Neve ina report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 19-20. 

% Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS. The first baptism of a child de razon 
on July 3lst was that of an illegitimate son of José Antonio Gonzalez and 
of a woman whose marriage with another man the next year is the first 
recorded. The first death was that of José Antonio Garcia in Jan. 1778. 
Both Ramon Bojorges and Gabriel Peralta are named as corporals of the 
mission guard during the first year. Prov. St. Pap., Den. Mil., MS., i. 11. 

26 Murguia and Peta, Informe de Santa Clara, Wi 7, MS. The sirvientes 
of the mission—not all ‘servants’ as we use the word, but including mechanics, 
vaqueros, ete. —were Francisco Ibarra, Cristobal Armenta, Agustin Soberanes, 
Antonio Romero (Ist and 2d), Joaquin Sanchez, Manuel Antonio, Joaquin 
Puga, Cirilo Gonzalez. Moraga, in Prov. St. Pap. Ben., MS., i. 9, and Gleeson, 
fist. Cath. Ch., ii. 80-2, say the founders reached Santa Clara Jan. Ist. Shea, 
Cath. Miss., 100, tells us the mission was founded Jan. 6th. For account of 
founding from Palou, see Hall’s Hist. San José, 416-18; The Owl, Jan. 1871. 


ae 


THE GOVERNOR TO LIVE AT MONTEREY. 307 


being directly responsible to the viceroy and subordi- 
nate to the governor only in being required to report 
fully to that official. Soon however a change was 
ordered, due largely it is believed to the influence of 
José de Galvez, now in Spain and filling the high posi- 
tion of minister of state for the Indies. The 16th of 
August 1775 the king issues a royal order that Gov- 
ernor Neve is to reside at Monterey as capital of the 
province, while Rivera is to go to Loreto and rule 
Baja California as lieutenant-governor. At the same 
time, perhaps, Neve’s commission as governor is for- 
warded, for his office down to this time had been 
merely provisional under appointment of the viceroy 


_requiring the king’s approval. A second royal order 


of April 19, 1776, directed the change to be made 
immediately.” It is difficult to ascertain in thebsence 
of original instructions of king and viceroy exactly 
what effect the change of residence had on the respec- 
tive powers of Neve and Rivera, especially those of 
the latter. But it is evident that while Rivera’s. au- 
thority as heutenant-governor on the peninsula was 
less absolute and his subordination to the governor 

reater than in Upper California as commandant, 
Rave's authority in the north was practically the 
same as Rivera’s had been; that is, in California the 
only change in government was in the title of the 
ruler. The new establishments were recognized by 
Carlos III. as more important than the old. In six 
years the child had outgrown its parent. Monterey 
was to be capital of the Californias as it had always 
been of California Setentrional.* 


27 The order of Aug. 16th is merely referred to ina list of documents in Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xxii. 3, and may possibly be an error. The order of April 19th 
is referred to in a letter of the viceroy in Jd., i. 203. Neve’s commission as 
governor was forwarded to him by the viceroy on Dec. 20, 1775. Prov. Kec., 
MS., i. 39. 

28 The formation of the Provincias Internas de Occidente under Teodoro de 
Croix as commandant general with viceregal powers was nearly simultaneous 
with the change in California; and to this new official Gov. Neve became 
responsible instead of to the viceroy as Rivera had been. March 8, 1777, 
Croix writes to Neve that Art. 20 of royal instructions requires the governor 
and officials of California to render individual reports of acts and events to 


308 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


For the first time so far as the record shows, Vice- 
roy Bucareli transmitted the king’s orders to Neve 
at Loreto the 20th of July 1776. During this month 
and the next a correspondence took place between the 
two officials,” which, from its fragmentary nature as 
preserved, 1s unsatisfactory, but from which it appears 
that Bucareli was desirous that Neve should start as 
soon as possible, that orders to Rivera were enclosed 
to the governor, that a herd of live-stock was to be 
taken from the peninsula, and that twenty-five sol- 
diers were sent by the Concepcion to Loreto to accom- 
pany Neve northward. Though Bucareli had nothing 
to do with the change in rulers and capitals, he could 
not fail to be well pleased with the order received from 
Spain, since it came just in time to relieve him from 
the undesirable task of deciding several quarrels. 
Rivera’s troubles with the Franciscans and with Anza 
are fresh in the reader’s mind, and Neve’s relations 
with the Dominicanswere but little Jess uncomfortable. 
Complaints to the viceroy were frequent, and it was 
an easy reply to say that the impending change would 
probably remove ail reason for dissatisfaction and pre- 
vent the necessity for any specific measures.** Had 
Rivera’s peculiar conduct been known in Spain it is 
not lkely that he would have been retained in office; 
but the viceroy hoped that in a new field he might 
succeed better. 

The troops referred to in the viceroy’s communica- 
tions were probably those whose arrival at. San Diego 
in September 1777 has been already noticed, since there 


him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 245. Dec. 25, 1776, the viceroy notified Neve of 
the appointment of Croix, to whom he is to report directly on occurrences in 
California; but for supplies, etc., he is still to communicate with the viceroy. 
Prov. Rec., MS., i. 66-7. Neve had written to the viceroy for certain instruc- 
tions, which were transmitted to Croix. The latter writes to Neve Aug. 15, 
1777, that his duties in other provinces will prevent his attention to California, 
and he has therefore turned the whole matter over to the viceroy for the 
present. He, however, asks for Neve’s suggestions respecting reforms, etc., 
for a new reglamento for California. Prov. St. Pap:, MS., 1. 262-3. 

2 Prov: Si. Pap. ls; ait 20Ge7, 

*° Bucareli wrote on Dec. 25, 1776, to Serra, announcing the change ordered. 
Palou, Vida, 194-5. ' 


NEVE IN CALIFORNIA. 309 


is no record of any soldiers having come up with Neve 
except an escort of six who returned with Rivera.* 
Indeed, respecting Neve’s journey to California noth- 
ing is known beyond the facts that it was made by 
Jand wa San Diego; that he made close observations, 
as shown by his later reports, of the condition and 
needs of each establishment on the way; and that he 
arrived at Monterey February 3, 1777." His first act 
after a review of the troops and a consultation with 
Serra, was to send to Mexico a report on February 
25th that the new presidio and the four new missions, 
including San Diego, had been successfully founded 
and were in a condition more or less satisfactory.” 

In March Rivera started for Baja California. Then 
in April Neve made a tour in the north, visiting San 
Francisco and Santa Clara. It had been proposed by 
Rivera to move the presidio of Monterey to the river 
since called Salinas, chiefly because of the insufficient 
supply of water at the original site. The viceroy 
approved the measure; but the royal orders to Neve 
expressly forbade the removal, declaring that the pre- 
sidio must be maintained where it was at any cost, for 
the protection of the port. Still another matter had 
been intrusted to the patriotic zeal of the new ruler, 
though one that did not prove a very severe tax on 
either ability or time. He had an order from the king 
to be on the watch for Captain Cook’s two vessels 
that had been despatched from England on a voyage 
of discovery in the South Sea, and by no means to 


31 According to a communication of some official on Feb. 10, 1776, in Prov. 
Rec., MS., i. 139, the cattle from the old missions amounted to 1,209, and 
were to be sent up to the frontier, with 80 mules and 36 horses for the 25 San 
Diego recruits. 

32 Letter of Neve to viceroy,# Feb. 26th, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 139-40, in 
which he notes the bad condition in which he found the San Diego force in 
respect of clothing, arms, and horses. March 2d he writes, Jd., i. 59, that he 
has given Rivera full instructions, and the latter will depart to-morrow. Rivera 
writes Feb. 6th, that Neve has arrived, and that he is about to retire to Loreto. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 20. See also Palou, Not., ii. 344-5. 

33 Neve, Informe de 25 de Feb. 1777, MS., in Prov. Rec., i. 140-2. There 
are several other minor communications of the governor written about this 


ime.. 
34 Letter of Jan. 2, 1775, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 169. 


310 MISSION PROGRESS.AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


permit that navigator to enter any Californian port.* 
The transports of 1777 were the San Antonio and 
the Santiago. The former under Francisco Villaroel, 
with Serra as chaplain, arrived at San Diego in May 
with supplies for the south, and having unloaded sailed 
at once for San Blas. The latter, whose arrival at 
San Francisco has already been noted, came down to 
Monterey and sailed for San Blas the 8th of June. 
By her Neve sent a report on the Santa Barbara 
Channel and its tribes, giving his views of what was 
necessary to be done in that region to control and 
convert.a large native population, that might in the 
future become troublesome by cutting off land com- 
munication between the north and south, which from 
the peculiar nature and situation of their country they 
could easily do. His plan included a mission of San 
Buenaventura at Asuncion at the southern extremity 
of the channel, another of Purisima near Point Con- 
cepcion at the northern extremity, and a third of 
Santa Bdrbara with also a presidio in the central 
region near Mescaltitlan. The military force required 
for the three establishments would be a lieutenant 
and sixty-seven soldiers. This report was dated June 
3d, and next day the governor wrote asking permis- 
sion to resign and join his family in Seville “whom he 
had not seen since 17 64, being also in ill-health grow- 
ing out of seven years’ service in administering the 
colleges of Zacatecas.” 


The shipment of grain from San Blas for the mili- 
tary establishments of the Californias was a very 
expensive and uncertain method of supply, and ofli- 
cials had been instructed from the first to suggest 
some practicable means of home production to be 


35 Royal order, July 14, 1776; sent by viceroy Oct. 23d. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 
13; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 213. The governor acknowledges receipt of the 
order on June 6th. Prov. Ree., DESce lis 

86 There are 22 communications of Neve to Bucareli, written during the 
first half of 1777, preserved in Prov. fec., MS., i.59-79. His correspondence 
for the last six months has for the most part been lost. 





FOUNDING OF SAN JOSE. 311 


introduced as soon as possible. In June 1776, before 
leaving Loreto, Neve in a communication to the 
viceroy proposed an experimental sowing for account 
of government on some fertile lands of the northern 
frontier, both to supply the usual deficiency on the 
peninsula, and especially to furnish grain at reduced 
cost for the new establishments. Bucareli in August 
approved the proposition in a general way, but stated 
that in view of the proposed change in the governor’s 
residence it would be impossible for Neve to attend 
personally to the matter, and suggested that the 
scheme might be carried out with even better chances 
of success in the fertile lands of New California, 
referring also to Anza’s favorable report on the Colo- 
rado River region as a source of grain supply in case 
of special need.*” 

Accordingly Neve kept the matter in view during 
his trip northward, closely examining the different 
regions traversed to find land suited to his purpose. 
The result of his observations was that there were 
two spots eminently fitted for agricultural operations, 
one being on the Rio de Porcitincula in the south, 
and the other on the Rio de Guadalupe in the north; 
and he also made up his mind that the only way to 
utilize the advantages offered was to found two pueblos 
on the rivers. ‘To this end he asked for four laborers 
and some other necessary assistance. Without wait- 
ing, however, for a reply to this communication, and 
possibly having received additional instructions from 
Mexico, the governor resolved to go on and make a 


37 Neve’s letter of June 21st is not extant, but is referred to with a résumé 
of its contents in the viceroy’s letter of August, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 
205-6. 

38 Neve’s letter is missing as before, but is alluded to in a subsequent letter 
of April 1778, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 7-9. In another letter of June 4th, the 
day after the first, Neve says that he has made no formal distribution of 
lands to either settlers or soldiers, except to one soldier (Butron?) to whom 
Rivera in past years had given a title to a lot of land near San Carlos mission. 
Also that as there are no suitable lands near the presidio he cannot for the 
present carry out the sowing order. Jd.,i. 68. From this it would seem 
likely that he had received some more direct order from Bucareli to sow near 
the presidio. 


312 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


beginning of the northernmost of the two pueblos. 
He selected for this purpose nine of the presidio 
soldiers of Monterey and San Francisco, whe knew 
something of farming, and five settlers, who had come 
to California with Anza,” and the fourteen with their 
families, sixty-six persons in all, started on November 
7th from San Francisco under Moraga for their new 
home. <A site was chosen near the eastern bank of 
the river, three quarters of a league south-east of 
Santa Clara, and here the new pueblo, the first in 
California, was founded on the 29th under the name 
of San José de Guadalupe, that is San José on the 
River Guadalupe. The name was apparently selected 
by Neve as an honor to the original patron of the 
California establishments, as named by Galvez in 
1768.” 

The first earth-roofed structures of plastered pali- 
sades were erected a little more than a mile north of 
the centre of the modern city.* The settlers received 


39Palou, Wot., ii. 348-50, says that all were of Anza’s company, lying idle 
at San Francisco. Neve, letter of April 15, 1778, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 8, 
says he took 3 of those who had come as pobladores and ‘recruited’ 2 more, 
from what source it does not appear. We have no list of the San José settlers 
until the more formal distribution of lands in 1781, when the number was 9 
instead of 14. The names of all the first settlers of 1777 cannot therefore be 
given; but from Moraga’s list of all the pobladores in the San Francisco dis- 
trict in December 1777, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 8,9, and from an examina- 
tion of the Santa Clara records, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., I conclude 
that 4 of the 5 original pobladores of San José were José Ignacio Archuleta, 
Manuel Francisco Amézquita, José Manuel Gonzalez, and José Tiburcio Vasquez, 
while the fifth was not improbablya lady, Gertrudis Peralta. Of 9soldiersetilers 
I can give the names of only 4; Valerio Mesa, corporal in command, Seferino 
Lugo, Juan Manuel Marcos Villela, and José Antonio Romero. Gabriel Peralta 
was the corporal in 1779. Romero was the only soldier who remained, and the 4 
pobladores mentioned make up 5 of the 9 names on the list and map of April 
1781. See St. Pap. Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 243. Of the other 4, Claudio Al- 
vires was a servant before 1780, while Bernardo Rosales, Sebastian Alvitre, a 
soldier in 1769-74, and Francisco Avila were new names. ’ 

40See chapter iv. of this volume. In the heading of one document in 
the archives I find the pueblo called San José de Galvez. This name—though 
perhaps a copyist’s error—would have been a most appropriate one. In later 
times an effort was made to christen the town San José de Alvarado, in honor 
of the governor; but it was unsuccessful so far as common usage was con- 
cerned. 

‘1 Near the little stream crossed by the first bridge on the road leading 
from the city to Alviso. Hall’s Hist. San José, 14-19, 46. This modern work 
contains a tolerably accurate and complete history of San José. Documents 
on the early years are not numerous, and the author seems to have consulted 
most of them. There are a few errors in names and translation, but the book 


EARLY ANNALS OF SAN JOSE. 313 


each a tract of land that could be irrigated sufficient 
for planting about three bushels of maize, with a 
house-lot, ten dollars a month, and a soldier’s rations. 
Hach also received a yoke of oxen, two horses, two 
cows, a mule, two sheep, and two goats, together with 
necessary implements and seed, all of which were to 
be repaid in products of the soil delivered at the royal 
warehouse. ‘The mission of Santa Clara being near, 
the ministers consented to attend tor the present to 
the settlers’ spiritual interests, and accordingly the 
names of the latter are frequently found in the mis- 
sion-book entries. In April of the next year Neve 
reported to the viceroy what he had done.” 

The first work in the new pueblo after building houses 
to shelter the families was to dam the river above, 
bring down water in a ditch, and prepare the fields for 
sowing; but the attempt was not successful, and the 
sowing of over fifty bushels of corn was a total loss, 
since it was necessary to change the site of the dam, 
and the new one was not completed and water brought 
to the fields till July. The second sowing yielded 
between six and eight hundred bushels. A second 
dam was built above the first to protect it in time of 
freshet, and the irrigation system thus completed was 
planned to supply thirty-six suertes, or sowing-lots, of 
two hundred varas each. As early as 1778 the gov- 
ernor complained that the lands were nearer those of 
the mission than he had intended, and badly dis- 
tributed. In 1779 much damage was done by high 
water both at San José and Santa Clara, among other 


is far above the average of what has been given to the California public as 
history. Hall’s San José, from the San José Pioneer, Jan. 1877, being an 
address by the author on July 4th, is full of errors, many of which are doubt- 
less due to the newspaper and not the writer. 

#April 15th, Prov. Rec., MS., i. 7-8. A duplicate was sent to General 
Croix. Jd., 9,10. See an English translation of this report in Dwinelle’s Colon. 
Hist. S. F., addenda, 8. The viceroy’s acknowledgment of this report and 
approval of Neve’s actswas dated July 22, 1778. St. Pap. Miss.and Colon., MS., 
i. 28-9. He mentions a servant besides the 5 settlers, and makes the whole 
population 68 instead of 66. He also speaks of a dam not alluded to by Neve. 
Croix’s acknowledgment and approval was dated July 19, 1779, and included 
that of the king dated March Oth. Hall’s /list. San José, 14-19. 


314 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


things the new dam at the pueblo being washed away. 
At this early date also the governor notes the in- 
fluence of the friars as adverse to pueblo progress. 
Before founding San José he had considered the 
prospects of obtaining supplies from the missions, and 
had concluded that for some years, at least, the prod- 
ucts of the missions would not increase faster than 
the mouths of neophytes to be fed. The missionaries 
well knew that such was the prospect; but on general 
principles they were opposed to all establishments in 
the country save their own. The presidios were a 
necessary evil, and the soldiers must be fed, therefore 
the government should feed them until the missions 
could do so. As soon as Serra realized that Neve 
was in earnest about founding pueblos, he began to be 
very certain that his missions could have supplied the 
presidios; “but he forgets,” says Neve, “that this 
would not people the land with Spanish subjects.” 
There is nothing more to be recorded concerning San 
José for several years, and down to 1781 the estab- 
lishment may be regarded as to a great extent provi- 
sional or experimental.* 


Certain troubles with the southern savages, during 
this year and in the spring of the following, remain 
to be noticed in this chapter. They seem to have 
begun in June 1777 when the Alocuachomi rancheria 
threatened the neophytes of San Juan Capistrano, 
and Corporal Guillermo Carrillo was sent with five 
men to chastise the offenders, which he did by killing 
three and wounding several. Sergeant Aguiar was 
sent by Ortega to investigate, and his report showed 
the existence of disorders among the soldiers, in their 
relation to the natives, by no means creditable to 
Spanish discipline in California. A native chieftain 
who was in league with the offenders and who fur- 
nished women to the guard, was deemed to merit 


43 Neve’s communications in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 90-2, 125-6, ii. 21-2; 
Prov. St. Pap., iii. 145. 


INDIAN HOSTILITIES. ‘ 315 


fifteen lashes and an admonition from the minister; 
and two culprit soldiers were taken south to San 
Diego. It was, perhaps, in connection with these 
disturbances that the Indians of San Gabriel came in 
arms to the mission to avenge some outrage; but they 
were subdued, as by a miracle, when the friars held 
up a shining image of our lady, kneeling , weeping, and 
embracing the missionaries.“ Hardly had the excite- 
ment of the disturbances alluded to died out, when 
on August 13th four soldiers bearing despatches from 
General Croix to Neve were surprised at midnight, 
at a place called San Juan just above San Diego, by 
a party of savages who killed the corporal in command, 
Antonio Briones. The rest escaped with their horses, 
after having repulsed the foe in an hour’s fight. Ser- 
geant Carrillo was ordered to make a retaliatory cam- 
paign, but the result is not recorded beyond the 
statement that a chief was arrested. In February 
of 1778 Carrillo was obliged to make a new expedli- 
tion to San Juan Capistrano, where several rancherias, 
Amangens, Chacapamas, and Toban Juguas were 
assembled and threatening. A chieftain’s wife had 
eloped with a Lower Californian, and the outraged 
husband made his grievance a public one by appealing 
to the natives to avenge the death of their comrades 
slain the year before; also charging that the Spaniards 
were really devils ‘come to destroy the crops by 
drought. 

In March it was reported that the people of Pamé, 
one of the San Diego rancherias, were making arrows 
to be used against the Spaniards, counting on i the aid 
of three neighboring bands and of one across the 
sierra, and having already murdered a San Juan 
Indian. Ortega sent a message of warning and 
Aaaran sent back a challenge to the soldiers to come 
and be slain. Carrillo’s services were again called 
into requisition and he was sent with eight soldiers to 


44 This story is told by Hugo Reid and Benjamin Hayes, and it is also the 
subject of a poem By Miss M. A. Fitzgerald. Hayes’ Mission Book, i. 197. 


316 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 


chastise this insolence, capture the chiefs, and to give 
thirty or forty lashes each to such warriors as might 
seem to need them. In carrying out his orders the 
sergeant surprised the foe at Pamé, killed two of the 
number, and burned a few who refused to come out of 
the hut in which they had taken refuge. The rest 
surrendered and took their flogging, while the four 
chieftains were bound and carried to San Diego. 
Captured in this battle were eighty bows, fifteen hun- 
dred arrows, and a large number of clubs. The four 
chiefs, Aachil, Aalcuirin, Aaaran, and Taguagui were 
tried on April 6th, convicted of having plotted to kill 
Christians in spite of the mercy shown them in the 
king’s name for past offences, and condemned to death 
by Ortega, though that officer had no right to inflict 
the death penalty, even on an Indian, without the 
governor's approval. The sentence was: ‘‘Deeming it 
useful to the service of God, the king, and the public 
weal, I sentence them to a violent death by two 
musket-shots on the 11th at 9 a. m., the troops to be 
present at the execution under arms, also all the 
Christian rancherias subject to the San Diego mission, 
that they may be warned to act righteously.” Ta- 
thers Lasuen and Figuer were summoned to prepare 
the condemned for their end. ‘ You will codperate,” 
writes Ortega to the padres, “for the good of their 
souls in the understanding that if they do not accept 
the salutary waters of holy baptism they die on Sat- 
urday morning; and if they do—they die all the 
same!’ ‘This was the first public execution in Cali- 
fornia.” 

45 On these Indian troubles see reports of Neve and Ortega in St. Pap. Sac., 


MS., vii. 61-3, viii. 31-52; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 19, 96-7; Prov. we Pap., MS., 
ii. 1-6; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Ail., MS., i, 41-4, 


CHAPTER XV. 


A DECADE COMPLETED—PRESIDENT SERRA VERSUS 
GOVERNOR NEVE. 


1778—1780. 


A PERIOD OF PREPARATION—SCHEMES FOR THE FUTURE—GOVERNMENT RE- 
FORMS—PUEBLOS—CHANNEL EsTABLISHMENTS—NEVE WANTS TO RESIGN 
AND IS MADE COLONEL—SACRAMENT OF CONFIRMATION—HEPISCOPAL 
PowERsS CONFERRED ON PADRE SERRA—TOUR OF THE MIssIoNS—QUAR- 
REL WITH NEVE— EcCCLESIASTIC PREROGATIVE AND SECULAR AUTHORITY 
—A Friar’s SHARP PRACTICE—SERIOUS CHARGES BY THE GOVERNOR— 
MovEMENTS OF VESSELS—ARRIVAL OF ARTEAGA AND BODEGA FROM A 
NORTHERN VOYAGE—THE First Mantua GALLEON aT MONTEREY— 
LocaL Events AND PRoGRESS—PRESIDIO BUILDINGS. 


Tue years 1778 and 1779, completing the first. de- 
cade in the annals of Alta California as a Spanish 
province, together with 1780, formed a period rather 
of preparation than of accomplishment, of theories 
rather than practice, in matters affecting the general 
interests of the country ; though there was a satisfac- 
tory showing of local progress at the several missions. 
One of the most important general subjects which 
claimed Governor Neve’s attention, was the prepara- 
tion of a new reglamento, or system of military gov- 
ernment for the Californias; the new establishments 
having in a general sense outgrown Licheveste’s regu- 
lation of 1773, and some articles of that document 
having in practice proved unsatisfactory. The king’s 
order of March 21, 1775, for the reform of the sys- 
tem was, on August 15, 1777, forwarded by Gen- 
eral Croix to Neve with a letter in which he says: 
“Lacking knowledge on the subject, I need that you 


report to me at length and in detail what are the 
(317) 


318 A DECADE COMPLETED. 


faults that impair the usefulness of the old regulation, 
and what you deem necessary for its reform, so that 
I may be enabled to decide when consulted about the 
country.” This request came by the Santiago in 
June, and on December 28, 1778, Neve dated the 
required report... We hear no more of this subject 
till the appearance of the regulation itself, full fledged, 
and with all its reforms, accredited to Neve, as 
author, under date of June 1, 1779.” 

That the preparation of so extensive and important 
a state paper, and especially of those portions relating 
to colonization which was a new and difficult subject, 
should have been intrusted 7m toto to the governor, 
seems strange, and equally so the fact that no corre- 
spondence on the subject has been preserved; but both 
Croix and Galvez in signifying the kine’s approval 
accredit Neve with the authorship. It was certainly 
a mark of great confidence in his ability, and a still 
ereater compliment was the adoption of his plan with- 
out, so far as appears, a single modification. Septem- 
ber 21, 1780, General Croix writes to the governor 
from Arizpe that the plan has been forwarded by the 
viceroy to the king, and that provisionally, pending 
the royal approval, it is to go into effect in California 
from the beginning of 1781.° The subject-matter of 
the reglamento, and the new system of government 
resting on it, may be properly deferred until the be- 
ginning of the next period, when the changes went» 
into practical effect. 

An important and new feature of Neve’s plan was 
that relating to pueblos and colonization, entorced in 
connection with the redistribution of lands in the 
hitherto informal pueblo of San José, and the found- 
ing of a new pueblo of Los Angeles on the Rio Por- 
ciuncula. It is therefore in connection with these 

1 Neve, Informe sobre Reglamento, 28 de Dic. 1778, MS. 

2 Neve, Reglamento é Instruccion para los Presidios de la Peninsula de Cal- 
tfornia, Hreccion de Nuevos Misiones y fomento del pueblo y estension de los 


Establecimientos de Monterey, MS. 
3 Croix to Neve, Sept. 21, 1780, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 114. 


a NEVE’S PROJECTS. 319 


events, which took place in 1781, that the general — 
subject may be best considered. Another matter 
pending was the occupation by Spain of the rich and 
densely populated central region along the Santa Bar- 
bara channel. From observations made during his 
first trip northward Neve had sent in a report in June 
1777, urging the importance of such occupation and 
the dangers | of its postponement; also giving his views 
as to the best methods of its accomplishment. He 
favored the establishing of three missions and of 
a central presidio, requiring a force of sixty-two men. 
Croix approved his views* and they were embodied in 
the plan of June. A correspondence respecting de- 
tails followed during 1779-80. Meanwhile, Rivera 
was sent to recruit settlers in Sinaloa and Sonora, as 
well for the Channel establishments as for the pueblos 
of Los Angeles and San José; but of these special 
preparations I shall speak as before stated in the 
chapters devoted to results. At first, as we have seen, 
Neve was wearied with long service or dissatisfied with 
his position, and had asked leave to retire and go to 
Spain. On January 14, 1778, the viceroy writes that 
the request has been forwarded to the king and will 
probably be entertained with favor. At the end of 
May Neve sent in his formal resignation, and in 
August thanked Bucareli for a favorable report 
thereon; but in October he requests the viceroy to 
keep back his memorials and petitions respecting res- 
ionation. The reason of his change of purpose is 
perhaps to be found in another letter of the same 
date, in which he thanks the king for promotion to the 
rank of colonel in the Spanish army, he having been 
only major before.° 


The right to administer the rite of confirmation be- 
longed exclusively to bishops, and could be exercised 
even by the highest officials of the religious orders 


*Sept. 1778, Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 6, 7. 
5 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 85-96; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 8, 9. 


320 A DECADE COMPLETED. 


only with special authorization from the pope. It 
was of course desirable that mission neophytes should 
not be deprived of any privileges and consolations 
pertaining to the new faith they had embraced; but 
in isolated provinces like the Californias, episcopal 
visits must of necessity be rare, so that most neo- 
phytes, to say nothing of gente de razon, must live 
and die unconfirmed but for some special exercise of 
the papal power. In fact Alta California, though 
included successively in the bishoprics of Durango 
and Sonora, never was visited by a bishop until it 
had one of its own in 1841. When Father Junipero 
first came to Lower California he found in the Jesuit 
archives a bull of Pope Benedict XIV. conceding the 
power of confirmation to missionary officials of the 
company. Anxious that the neophytes should lose 
nothing of their privileges under Franciscan manage- 
ment, he soon forwarded the old bull to the guardian 
of San Fernando, with a request that a similar favor 
be obtained from the pope in behalf of himself and 
his flock.6 The Franciscan authorities exerted them- 
selves in bringing this matter before the pope, and 
obtained under date of July 16, 1774, a papal de- 
cree, approving that rendered by the sacred congre- 
gation of propaganda fide on July 8th, which au- 
thorized the comisario prefecto of the colleges for a 
period of ten years to administer confirmation and to 
delegate his power in this respect to one friar con- 
nected with each of the four colleges in America. 
Both church and crown in Spain were zealous de- 
fenders of their respective prerogatives; and as not 
even a bishop could exercise the functions of his of- 
fice until his appointment. had received the royal ap- 
proval, of course this special concession of episcopal 


6Palou, Vida, 226-8, is careful to explain that Serra was too humble to 
have sought the episcopal power for the dignity involved; in fact hearing 
that a great honor was in store for him he had made a vow to accept no 
honor that would separate him from his mission work, and had directed the 
influence.of his friends in Spain toward the obtaining of the episcopal power 
in behalf of his neophytes. . 


RITE OF CONFIRMATION. 321 


powers must be submitted to the king’s royal council 
of the Indies. ‘It was so submitted, and received the 
sanction of that body December 2, 1774, being also 
approved by the audiencia of New Spain September 
27th, and by Viceroy Bucareli October 8, 1776." 

On October 17, 1777, the commissary and prefect of 
the American colleges, Father Juan Domingo: de 
Arricivita, well known to my readers as the chroni- 
cler of his college,® issued from Querétaro in ponder- 
ous latin the desired ‘faculty to confirm’ to President 
Junipero Serra. The patent with instructions came 
up on the Santiago and reached Serra’s hands in the 
middle of June 1778. No time was lost in exercising 
the newly acquired power, and at different dates from 
the 29th of June to the 23d of August, the president 
confirmed one hundred and eighty-one persons at San 
Carlos. Then, notwithstanding his infirmities, he em- 
barked for San Diego, and from the 21st of September 
to the 13th of December administered confirmation, 
with all its attendant solemnities and ceremonies, to 
the neophytes at each of the five missions on his way 
back to Monterey, resuming the work in the north at 
the beginning of 1779 and extending his tour to Santa 
Clara and San Francisco. Two thousand four hun- 
dred and thirty-two persons in all received the rite 
in 1778-9, about one hundred of the number being 
gente de razon.° 

But now the president encountered obstacles in his 
way. As we have seen, the apostolic brief conceding 


7 Facultad de Confirmar, 1774-7, MS., containing the Decretum Sacre 
Congregationis Generalis de Propayanda Fide habite die 8 Jultj, etc., with 
the other documents referred to and much additional correspondence on the 
same subject. 

8 Arricivita, Crénica Serdfica del Colegio de Santa Cruz de Querétaro. 

® Register of confirmations in San Carlos, Lib. de Mision, MS., 56-64, with 
an explanation of the authority to confirm and citation of documents recorded 
by Serra himself, and in the books of the other missions. It will be remem- 
bered that one neophyte, Juan Evangelista, was carried to Mexico by Serra 
in 1773 and received the rite of confirmation from the Archbishop of Mexico 
on August 4th. Serra entered this fact in the book of confirmations at San 
Carlos when such a book was opened in 1778. In a letter of March 23, 1781, 
Facultad de Confirmar, MS., 270, Serra says he had confirmed 2,455 before 
the power was suspended, and the mission books make the number 2,457. 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 21 


322 A DECADE COMPLETED, 


the right to confirm had required sanction of the 
royal council, a requirement which the Franciscan 
authorities understood perfectly, and to which as an 
unfortunate necessity they had submitted. Whether 
this approval of the secular authorities was certified 
in due form in the document forwarded to Serra in 
1778, and from which he derived his powers, there 
are no means of knowing; but Neve, as representative 
of the crown in California, had a right to know whether 
the required formalities had- been observed, and 1t was 
clearly the duty of Serra to satisfy him on this point 
before exercising his new power. Serra, however, had 
no idea of humbling his pride of ecclesiastical preroga- 
tive before any Californian representative of royalty; 
in fact to him secular authority in the province was 
something to be used rather than obeyed. Exactly 
when or how the inevitable quarrel broke out the 
records very strangely do not show; but it would 
seem that in the middle of 1779, soon after Serra’s 
return from his first tour of confirmation in the south, 
the governor summoned him to show the authority 
under which he was acting. 

Whether Serra from pride, or knowledge of their 
defective nature, refused to show his papers, or whether, 
being shown, they were pronounced insufficient by 
Neve, I am not sure; neither is it certain that the 
governor ordered an absolute suspension of confirma- 
tions; but the indications are that Serra refused to 
show his papers, and that Neve to save his responsi- 
bility ordered confirmations to cease, and refused to 


10Tn an opinion on the matter dated April 17, 1780—Facultad de Con- 
jirmar, MS., 259—it is stated that Serra confirmed in all the missions except 
San Francisco and Santa Clara, in which places he did not, because Neve 
refused him an escort and required him to suspend confirmation until he could 
show the papal bull approved by the Council of the Indies, which Serra could 
not do, since he had no document to prove it. The same statement is made in 
a communication from Bonilla to Croix on Apr. 20, 1780, St. Pap. Sac., MS., 
vill. 53. This is however partially erroneous, for Serra did go to Sta Clara 
and San Francisco with or without an escort. The guardian simply says, Jd., 
253, that Neve had raised a doubt whether the apostolic brief has the proper 
sanctions. Had Serra’s papers been defective he would have known it and 
would have hesitated to administer a sacrament which might prove illegal. 


NEVE VERSUS SERRA. 323 


authorize a continuance even by supplying the escort 
demanded, but did not of course attempt to enforce 
his order, referring the whole matter to General Croix 
in Sonora. At all events Serra paid no heed to Neve’s 
orders or protests, but went on confirming through 
the year, even administering the sacrament to twenty- 
four or twenty-five persons in 1780. In October 1779, 
however, he reported from San Francisco to the com- 
mandant general, and also to the guardian of San Fer- 
nando, taking the precaution to forward to the latter 
all the documents he had bearing on the matter in dis- 
pute, having doubtless a shrewd and well founded 
suspicion that an order might come to deliver the 
papers to the governor. 

Croix on receipt of despatches from California, 
which had been forwarded by Arteaga’s exploring 
fleet to be noticed later in this chapter, referred the 
subject in dispute to his asesor, or legal adviser, 
Pedro Galindo Navarro, in accordance with whose 
counsel he sent April 20, 1780, an order to Neve to 
take possession of the original patent and instructions 
which had been sent by the guardian to Serra and 
must still be in possession of the latter; and, further- 
more, under no pretext whatever to permit the presi- 
dent to go on administering the sacrament till new 
orders should be given. The papers were to be sent. 
at once to Croix, who would communicate with the 
viceroy respecting the original concession by the pope, 
and would settle the matter as soon as possible. To 
Serra Croix communicated the purport of the order to 
Neve, “charging and entreating” him to obey the 
order punctually by giving up the papers.” 

The details of what took place between Neve and 
Serra on receipt of these orders must be left to the 
imagination of the reader. The president could not 
give up the papers because he had taken the precau- 





1 The order to Neve is not extant, but its purport is given in the communi- 
eation to Serra in St, Pap. Sac., MS., viii. 28; and Facultad de Conjirmar, 
MS., 258-60 


324 A DECADE COMPLETED. 


tion to get rid of them; and he suspended confirma- 
tions, as he flattered himself, at the ‘entreaty’ of 
Croix and not the ‘command’ of Neve. The 20th of 
July Serra replied to the letter of Croix “about a con- 
tinuation of administering the sacrament of confirma- 
tion which I solicited.” He has the day. before 
received Neve’s letter containing the general’s order 
to suspend confirmation, which of course he will cheer- 
fully obey; though he regrets that the legal adviser has 
not given more weight to his argument on the gossip 
and wonder that a suspension of the power to confirm 
will cause among ignorant people. In order, however, 
to prevent this gossip as far as possible, he will absent 
himself on some pretext or other, when he hears that 
the vessel is coming, though that will be just the time 
when his presence will be most needed. As to the 
papers, he has sent them nine months ago to his col- 
lege, and as a tribulation sent upon him by an all-wise 
(rod, the vessels are late this year and the documents 
have not come; but they will soon be here and will 
be delivered to the governor for the purposes indi- 
cated, though with a little delay they might be deliv- 
ered in a more complete and satisfactory state.” 


22 Facultad de Confirmar, MS., 260-6. There are two copies of the letter, 
both in Serra’s handwriting, but differing somewhat in the closing portions. 
The variations are not however in substance essential. It is but fair to the 
padre to say that in speaking about the documents his language is not clear, 
and might possibly bear a different construction from that I have given in the 
text; that is, he may mean to say in substance, ‘I have sent copies of my 
papers’ (though it reads ‘remitiendo allé todos mis papeles que hacian al 
caso’) to Mexico for completion by the addition of missing ones, and by a 
little delay I could send them in a completed state; but as it is I give up the 
originals as they are to the governor. Or he might mean that he had sent 
the most important papers to Mexico and would give up what were left. There 
is however no evidence outside of this letter that he ever gave up any papers, 
but it appears rather that he gave upnone. It is not impossible that his 
language was intentionally made vague. Governor Neve in a subsequent 
letter to Croix, March 26, 1781, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 81, speaks very plainly 
on the subject, saying that Serra claimed to have sent his patent to Mexico, 
and he does not deem it wise to take possession of and search his papers, be- 
cause if he has not sent the document away he will have hid it ‘with bis 
unspeakable artifice and shrewdness;’ and the only result will be trouble 
with the padres and delay in the Channel foundations, for which they will 
refuse to contribute supplies. Being exasperated there is nothing these friars 
‘with their immeasurable and incredible pride’ will not attempt, since on 
more than four occasions it has required all Neve’s policy and moderation to 


af ECCLESIASTICAL PREROGATIVE. 325 


The commandant general, on receipt of Serra’s let- 
ter, simply repeated on November 29th his previous 
order that the papers were to be given up at once. 
This brought out from the venerable friar under date 
of March 23, 1781, a letter in which he protests that 
his patent is not in his possession nor indeed in Cali- 
fornia, but was sent to Croix by way of Mexico, since 
Neve was absent in Baja California and the date of 
his return uncertain. He swears in verbo sacerdotis 
and tacti pectori sacerdotal: that he tells the truth, 
and wonders greatly that Croix has not received from 
Mexico all needed papers and proofs to settle the 
whole matter permanently.” For an explanation of 
this extraordinary reply it is necessary to turn back a 
little. The guardian, Rafael Verger, on receipt of 
Serra’s first letter of October 1779, had written to 
Viceroy Mayorga—Bucareli having died in April of 
the same year—stating the case and instituting pro- 
ceedings to obtain certified copies of all documents 
bearing on the subject of confirmation.“ This was on 
December 17th; the required certificates were ob- 
tained without difficulty, and on February 16, 1780, 
the guardian sent them in due form to Serra to be 
shown to Neve, at the same time facilitating a settle- 
ment of the matter in dispute by forwarding a copy 
to General Croix. The president received the papers 
by the vessel which arrived at Monterey October 6th, 
and, in the confident expectation of an order from 
Croix to resume confirmations, felt very independent, 
so much so that he deemed it safe to disregard the 
orders both of Croix and of the guardian requiring 
the delivery of the documents to Neve. Circum- 
turn them from surreptitious conspiring against the government. At a more 
fitting time it will be well to carry out certain measures which he has deemed 
it best for the present to defer as the only means of bringing ‘this president 
to a proper acknowledgment of the authority which he eludes while pretend- 
ing to obey.’ This is very strong language from a man who was not prone to 
excitement or exaggeration. ‘ 

83 Facultad de Confirmar, MS., 269-71. This is the first use, by the way, 
of the name Baja California that I have noticed. 


14 The guardian says nothing of having received any papers from Serra; 
but of course this is not very strong evidence that he did not get them. 


326 A DECADE COMPLETED. 


stances favored his plans, for Neve was at the time 
absent from the capital on a visit to the frontier mis- 
sions of the peninsula. Accordingly, apprehending 
the receipt of more positive orders from the general, 
and resolved to take no risk of eventual discomfiture, 
the venerable friar despatched his patent forthwith to 
Croix, via Mexico, probably by the very vessel that 
had brought it. 

Soon the governor returned to Monterey and on 
December 30th demanded the documents in order 
that he might forward them as ordered to Croix. 
Serra did not deign to say whether he had the papers 
or not, but coolly replied on the same date by saying 
in substance: ‘The whole matter has been settled by 
higher authorities; the papers proved to be all right; 
I have written to General Croix, and he will doubt- 
less be satsified with what I have said. You and I 
have only to wait for orders.” Neve for reasons 
already mentioned did not enforce his demand, and 
Serra was happy in the thought that he had snubbed 
his enemy. Then, as the president had anticipated, 
came the order of Croix dated November 29th, and 
written before he had received despatches from Mex- 
ico. Serra’s reply was an easy one and has been 
already given. Meanwhile, Croix on receipt of the 
Mexican despatches, sent as a matter of course the 
corresponding instructions dated the 23d of Decem- 
ber. They were received by Neve at San Gabriel, 
whence in a letter dated May 19, 1781, he informed 
Serra that as the apostolic brief had been shown to 
have the requisite approval of the council, there was 
no longer any obstacle to his administering the sacra- 
ment.” 

During the continuance of this quarrel the presi- 
dent took advantage of another opportunity to show 
his independence of the government. The governor 
had been ordered to send in connection with his an- 


15 All the communications referred to are found in the Facultad de Con- 
jirmar, MS. 


FATHER JUNIPERO’S MOTIVES. 327 


nual reports inventories of the missions; but Serra 
refused to render any account of the missions, claim- 
ing that he was acting according to orders from the 
guardian, and would send the inventories direct .to 
Mexico.” 

This episode of California history, now for the first 
time made public, exhibits the character of Junipero 
Serra in a new and, considering the previous char- 
acter of the man, in a startling light. And though 
from this distance nothing can be seen in the contro- 
versy which might affect the interests of Christianity, 
of the Franciscan order, or of the California missions, 
we must conclude that Serra was conscientious in his 
belief that principles of the gravest character were 
involved or he never would have manifested the firm- 
ness and the stubborn pertinacity he did from the 
beginning to the end of this dispute with the gov- 
ernor. The great battles between the royal prerogative 
and the fuero eclesidstico had been fought in Spain; it 
certainly could have been no trifling matter that would 
induce this man of peace to renew them in California. 
On the other hand Neve claimed what he regarded 
as a well known right, nothing in the slightest degree 
humiliating to the president, and so far as can be 
known he urged his claims in a courteous and re- 
spectful manner; and when obedience to his demands 
was refused nothing but his moderation and cool- 
minded patriotism prevented a scandal which would 
have been unfortunate to the country, and perhaps 
disastrous to the missions. No ardent churchman 
entertains a more exalted opinion of the virtues of 
Junipero Serra, his pure-mindedness, his self-sacrificing 
devotion, his industry and zeal than myself. Nor would 
I willingly detract from the reputation of a man who 
has been justly regarded as an ideal missionary, the 
father of the church in California; but I am writing 


16 Neve to Croix June 4, 1779, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 127-8. The governor 
says that the nativesare taught that the padres are supreme and the secular 
officials are to be regarded with indifference. 


28): * A DECADE COMPLETED. 


history, and I must record the facts as I find them 
and leave my readers to form their own conclusions.” 
The license to confirm for ten years expired with the 
life of Serra in 1784, before which time he had con- 
firmed 5,309 persons. The privilege was again given 
at Rome in 1785 and forwarded by the bishop of 
Sonora in 1790 to President Lasuen, who confirmed 
within five years about 9,000 persons. The license 
was never again renewed. 

The transport vessels of 1778 were the San Carlos, 
which arrived at San Diego in May, returning at 
once to San Blas; and the Santiago, under Captain 
Juan Manuel de Ayala, pilotos Castro and Aguirre, 
and chaplain Nocedal, which anchored at San Fran- 
cisco June 17th, one hundred and five days out from 
San Blas. Besides more material supplies she brought 
an unusual budget of news. An exploring fleet for 
the northern coast was fitting out at San Blas; Teo- 
doro de Croix had been appointed commandant gen- 
eral of the Interior Provinces; a change was proposed 
in mission government, making California a custodia, 
though this was never carried out; and the right fs 
confirm had been granted to President Serra. The 
Santiago on her return touched at Monterey at the 
end of July and at San Diego. 

The Santiago returned to San Francisco in 177 9, 
but we have no further information about her trip 
than that several of her officers served as godfathers 
at the baptism of natives on the 6th of July. The 
officers included Captain Estévan José Martinez, 
Piloto José Tobar, and Chaplain Nicolas de Ibera.¥ 


1 Palou, Vida, 235-6, alludes to the quarrel very briefly, admitting that 
Neve was not actuated by malice. In his Noticias he does not mention the 
subject at all. Shea, Cath. Miss., 100, says that Serra was for a time pre- 
vented by the government from exercising his right. Taylor, Discov. and 
Founders, ii. No. 28, affirms that P. Junipero had a serious fright soon after 
beginning to confirm on account of a rumor from Mexico that there was some- 
thing irregular in his papers; but on assurance fromall the prominent men acces- 
sible that there was nothing wrong he was comforted! Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., 
ii. 84-6, attributes the hindrance to the Chevalier de Croix who was opposed 
‘to the missions, and would not allow Serra to confirm until the viceroy was 
appealed to and told him to let the padres alone. 

18 San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10. She came back next year with 


BODEGA Y CUADRA AND ARTEAGA. 329 


Entered San Francisco Bay the Mavorita September 
14th, followed next day by the Princesa. They were 
exploring vessels commanded by lieutenants Bodega 
y Cuadra and Ignacio Arteaga respectively, the latter 
being chief in command.” ‘They had left San Blas in 
February, and had been up the coast to latitude 60°, 
and on the return had explored the old bay of San 
Francisco under Point Reyes where the San Agustin 
was cast away, this being the first visit since the time 
of Vizcaino. The men were many of them sick with 
scurvy and the ships remained for six weeks in port 
for their benefit. In Cuadra’s possession was an 
image in bronze of Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios, 
copied from the original in Mexico, which he presented 
to the mission and which was placed on the altar with 
proper ceremonies the 3d of October. Next day the 
festival of the patron saint was celebrated, and in 
connection with the ceremony three natives brought 
from the northern coasts were baptized. Serra could 
not come up in time for the festival on account of 
etiquetas with Neve; but a little later he was met by 
the naval officers at Santa Clara and came to San 
Francisco to administer confirmation as we have seen, 
insisting on walking all the way and refusing to have 
his ulcerated leg treated after arrival. A courier now 
arrived overland with tidings of Viceroy Bucareli’s 
death and of the war with England. This hurried the 
vessels away, and after hasty preparations in view of 
possible hostilities on the high seas, they sailed Octo- 
ber 30th, bearing important despatches from Serra, 
and leaving Matias Noriega in place of Father Cam- 
bon, who retired on account of ill-health.” 


the same officers, except that Miguel Davalos was chaplain, entering Mon- 
terey in October and unloading there, to the gree inconvenience of San Fran- 
cisco, whither the cargo had to be carried by land. Palou, Not., ii. 368-9; 
Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 32-3. 

19 According to S. Francisco, Lib de Mision MS., 11-12; Palou, Vida, 
231-3. Lieut. Quirds y Miranda was one of he officers. Cafiizares and 
Maurelle were also on the vessels. 

20 San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 11; B ideqa y Cuadra, Navegacion, 
etc., 1779, MS.; Arteaga, Tercera Exploracion, 1779, MS.; Maurelle, Nave- 


330 A DECADE COMPLETED. 


There is yet another maritime event to be included 
in the annals of 1779, namely: the arrival of the first 
Manila galleon. Off Monterey harbor the 11th of 
October arrived the San José, and the commander, 
José Imparan, sent a boat ashore asking for a pilot 
and that buoys be placed to mark deep water, alluding 
to the royal orders for the galleons to get water and 
food here. Neve’s reply the records fail to show. 
Palou states that the ship’s boat took off a sheep and 
basket of vegetables from Carmelo Bay, while the offi- 
cer went across to the presidio. There a bull was 
‘given and the key of the storehouse, also the required 
pilot, or a soldier who knew the harbor; but the boat 
was upset just as the men boarded the ship and a sud- 
den wind forced her to depart without anchoring, 
taking the soldier with her to Cape San Lucas.” Im- 
paran was however blamed subsequently for his action 
in this affair; for General Croix writes to Neve on 
July 17, 1782, that the king has been notified of Im- 
paran’s refusal to anchor at Monterey;” and indeed 
Minister of State Galvez writes in February of the 
same year that though signal fires were lit at Monte- 
rey the galleon paid no attention, sailing for Cape San 
Liicas in defiance of royal orders; that the king is 
much displeased; and that in future galleons must call 
at Monterey under a penalty of four thousand dollars, 
unless prevented by contrary winds. 


Besides the arrival and departure of vessels, and 
Father Junipero’s visits to the different missions for the 


gacion, MS.; Bodega y Cuadra, Segunda Salida, MS.; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 
132-4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 49-50; Palow, Not., ii. 356-64; /d., Vida, 
165-71; Bustamante, Suplemento, 34-5. There are some differences about 
the date of departure. The rumor of war with England caused the two Cali- 
fornia transports San Carlos and San Antonio to be sent in the autumn of 
1779 over to Manila to give notice of danger and carry $300,000 in money. 
Padre Font went as chaplain on the San Cdrlos. Cambon recovered his 
health, resolved to return, and bought maize and sugar with his earnings as 
chaplain. The supplies he sent up on the Santiago, but he was obliged him- 
self to make a trip to Acapulco and perhaps to Manila under Heceta on the 
Princesa. Palou, Not., ii. 365-7. 

21 Tmparan’s letter in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 38. 

22 Palou, Not., ii. 363-4. 

% Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 228. 


LOCAL ITEMS. 331 


purpose of administering confirmation, there is but 
little to be noted in the way of local events. Neophyte 
alcaldes and regidores were chosen in 1779 for the 
older missions; two of each for San Carlos and San 
Diego, and one for San Antonio, San Luis, and San 
Gabriel... Neve at his coming had found the so-called 
presidios to be mere collections of huts, enclosed in 
slight fences of sticks called palisades, altogether 
inadequate to purposes of defence, even against the 
poorly armed Californians. He gave special attention 
to this matter and with such success that on the 3d 
of July 1778 there was completed at Monterey a wall: 
of stone 537 yards in circumference, 12 feet high and 
four feet thick, enclosing ten adobe houses each 21 by 
24 feet, with barracks 136 by 18 feet not quite fin- 
ished. At San Francisco walls were also being built, 
but of adobe, which the rains of January and February 
of 1779 undermined and destroyed, showing that here 
also stone must be used. At San Diego stones were 
being collected for foundations in 1778, but we hear 
nothing definite of progress for several years. At 
San Francisco presidio a new chapel was in course of 
erection at the beginning of 1780;% while at San 
Diego mission a new adobe church, strengthened and 
roofed with pine timbers, was this year completed. It 
was ninety feet long by seventeen feet wide and high. 
The farmers of San José were prospering in a quiet 
way, raising over 700 bushels of grain in 1780, and 
having at that date nearly 600 head of live-stock, large 
and small. San Gabriel and San Luis had some 
2,000 bushels of surplus maize.” 

At the end of this first decade of its history the 
Spanish settlements in California consisted of three 
presidios, one pueblo, and eight missions. There were 
at these establishments besides the governor, two lieu- 

24 A house was burned at the presidio Oct. 11, 1779, and with it the hos- 
pital tent of the two vessels Princesa and lavorita. 

25 On local matters 1778-80 see Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 495-513; Prov. 


. Ree., MS., i. 18, 51, 83, 89, 104, 117, 120, 122-5, 127-8; ii. 21-2; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., ii. 36-7. 


332 A DECADE COMPLETED. 


tenants, three sergeants, 14 corporals, about 140 sol- 
diers, 30 sirvientes, 20 settlers, five master-mechanics, 
one surgeon, and three store-keepers, 16 Franciscan 
missionaries, and about 3,000 neophytes. The total 
population of Spanish and mixed blood was not far 
from 500. The annual expense to the royal treasury 
of keeping up these establishments was nearly $50,000, 
or some $10,000 more than was provided for by the 
regulation of 1773.” 


6 For a list of male inhabitants of California from 1769 to 1800, see end of 
. this volume. 


CHAPTER XVI. 


A NEW REGLAMENTO—COLONISTS AND RECRUITS—LOS 
ANGELES FOUNDED. 


1781. 


NEVE’s REGLAMENTO IN ForcE—INSPECTORS OF PRESIDIOS—SOPPLY SYSTEM— 
HABILITADO—THE SAntTA BARBARA CHANNEL TO BE OcCUPIED—COLONI- 
ZATION SYSTEM—MISSION EXTENSION— PREPARATIONS FOR NEw Estas- 
LISHMENTS—RIVERA’S RECRUITING IN SONORA AND SINALOA—PLANS FOR 
THE MarcH—CoMING OF RIVERA VIA THE COLORADO, AND OF ZUNIGA 
viA LoRETO—ARRIVAL AT SAN GABRIEL—FoUNDING oF Los ANGELES— 
Neve’s INstrucTIonsS—NAMES OF THE ORIGINAL SETTLERS—HARLY 
PROGRESS—FINAL DISTRIBUTION OF LANDS IN 1786—Map or SuRVEY— 
San José DistRIBUTION IN 1783—Marp—LocaL Irems—LayiIne THE 
CORNER-STONE OF THE CHURCH AT SANTA CLARA—MOVEMENTS OF VES- 
SELS AND MISSIONARIES. 


At the beginning of 1781 the new regulation for 
the government of California went into effect pro- 
visionally by order of Comandante General Croix of 
the Provincias Internas de Occidente, receiving the 
formal approval of King Carlos III., October 24th 
of the same year,’ but dating back to the Ist of June 
1779, in its original drawing-up by Neve. Jicheveste’s 
regulation of 1773,? resulting chiefly from the labors 
of President Serra in behalf of California during his 
visit to Mexico, had been designed as a temporary 
expedient rather than a permanent system; and the 
aim in preparing the document to supersede it was to 
bring the Californian establishments, so far as possible, 

1 Neve, Reglamento é Instruccion, MS. For the Reglamento in print see 
Arrillaga, Recopilacion, 1828, 121-75. Orders of Croix of Sept. 21, 1780, in 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 114. Neve acknowledged receipt of preceding order 
Jan. 20, 1781. /d., ii. 838-9. See first pages of chapter xv. of this vo ume. 


* Reglamento de 24 de Mayo 1773, and Id., Determinacion de 8 de Jul.o, M8., 


5; Pulou, Not., i. 556-71, 589-94. See chapter ix. of this volume. 
(033 ) 


334 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


under the general system prevalent in the other 
interior provinces, and embodied in the royal regu- 
lation for frontier presidios,*? with such modifications 
as were rendered necessary by the distance and peculiar 
circumstances of California as shown by experience 
under the old system. Elsewhere in this series I 
devote some space to a careful study of the presidio 
system in all its workings and details. Hence to enter 
here into the minutiz of the new regulation would 
serve no useful purpose. I therefore notice the docu- 
ment briefly in its main features as the beginning of 
a new epoch; its practical workings will in a general 
way be apparent in the course of events from year to 
year. The reader will thus be led to peruse with 
interest, qualified to study with profit, or enabled to 
omit altogether the later analysis necessary in a work 
of this character for purposes of reference, but not 
interesting to a large class of general readers. 

The distance and isolation of California preventing 
regular visits of the royal inspector of frontier pre- 
sidios, the governor was made provincial inspector, 
responsible by virtue of this new commission for the 
enforcement of the regulations. But that the duties 
of the new position might not interfere with other 
official duties, the actual work of inspecting the pre- 
sidios was given to an adjutant inspector acting under 
the inspector’s orders.* Supplies of all kinds were as 
before to be shipped from San Blas, being purchased in 
accordance with annual memorvas of articles required, 
forwarded through governor to viceroy, and delivered 
to soldiers and servants in payment of their wages. 
There was, however, an important change in one re- 
spect; for the former profit of a hundred and fifty per 
cent was relinquished by the government, and sup- 
plies were furnished to the men at their cost in San 
Blas, no addition being made for transportation by 


3 Presidios, Reglamento € Instruccion de 10 de Sept. 1772. 
Rei Soler first held this position from November 178] under Inspect 
or Neve. 


NEW REGLAMENTO. 335 


sea. Asan offset to this reduction the pay of soldiers 
was reduced about forty per cent,’ they were obliged 
to submit to losses and damage incurred on the voy- 
age, and they were obliged to pay two per cent to an 
habilitado. This last named official took the place 
of the old guarda-almacen, or store-keeper, and had 
charge, subject to the inspection of his commandant, 
of the reception and distribution of pay and rations 
and the keeping of company accounts, The habi- 
litado was chosen from among the subaltern officers 
by each presidial company, and the company was re- 
sponsible for any deficit in his accounts.° While sup- 
plies were yet to be imported from abroad as a mat- 
ter of necessity, the habilitado was authorized to pur- 
chase California productions whenever offered, and it 
was expected that all grain consumed would soon be 
grown in the country, or in ‘the peninsula,’ as even 
Upper California was still called. 

The new regulation provided for the occupation of 
the Santa Barbara Channel region, in accordance 
with Neve’s original idea, by the founding of a 
new presidio and mission of Santa Barbara in the 
centre, and two missions, San Buenaventura and Pu- 
risima, at the extremities of the Channel coast. It 
also made provision for two pueblos, the one _al- 
ready founded at.San José, and another to be estab- 
lished on the Rio Porcitincula and called Nuestra 
Sefiora de los Angeles. For the four presidios, and 
the eleven missions and two pueblos under their pro- 
tection, a force of four lieutenants, four sub-lieutenants, 
or alféreces, six sergeants, sixteen corporals, one hun- 
dred and seventy-two soldiers, one surgeon, and five 
master-mechaniecs was allowed at an annual expense 
for salaries of $53,453. From this force a sergeant 


5 A sergeant’s pay was reduced from $400 to $262; corporal, $400 to $225; 
soldier, $360 to $217.50; mechanic, $300 to $180. A lieutenant was to get 
$550 instead of $500; an alférez $400; and a surgeon $450. 

6 The first habilitados, in 1781, were Mariano Carrillo at Monterey, Her- 
menegildo Sal at San Francisco, José de Zuniga at San Diego, and José F, 
Ortega at Santa Barbara. 


336 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


and fourteen men were to be stationed temporarily 
at San Buenaventura and Purisima; a corporal and 
five men at each of the other missions; four soldiers 
at each of the pueblos for two years; and the rest to 
be retained for presidio service proper.’ 

Section xiv. of the regulation deals with the new 
and important subject of pueblos and colonization. As 
the foundation of pueblo land-titles this section has 
played an important part in the subsequent litigations 
of Californian courts, and has often been republished 
and translated. The system of distributing pueblo 
lands, left somewhat vague at first, not reduced to an 
exact science in the practical application of later 
years, and almost inextricably confused by the volu- 
minous explanations of lawyers since 1849, need not 
be closely analyzed here. It was only in its strictly 
legal aspects that the pueblo system was vague or 
complicated. Historically all was clear enough. Ac- 
cording to the new regulations settlers were to be 
obtained from the older provinces and established in 
California; to be granted each a house-lot and a tract 
of land for cultivation; to be supplied at the beginning 
with the necessary live-stock, implements, and seed, 
which advance was to be gradually repaid within five 
years from the produce of the land; to be paid each an 
annual sum of $116.50 for two years, and of $60 for the 
next three years, the payment to be in clothing and 
other necessary articles at cost prices; to have as 
communities the use of government lands for pastur- 
age and the obtaining of wood and water; and, finally, 
to be free for five years from all tithes or other taxes. 
Government aid in the way of money and cattle was to 
be given only to colonists who left their own country to 
come to California; but in respect of lands other colo- 


™This left 27 men to San Diego, 23 to Santa Barbara, 27 to Monterey, 
and 19 to San Francisco. 

8For translation see Halleck’s Report, 21st Cong., 1st mrs HW. a: Doe. 
17, p. 134; Jones’? Report, No. 4; U.S. Sup. Court Repts., , Rockwell, 445; 
Dwinelle’s Colon. Hist. S. F., addenda, 3; Hall’s Hist. oo José, 460-73; 
besides references more or less complete in many legal briefs. 


PUEBLO REGULATIONS. 337 


nists,such as discharged soldiers, were entitled to equal 
privileges. 

In return for aid thus received the colonists were 
simply required to sell to the presidios exclusively 
the surplus products of their lands, at fair prices to 
be fixed from time to time by the government, in 
accordance with market rates in the southern provinces. 
In the total absence of other purchasers this require- 
ment would for many years at least prove a decided 
benefit rather than a burden. ‘ach settler must keep 
himself and horses and musket in readiness for military 
service In an emergency. Other conditions were im- 
posed, but all more directly advantageous to the set- 
tler than to the government. ‘Thus the pobladores 
must take their farms together within pueblo limits 
of four square leagues according to the Spanish law 
and custom; they could not alienate their land, nor 
in any way encumber it with mortgages or otherwise; 
they must build houses, dig irrigating ditches, culti- 
vate, own, and keep in repair certain implements, and 
maintain a certain number of animals; they could not 
kill or otherwise dispose of their live-stock except 
under certain regulations to insure its increase; neither 
could one person own more than fifty animals of a kind 
and thus monopolize the pueblo wealth; and finally, 
each pueblo must perform certain community work in 
the construction of dams and irrigating canals, on 
roads and streets, in a church and the necessary town 
buildings, in tilling the propios, or pueblo lands, from 
the product of which municipal expenses were to be 
paid. Municipal officers were at the beginning ap- 
pointed by the governor but afterwards chosen by the 
people. This system of colonization was in every 
respect a wise one and well adapted to the needs of 
the country. If it was not successful, it is to the 
character of the colonists, the mildness of the climate, 
and the opposition of the missionaries that we must 
‘look for the causes of failure. 


The regulation provided in its last section for the 
Hist. Cau. Vou. I. 22 


~ 


338 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


establishment in the future of new missions, in addi- 
tion to the three to be immediately founded. By the 
line of eleven missions located along the coast at in- 
tervals of from fourteen to twenty-five leagues, with 
four protecting presidios at greater intervals, commu- 
nication would, it was thought, be sufficiently secured ; 
and new missions should be located on a second line 
farther inland, each new establishment being as far 
as possible equidistant from two of the old ones, and 
from fourteen to twenty leagues east. Two ministers as 
before were to be left in each of the old and of the 
three Channel missions, but the places of those who 
died or retired were not to be filled so long as one 
padre was left at each mission, except that at presidio 
missions there were to be two friars until some other 
provision should be made for chaplains. New mis- 
sions were to have but a single minister with an 
annual stipend of four hundred dollars; and this sum, 
with the $1,000 allowed each new foundation, must 
suffice for all needs both religious and temporal. The 
old establishments were, however, to contribute ani- 
mals and seed, and they might also supply a compan- 
ion minister for a year. No necessity for an increased 
military force was anticipated, since the temporary 
pueblo guards and the extra force at San Buenaven- 
tura and Purisima would provide for at least four 
new guards without diminishing the presidial garri- 
sons. It will be noted that this section of the regu- 
lation shows less indications of missionary influence 
in its shaping than did Echeveste’s which was in- 
spired by Serra; but we shall also see that most of 
the present provisions were of no practical effect until 
modified by Franciscan influences. 


Meanwhile preparations for the proposed new estab- 
lishments were going on slowly, preparations that had 
begun with Neve’s arrival in the country, his report 
of June 1777 on the means and importance of con- 
trolling the eight or ten thousand natives of the twenty- 


PREPARATIONS AND INSTRUCTIONS. 339 


one Channel rancherfas,°® and his provisional founding 
of San José. General Croix approved the governor's 
schemes for new establishments in September 1778, 
and some correspondence on minor details followed. 10 
Neve as we have seen included his plans in the regu- 
lation of June 1779, which Croix approved in Sep- 
tember. Actual operations toward a carrying-out of 
the plans were begun at the end of the year by Rivera 
y Moncada, lieutenant governor of Lower California,” 
who at Neve’s order crossed the gulf and went to 
Arizpe to receive from Croix certain instructions which 
bore date of December 27, 1779, and by which Rivera 
was intrusted with the recruiting in Sinaloa and Sonora 
of soldiers and settlers for California; the former for 
the Santa Barbara presidio and missions, the latter 
for the new pueblo on the Rio Porcitncula to be called 
Queen of the Angels. 

In a preliminary letter Rivera’s attention is called 
to the importance of his mission and he was flattered, 
as was the custom in such documents, with expres- 
sions of confidence in his ability and with prospective 
approval by the king. He is also reminded of a pop- 
ular idea that Californian wages, while looking well on 
paper, are liable to a woful shrinkage in actual prac- 
tice; an idea that of course will seriously interfere 
with recruiting, and must be dispelled by a careful 
explanation of the exact terms offered, without ex- 
aggeration. The settler must understand that he is 
to receive ten dollars a month and regular rations for 


® Prov. Rec., MS., i. 70-3. 

10 Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 6,7; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 122-3. Neve on Sept. 
23, 1778, announced to the king ‘what he had done, and the king’s approval was 
forwarded by Croix July 19, 1779. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 47. 

1 “Rivera y Marcado, Comandante of the presidio of Monterey,’ is what 
Hall calls him. Hist, San José, 19-24. This is a fair sample of the way in 
which Californian affairs are treated by modern writers, Hall as I have said 
being above the average of his class. 

2 Oroix, Instruccion que debe observar el Capitan D. Fernando Rivera y Mon- 
cada para la recluta y havilitacion de familias, pobladores y tropa, acopia de 
monturas, trasporte de todas y demas auxilios que ha solicitado y se conceden al 
Coronel D. Felipe de Neve, Gobernador de Californias, para el resquardo, bene- 
Jicio y conservacion de los nuevos y antiguos establecimientos de aquella Peninsula, 


340 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


three years,” beginning with the date of enlistment, 
and subject to no discount; but the advance of cloth- 
ing, live-stock, seed, and implements must be gradu- 
ally repaid, not by a discount on wages, but from the 
surplus products of the land. Soldiers on the con- 
trary, having a permanent and larger salary, must 
repay by ‘prudent discounts’ the sums advanced in 
aid of themselves and families. 

Coming now to the body of the instruction, we 
learn that the subaltern officers required for the in- 
creased force of California, with one exception, had 
been selected and commissioned,“ and that twenty- 
five soldiers had been selected from the volunteers of 
the presidial companies of Sonora to serve out their 
time in California, their service beginning February 
1st when they were to assemble at Horcasitas. There 
were to be recruited twenty-four settlers and fifty- 
nine soldiers, and to obtain them Rivera was allowed 
to go beyond the limits of the Provincias Internas, 
as far as Guadalajara if necessary. Twenty-five of 
the new recruits were to fill the places of those taken 
from the presidios, so that only thirty-four soldiers 
were to go to California. These and the twenty-four 
settlers must be married men, accompanied by their 
families, healthy and robust, likely to lead regular 
lives, and to set a good example to the natives. The 
settlers must include a mason, a carpenter, and a 
blacksmith. All must bind themselves to ten: years’ 
service. Female relatives of the pobladores, if un- 
_married, should be encouraged to accompany the fam- 
ilies with a view to marriage with bachelor soldiers 


_ 1 This, strangely enough, does not agree exactly with the regulation, 
which offers $116 per year for two years and $60 for the next three, these 
sums including rations; neither was the pay to begin according to the regla- 
mento, until the grant of a lot in one of the pueblos. 

‘1These were lieutenants Alonso Villaverde and Diego Gonzalez, and 
alféreces Mariano Carrillo, Manuel Garcia Ruiz, and Ramon Lasso de la 
Vega, one alférez remaining to be appointed after consultation with Gov. 
Neve. Lieut. José Zuniga was a little later substituted for Villaverde, who 
never came to California; Alférez José Dario Argiiello was also sent in place 
of Ruiz; and José Velasquez was appointed to fill the vacant place of the 
fourth alférez. ; 


ENLISTMENT IN SINALOA. 341 


already in California. The rendezvous for the whole 
company was to be at Alamos, except such as might 
be obtained in Guadalajara, who were to go by sea 
from San Blas. From Alamos the recruits and their 
families were to be forwarded by sea or land as might 
be decided later. Nine hundred and sixty-one horses 
and mules were to be purchased and were to go by 
way of the Gila and Colorado.” 

On February 10, 1780, General Croix sent to Neve 
a copy of his instructions to Rivera, with the informa- 
tion that the latter had already begun his work, that 
the recruits would probably come in three divisions, 
and that the land expedition would start, if nothing 
happened, in September or October. The general 
also enclosed copies of his communications to the 
viceroy on the same subject, from one of which it 
appears that the plan of obtaining volunteer soldiers 
from the Sonora presidios had been a failure, so that 
all the new recruits must go to California. In another 
communication Croix called on the viceroy for various 
measures in behalf of the new establishments, includ- 
ing a resurvey of the channel with a view to find a 
suitable landing-place for supplies. He also called 
attention to the fact that for the three new missions 
six friars would be needed, four of whom should sail 
from San Blas and accompany the land expedition. 
San Buenaventura had already an allowance of $1,000, 
and the same sum should be allowed the others, being 
expended in sacred vestments, vessels, and utensils to 
be shipped from San Blas. Six peons with pay and 
rations for three years should also be furnished to 
each of the new missions. 

By the 1st of August Rivera had recruited forty- 
five soldiers and seven settlers, and thought he would 
have to go to Guadalajara; but by the 25th he had so 
nearly completed his full number at Rosario, in Sinaloa, 

15 At the end of the Jnstruccion (pp. 80-4) are given full lists of the arti- 
on ee atomee be furnished each recruit, soldier or poblador, 


16 Croix to Neve, Feb. 10, 1780, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 89-99. 


342 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


that he thought it best to abandon the southern trip, 
and returned to the north.” He obtained, however, 
but little more than half the fall number of settlers. 
In a letter of December 18th Croix explains that one 
party under Gonzalez and Lasso will cross over to 
Loreto, proceed to San Luis Bay by water, and thence 
by land to San Diego; while the rest, forty-two sol- 
diers with their families, will march by way of the 
Colorado under Rivera in person, escorted above 
Tucson by sixty-five men from the Sonora presidios 
under Lieutenant Andrés Arias Caballero. This escort 
was to be sent back from the Colorado except such a 
detachment as Rivera might deem necessary to go 
farther, under Alférez Cayetano Limon.” The date 
when Rivera and his land expedition left Alamos in 
Sonora is not exactly known, but was probably in 
April 1781. With it went also Lieutenant Gonzalez 
who had been transferred from the other. party, and 
Alférez José Dario Argiiello. Thirty of the soldiers 
were accompanied by their families, but there were 
no settlers proper with this expedition. Of events 
along the way there is no record. Progress was very 
slow, in accordance with the orders of Croix, to avoid 
needless fatigue and hardship to families, and also to 
keep the live-stock in good condition. Neve, hearing 
of Rivera’s approach, sent Sergeant Juan José Robles 
with five or six soldiers from San Diego and Monterey 
to meet him on the Colorado. Joined by this guard 
Rivera sent back most. of the Sonora troops; de- 
spatched the California-bound company—except five 
or six men whom he retained—to their destination 
under Gonzalez escorted by Limon and nine soldiers; 

" Croix to Neve September 21st, mentioning letters from Rivera, in Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., ii. 89-99. Nov. 15th, Governor Neve asks the viceroy for 
$3,000 with which to purchase grain from San Gabriel and San Luis. The 
memorias asked for Santa Barbara amount to $12,952, much of the amount 
being in implements, etc., to be charged to settlers. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 33. 

18 Cruix to Neve, December 18, 1780, in Prov. St. Pap., ii. 117-25. Proba- 
bly 42 soldiers—possibly one or two less—did start by this route as intended, 
and 17 by the other route, completing the full number of 59. The settlers all 


seem to have come via Loreto, and so far as the records show there were 
only 14 of them, two of whom ran away before reaching California, 








ARRIVAL OF SETTLERS. 343 


while he with Robles and nine or ten men encamped 
near the river, on the eastern or Arizona bank, with 
a view to afford needed rest toa part of the live-stock 
and then resume his journey westward. Gonzalez, 
Limon, Argiiello, thirty-five soldiers, thirty families, 
and the Sonora escort arrived at San Gabriel the 14th 
of July. As it was deemed impossible to transport sup- 
plies and complete other preparations before the rainy 
season, Neve decided to postpone the Channel founda- 
tions until the next year. Limon with his nine men 
soon started back for Sonora by way of the Colorado. 

Meanwhile the rest of the recruits crossed the gulf 
from Guaymas to Loreto, under command of Lieuten- 
ant José Zufiiga substituted for Gonzalez. Seventeen 
men, probably soldiers, with their families, left Loreto 
March 12th under Alférez Lasso and reached San 
Luis Bay by water April 24th, soon followed by the 
rest under Zuiiga, this last division including appar- 
ently eleven settlers and their families, two of the 
original number having deserted and one remaining 
for a timeat Loreto. All were en route for the north 
on May 16th, when Neve communicated the preced- 
ing facts to General Croix,” and all arrived August 
18th at San Gabriel, where they were obliged to 
encamp in quarantine for a time, at a distance of a 
league from the mission, some of the children having 
recently recovered from the small-pox.” 

That section of the regulation relating to pueblos 
and colonization had already been made public in Cal- 
ifornia in a special bando dated March 8, 1781.” 

19 Neve to Croix, July 14, 1781, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 87-8. Some other 
unimportant correspondence on the general subject of the new foundations is 
found in /d., ii. 14, 40-1; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 41; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., ii. 265. 

20 Neve to Croix, May 16, 1781, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 82. In this letter 
Neve announces his intention to send Robles with 12 men to meet Rivera. I 
have already stated that he sent only 5 or 6 men. Palou, Not., ii. 381, says 
the number was 5. Rivera certainly had 11 or 12 men and all may have been 


those sent with Robles; but if he started with 42 and only 35 arrived, Palou’s 
version accounts for the discrepancy. 

21 Neve to Croix, Oct. 29, 1781, in Prov. Rec., MS., 11. 89-90. 

22 St. Pap. Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 1C5-19. This docement is literally 
identical with scciion xiv. of the re;lamento already referred to and found in 


344 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


Though for reasons already given the foundation of 
the Channel missions and the Santa Barbara presidio 
was postponed, there was no reason for delay in estab- 
lishing the pueblo, since the site was near at hand and 
the settlers had arrived. Even when Limon arrived 
unexpectedly at San Gabriel late in August with seven 
survivors of his nine men, himself wounded, bringing 
news of the terrible massacre on the River Colorado 
in which Rivera had been killed, as will be related in 
the following chapter, the resulting excitement fur- 
nished no motive for delay at Los Angeles. 
Governor Neve issued his instructions for founding 
the pueblo of La Reina de los Angeles from San 
Gabriel on the 26th of August. While agreeing 
with, or literally copying the clauses of the regulation 
which I have translated in the preceding note, this 
document contains many additional particulars re- 


Id., 209-24, and elsewhere. The clauses relating to the distribution of lands 
are as follows: ‘The solares (house-lots) granted to the new settlers must be 
designated by the government in respect of location and extent according to 
the ground on which the new pueblos are established, so that plaza and streets 
be formed as prescribed by the laws of the kingdom, conformably to which 
there shall also be designated for the pueblo a suitable eyido (commons or 
vacant suburbs, to be divided into additional house-lots and given to new 
settlers if required) and dehesas (outside pasture-grounds used in common by 
the settlers) with the sowing-lands needed for propios (lands rented for a 
revenue to pay municipal expenses). Each suerte (planting-lot) of land, 
whether irrigable or depending on rainfall, must be 200 varas long and wide, 
this being the area generally occupied by a favega, a bushel and a ha\f, of 
maize in sowing. The distribution of said sucries, which like that of the solares 
must be made in the king’s name, will be made by the government with 
equality and with proportion to the irrigable land, so that, after making the 
corresponding demarcation and after reserving as baldios, or vacant, one fourth 
of the number which results from reckoning the number of settlers, they 
(suertes) shall be distributed, if there are enough of them, at the rate of two 
suertes of irrigable land to each settler and two more of dry; and of the real- 
engas (royal lands including the lots left vacant as above) there shall be set 
apart such as may be deemed necessary for the pueblo’s propios (municipal 
lands as above), and from the rest grants shall be made by the governor in 
the name of his majesty to such as may come to settle later,’ especially to dis- 
charged soldiers, ctc. The original is somewhat vaguely worded and badly 
punctuated, hardly two of the copies ia manuscript and print, or of the many 
translations extant, being punctuated alike. The above is the meaning of the 
clauses as clear as I can make it. I see no good reason for reproducing the 
original vagueness of expression where {he meaning is clear, and in my opinion 
the semicolon objected to by Mr Dwinelle, Colon. Hist. S. F., addenda, No. 
4, brings out the signification better than a comma. In learning the mean- 
ing of a sentence even so frail a thing as Mexican punctuation may be studied; 
having discovered the meaning, there is no further use for the stops. 





FOUNDING OF LOS ANGELES. 345 


specting the survey and distribution of lots.” Of 
subsequent proceedings for a time we only know that 
the pueblo was founded September 4th, with twelve 
settlers and their families, forty-six persons in all, 
whose names are given and whose blood was a strange 
mixture of Indian and negro with here and there a 
trace of Spanish. Two of the original recruits, Miguel 
Villa and Rafael Mesa, had deserted before reaching 
the country, one was still absent in the peninsula, and 


23 Neve, Instruccion para la Fundacion de Los Angeles, 26 de Agosto 1781, 
MS. After selecting a spot for a dam and ditch with a view of irrigating the 
largest possible area of land, a site for the pueblo was to be selected on high 
ground, in sight of the sowing-lands, but at least 200 varas distant, near the 
river or the main ditch, with sufficient exposure to the north and south winds. 
Here a plaza of 200 x 300 feet was to be laid out with its corners facing the 
cardinal points, and with three streets running perpendicularly from each of 
its four sides; thus no street would be swept by the wind, always supposing 
that the winds would confine their action to the cardinal points, but I think 
the Angeles winds have not always been well behaved in this respect. The 
house-lots are to be each 20 x 40 varas, and their number is to be equal to that 
of the available swertes of irrigable ground, that is, more than double that of 
the present inhabitants. The eastern side of the plaza is to be reserved for 
public buildings. After the survey and reservation of rcalengas as prescribed, 
the einai are to draw lots for the swertes, beginning with those nearest the 
pueblo. 

24 Los Angeles, Padron de 1781, MS.; Ortega, in St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., 
i. 104-5. The settlers were as follows: José de Lara, Spaniard, 50 years 
of age, wife Indian, 3 children; José Antonio Navarro, mestizo, 42 years, 
wife mulattress, 3 children; Basilio Rosas, Indian, 68 years, wife mulattress, 
6 children; Antonio Mesa, negro, 38 years, wife mulattress, 2 children; An- 
tonio (Felix) Villavicencio, Spaniard, 30 years, wife Indian, 1 child; José ° 
Vanegas, Indian, 28 years, wife Indian, 1 child; Alejandro Rosas, Indian, 19 
ycars, wife coyote (Indian); Pablo Rodriguez, Indian, 25 years, wife Indian, 
1 child; Manuel Camero, mulatto, 30 years, wife mulattress; Luis Quintero, 
negro, 55 years, wife mulattress, 5 children; José Moreno, mulatto, 22 years, 
wile mulattress; Antonio Miranda, chino, 50 years, 1 child. The last-named 
was at first absent at Loreto. He was not a Chinaman, nor even born in 
China, as has been stated by some writers, but was the ofispring probably of 
an Indian mother by a father of mixed Spanish and negro blood. From a 
later padron of 1785, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 29, it appears that Navarro 
was a tailor, and the age of several is given differently. From Los Angeles, 
Tiist., 11, 12, we learn that two were born in Spain, one in China, and the 
rest in Sinaloa, Sonora, or Baja California, a very mild way of putting it, 
though true enough except in the case of the chino; but the same work erro- 
neously states that the 1Y settlers had previously been soldiers at San Gabriel. 
In the same work the plaza is located between Upper Main, Marchessault, 
and New High streets of the modern city, the N. E. bound not being named. 
The goods delivered to settlers on government account to the end of 1781, 
amounted to $4,191. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 265-7. According to accounts 
in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 4-7, 21-2, the contracts of 11 had been 
made in 1780, and of one in February 1781. They were engaged at $10 per 
month for 3 years, and rations of one real per day for 10 years, though this 
does not agree with the reglamento; $2,546 was furnished them in Sonora and 
$500 in California, and there was due to them December 31, 1781, $2,303. 
See also /d., iii. 18; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 65. 


346 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


three were described as useless. But the rest went 
to work, and soon the governor reported satisfactory 
progress in their irrigating ditch and mud-roofed huts 
of palisades, the latter before the end of 1784 being 
replaced by adobe houses, the needed public buildings 
having also been erected, and a church begun of the 
same material.” Some changes also took place among 
the settlers during these few years.” 

I have recorded the preceding items of local Angeles 
annals beyond the chronological limits of this chapter 
because they mayas well be recorded here as elsewhere, 
and because a still later event of 1786 seems to belong 
here properly. I allude to the formal distribution of 
lands to the settlers. Some kind of a grant in the 
kine’s name must have been made at the “beginning, mth 
and there is nothing to show that the survey and dis- 
tribution made at that time were not permanent. 
The fact that formal possession, or renewal of pos- 
sesslon, was given in 1786, just five years after the 
founding, when according to the regulations govern- 
ment aid to settlers was to cease and advances were 
to be repaid, has probably some significance, though 
_ there is nothing in the regulation to show that full titles 
were to be given only at the expiration of five years.” 

*5 For scattered references to buildings, see Prov. Rec., MS., i. 175-6, 184; 
ii. 23; Prov. St. £an,, WS.,1¥a, Ok, 

he Early i in 1782 Lara, Mesa, and Quintero, a Spaniard, and two negroes, 
were sent away as useless to the pueblo and themselves, and their property 
was taken away by order of the governor. The record does not show that 
Miranda, the ‘chino,’ ever came to Los Angeles at all, unless he be identical 
with another ‘useless’ settler said to have been sent away in 1783. José 
Francisco Sinova, who had lived a long time as a laborer in California, applied 
for admission as a settler in 1785, and was admitted, receiving the same aid 
as the original colonists in the way of implements and live-stock, save in 
respect of sheep and goats, which the government had not on hand. One of 
the deserters, Rafael Mesa, seems to have been caught and brought to Cali- 
fornia, but there is no evidence that he settled at Los Angeles. Two grown-up 
sons of Basilio Rosas appear on the list of 1785, as does also Juan J osé Domin- 
guez, a Spaniard; but all three disappear from the next year’s list. Prev. 
Hée.gil.. (93° WL A853" Proven (rape AED) v. 144-5; xxii. 29-30; Prov. St. 
Pap., * Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 1. 

21Tn fact the titles given to settlers seem to have been approved by the 
commandant general on Feb. 6, 1784. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 152. 

*8 Art. 17, sect. xiv., simply ‘provides that the governor or his comisiona- 


dos shall give titles and cause the same, with register of brands, to be re- 
corded and kept in the archives—impliedly at the beginniug. 


ee a ee ee ee oe 


Rat poy it 


Se ea ae nT 


DISTRIBUTION OF LANDS. 347 


However this may have been, Governor Fages, of 
whose accession to the rule more hereafter, on August 
14, 1786, without any preliminary correspondence so 
far as the records show, as if this was unquestionably 
the natural and proper thing to be done at this par- 
ticular time, commissioned Alférez José Argiicllo to 
go to Angeles and put the settlers in possession of 
their lands in accordance with section xiv. of the 
reeulation.” 

Argiiello accepted the commission September 4th 
and on the same day appointed Corporal Vicente 
Félix and private Roque de Cota as legal witnesses. 
On the 18th he reports his task completed and 
duly recorded in the archives. This was perhaps 
the first important public service rendered by a man 
who was later governor and father of a governor. In 
the performance of his duty Argiiello with his wit- 
nesses summoned each of the nine settlers in succes- 
sion and in presence of all granted first the house-lot, 
then the four fields, and finally the branding-iron by 
which his live-stock was to be distinguished from 
that of his neighbors. In both house-lots and fields 
the pretence of a measurement was made. In each 
case the nature of the grant was fully explained, the 
erantee assented to the conditions involved, and for 
each of the twenty-seven grants a pa document 
was drawn up, each bearing, besides the signatures of 
Argiiello and his witnesses, a cross, for not one of the 


‘nine could sign his name. I give herewith a map 


showing the distribution of lands.” Argiiello’s sur- 
vey of the various classes of reserved lands is not 
very clearly expressed; the propios, however, are 
said to extend 2,200 varas from the dam to the limit 


*9 Los Angeles, Reparticion de Solares y Suertes, 1786, MS. The document 
contains Argiiello’s appointment, his acceptance, the appointment of two 
witnesses, three autos de diligencias, or records of granting house-lot, field, 
and branding-iron respectively to each of 9 settlers, one auto of survey of 
municipal and royal lands, and a final certificate of having completed his task 
and deposited the records in the archives. 

30 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 55; /d., Ben., ii. 2; signed by Argiiello Dec. 
21, 1793. The map of the pueblo is on a scale five times larger than that 


s 


348 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


of distributed lands, and the royal lands were on the 
river's opposite bank. 

At San José de Guadalupe, notwithstanding the 
informality of its original foundation, nothing was 
done under the new regulation until 1783, or five years 
after the beginning, as in the south. Some of the 
settlers, not having been among the original founders 
in November 1777, were still receiving rations from 


REALENGAS 


PROPIOS 




















Los ANGELES IN 1786. 


of the fields. The distribution is shown by the letters as follows: A, guard- 
house; B, town-houses; C, trozo del posito; D, Pablo Rodriguez; E, José 
Vanegas; F, José Moreno; G, Félix Villavicencio; H, Francisco Sinova; Y, 
vacant; J, Basilio Rosas; K, Alejandro Rosas; L, Antonio Navarro; M, 


PUEBLO MAPS. 349 


the government.” In December 1782 Governor Fages 
commissioned Moraga of San Francisco to put the 
settlers in formal possession of their lands.” After 








ag Up 


4%, 





a 





I 


PUEBLO OF 
LOS ANGELES 





Manuel Camero; N, O, streets; P, Plaza. Two other maps are given—St. 
Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 103, 307—one of which I reproduce. For the 
third transfer 1 to 2; add a lot at 3; and move 4, 5, 6, 7 one tier to the east. 
I suppose these maps to have been of earlier date than 1786. 

31 According to docunients in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.., iii. 23, the pay 
or rations of 6 of the 9 settlers ceased Nov. 1, 1782; one had rations to Nov. 3d; 
and 2 had rations all the year. According to other records in Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., v. 25-6, 28, 4 had rations during 1783, and 3 at beginning of 1784. In Jd., 
ili. 244-7, Moraga says that from June to Dec. 1781 three settlers had pay 
and rations, while 2 had rations only. 

32 In Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 154-6, this document is given under date of 
Dec. 2d, and is preceded, Id., 153-4, by a letter of instructions dated Dec. 
12th, and ordering that the mandamiento (the document of Dec. 2d) be placed 
at the head of each title. On Jan. 4, 1783, Moraga writes that he cannot 
attend to the distribution at once as ordered by the governor in letter of 
Dec. 6th, but will do so at an early date. Stat. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., 
i. 30. In the regular record, however, Jd., 244-71, Moraga’s appointment as 
comisionado, differing very slightly from the doc. of Dec. 2d, is dated Dec. 
24th, being followed by Moraga’s auto de obedecimiento dated May 15th and 
containing most of the land clauses of the reglamento, and this by the 27 
diligencias de posesion by which the 9 settlers were granted their lots, fields, 
and branding-irons; then comes the measurement of public lands, and finally 
Moraga’s final certificate of Sept. lst at San Francisco. 


350 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS 


some delay Moraga appointed Felipe Tapia and Juan 
José Peralta as witnesses and began his task at San 
José May 13, 1783, completing it on the 19th. The 
proceedings and the resulting records were like those 
already noted at Los Angeles, save in the settlers’ 
names and in the fact that the location of each man’s 
land is given. In the matter of education San José 
was in advance of its southern rival, since one of its 
citizens, José Tiburcio Vasquez, ancestor of the fa- 
mous bandit, could write, though the alealde, Archu- 
leta, could not. Here as at Angeles all four of the 
fields granted to each settler were on soil that could 
be irrigated, and here also a map is given in connection . 
with the records which I reproduce.* 


33 St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 
243. On the original the names are writ- 
14 Way to Mission } ten on their respective lots. I refer to 
them as follows: a, a, a, Realengas; 

1, 2, Manuel Amézquita; 3, 4, Claudio 
Alvires; 5, 6, Sebastian Alvitre; 7, 8, 
Manuel Gonzalez; 9, 10, Bernardo Ro- 
sales; 11, 12, Francisco Avila; 13, 14, 
José Tiburcio Vasquez; 15, 16, Antonio 
‘Romero; 17, 18, Ignacio Archuleta. As 
I have before noted, four of these names 
differ from those of the original founders. 
Alvitre wasapioneer soldierof theearlicr 
years ; Alvireshad beena laborer or serv- 
ant before 1780; Avila and Rosales ap- 
pear here for the first time. This map 
in the archives is dated at San Francisco 
June 1, 1782, and contains a statement 
by Moraga that he distributed the lots 
on April 23, 1782, all of which is alto- 
gether unintelligible. Evidently how- 
ever the map was made before 1783 since 
it shows only two fields for each man. 
Here as at Los Angeles there is nothing 
to show that at this final distribution any 
change was made. The map so faras it 
goes agrees with Moraga’s location of 
lots, and the new lots seem to have ex- 
tended in different directions from the 
original. Hall, Hist. San José, 26-31, 
gives a pretty full account of Moraga’s 
proceedings, and alludes to the map as 
being dated April 23, 1783, and as show- 
ing19swertes. After granting the private 
lands, Moraga went, apparently, to the 
west bank of the river, where he 1neas- 
ured 1,958 varas from the dam down to 





oo 


eS Ee 














Map or San Josh. 


LOCAL ITEMS. 351 


Beyond what has been recorded in connection with 
the new establishments, there is very little to be said 
of the year 1781. The natives were troublesome on 
the frontier below San Diego, and Neve had planned 
to march against them with forty men, but other 
duties prevented the campaign.* Father Mugdrtegui 
also wrote from San Juan Capistrano that there were 
reasons to fear a rising of the gentiles reénforced from 
the Colorado, and that two of the six soldiers on 
guard were unfit for duty.” At Santa Clara August 
12th the festival of the patroness was celebrated with 
the aid of Dumetz from San Carlos and Noriega from 
San Francisco. The latter, after accompanying Serra 
to San Antonio, took temporarily the place of Crespi 
at San Carlos while Crespf went with Serra to San 
Francisco on his tour of confirmation, this being the 
venerable friar’s first visit to the northern missions, 
and his last journey on earth. Returning by way of 
Santa Clara, they officiated with Murguia and Petia 
on November 19th in laying the corner-stone of a 

new church dedicated to “Santa Clara de Asis, 

virgin, abbess, and matriarch of her most famous re- 
ligion.” The soldiers of the guard were present, and 
_ Alférez Lasso de la Vega from San Francisco acted 
as secular godfather. Under the stone were placed a 
cross with holy images and pieces of money.” The 
building was completed in 1784. 

The supply-ship did not arrive this year, because on 
account of troubles with England® the Santiago was 
obliged to make a trip to Lima for quicksilver. A 
small transport was laden at San Blas, but proved to 


the Santa Clara boundary, designating half the space (no width is given) as 
propios and the rest as realengas. ‘Then the egidos 1,500 x 700 varas were 
located on the eminence where the pueblo stood. 

34 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 130-1. 

%5 Letters of Sept. 25th and 28th in Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 3, 4. 

36 Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 11; Palou, Not., ii. 369-70 ; 
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 181; Palou, Vida, 236-7. A scrap in Levett’s 
Scrap-book says the site was called by the natives Gerguensen, or ‘valley of 
the oaks.’ 

37 Orders for a war tax circulated by Gen. Croix and sent to California, 
Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 59-70. 


352 COLONISTS AND RECRUITS. 


be so worm-eaten that she could not safely be trusted 
to sail. In December the San Cérlos de Filipinas 
from Manila touched at San Diego. The old San 
Cérlos had remained at the Philippines and the new 
vessel had been built to take her place. Father Cam- 
bon was on board as chaplain, and being unwell was 
allowed to remain at San Diego. He had some vest- 
ments and other articles for San Francisco which he 
had bought with his wages, but they were invoiced 
for San Blas and could not be unloaded.* Cambon 
brought by a roundabout course the tidings that six 
friars had been appointed for the three Channel mis- 
sions, at which Serra rejoiced greatly, but about which 
there is more to be said hereafter. 


88 Palou, Not., ii. 369-73. 


CHAPTER XVII. 


PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 
1780-1782. 


PRELIMINARY RESUME—REPORTS OF GARCES AND ANZA—PALMA IN MEx1co— 
ARRICIVITA’Ss CHRONICLE—YUMAS CLAMOROUS FOR MISSIONARIES— 
ORDERS OF GENERAL CROIX—PADRES GARCES AND DIAZ ON THE COLO- 
RADO—NOo GIFTS FOR THE INDIANS—DISGUST OF THE YUMAS—MISsSION- 
PUEBLOS FouNDED—A NEw SysTteEM—PoweErs oF FRIARS CURTAILED— 
FRANCISCAN CriticisMm—A DANGEROUS EXPERIMENT—FOUNDING OF CoNn- 
CEPCION AND SAN PEDRO Y SAN PABLO—NAMES OF THE COLONISTS— 
SPANISH OPPRESSION—FOREBODINGS OF DISASTER—MASSACRE OF JULY 
17, 1781—Four Martryrs—Firty VictiMs—DEATH OF RIVERA—FRUIT- 
LESS E¥FFORTSTO PUNISH THE Y UMAS—CAPTIVES RANSOMED—EXPEDITIONS 
oF Faces, FuERos, RoMEvU, AND NEVE. 


Tue reader of Sonora history will remember the 
expeditions of Father Kino and his companions to 
northern Pimeria during the Jesuit period, their 
flattering reports of prospects both spiritual and 
temporal, and their efforts oft repeated but always 
unsuccessful to establish missions in the Gila and 
Colorado region. The natives were always clamorous 
for friars; but the necessary combination of circum- 
stances could never be effected. The requisites were 
a favorable disposition on the part of the government, 
a favorable condition of European and Mexican affairs, 
money to spare in the royal treasury, and quiet among 
the Sonora tribes. What Kino’s zeal in time of peace 
could not do, was impossible to the comparative luke- 
warmness of his successors in times of constant rebel- 
lion and warfare with the Apaches. The Franciscans, 
if somewhat less enthusiastic than the earlier Jesuits, 


and notwithstanding their greater difficulties, never 
Hisr, Cau., You. I. 23 ( 353 ) 


354 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


allowed the matter to drop. The record of their efforts, 
as of earlier attempts, belongs in detail to another 
part of this work; but there was little or no actual 
progress down to the time of Anza’s expeditions, made 
with a view to open communication by land with Cal- 
ifornia.* 

With the second of these expeditions in 1775-6 
Francisco Gareés and Thomas Eixarch had gone to 
_ the Colorado and had been left on the western bank 

of the river with a few Indian attendants and under 
the protection of Palma, a prominent Yuma chieftain 
noted for his friendship for the white men. Both friars 
were Franciscans from the Querétaro college. During 
Anza’s absence in the west, Eixarch remained on the 
river, at or near the site of the modern Fort Yuma; 
while Gareés travelled extensively down and up the 
Colorado, west and east to San Gabriel and the Moqui 
towns, well received by all natives except the Moquis. 
So well were the Colorado Indians pleased with Anza’s 
treatment that, as Gareés was led to. believe, they 
refused aid to the hostile San Diego tribes. The 
only source of possible danger was believed to be in 
Rivera’s tendency to ill treat those who for one pur- 
pose or another visited the coast establishments. In 
their explorations the two friars fixed upon the Puerto, 
or Portezuelo, de la Concepcion and the Puerto, or 
Rancheria, de San Pablo as the most desirable sites 
for future missions. The former, Concepcion, was, as 
I have said, identical in site with Fort Yuma, while 
the latter, San Pablo, was eight or ten miles down 
the river on the same side in what is now Baja Cali- 
fornian territory.2 Hixarch went back to Sonora with 


1 See chapters x. and xii. of this volume. 

*T suppose that San Pablo was identical with the Rancheria or Laguna of 
San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 43 or 5 leagues below Concepcion, visited by Anza 
and mentioned in his diary and in that of P. Font. Arricivita gives the dis- 
tance between the two as three leagues. Taylor, in Browne’s L. Cal., 51, 71, 
doubtless following Arricivita, says the two were 9 miles apart. P. Sales, in 
his Noticias de Cal., carta iii. 65-7, says that the Franciscan missions were 
ta territory conceded to the Dominicans, so that they were even then in a 
zense considered to be in Lower California. The author would seem almost 


PLANS OF GARCES AND ANZA. 355 


Anza, and Garcés followed a little later. Palma also 
accompanied Anza to Mexico to present in person the 
petition of his people for missionaries. All the re- 
turning travellers were impressed with the feasibility 
and great importance of founding on the Colorado 
one or more missions under the protection of a strong 
presidio.® 

The viceroy favored the views of Garcés and Anza. 
He promised early in 1777 to transfer northward the 
presidios of Horcasitas and Buenavista as a protec- 
tion to the proposed missions, and recommended the 
whole matter to the favorable consideration of Gen- 
eral Croix.* Palma in the mean time was kindly en- 
tertained; and after being baptized as Don Salvador, 
he was sent home with promises of friars and other 
favors to his country and people.° 

Croix it is said entertained an idea of going in 
person to the Colorade and to Monterey, but he was 
detained by illness in Chihuahua and had, besides, a 
broad territory to attend to. Colonel Anza was about 
this time sent to New Mexico as governor, and thus 
the northern enterprise lost one of its most effective 
supporters. In March 1778 Palma, seeing no sign 
that the promises made him were to be fulfilled, came 
down to Altar to ascertain the reason. He was more 
or less satisfied with the excuses offered by the pre- 
to entertain the idea that the Franciscans, in their zeal to get the rewards 
offered, brought upon themselves the resulting misfortunes by intruding on 
Dominican ground, 

3 Garcés suggested a route by water by way of the gulf and river, or by 
the ocean to San Diego. He also recommended that San Diego be subject to 
the Colorado presidio instead of Monterey, so as to protect communication 
and prevent conflicts with the California authorities. Thus his views in be- 
half of his college were somewhat ambitious. Whether they resulted in some 
degree from his own treatment by Rivera, or whether Rivera’s policy was in- 
fluenced by the views of Garcés, there is no means of knowing. 

4In 1778 Croix writes to Galvez on the importance of conciliating the Col- 
orado and Gila tribes, and of founding settlements on the route to California. 
Ugalde, Documentos, MS.., 5. 

5 Arricivita, Crénica Serdfica 4 y Apostélica del Colegio de Propaganda Fide 
de la Santa Cruz de Querétaro, 491-514. This important work, the official 
chronicle of the Querétaro College, is the leading authority for the contents 
of this chapter, in fact the only continuous narrative of the whole subject, 


though as will be seen there are other authorities that throw much light on 
certain parts of it. 


356 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


sidio captain and went back to wait. Still no Span- 
iards came, and Palma’s people began to taunt him, 
and to more than hint that all the stories he had 
brought from Mexico were lies. Palma endured it 
for a while and then went again to Altar and then to 
Horcasitas to explain his difficulties. 

General Croix, still at Chihuahua, hearing of Palma’s 
visit and knowing that his complaints were just, wrote 
in February 1779 to the president asking him to send 
Garcés and another friar to the Colorado to begin the 
work of conversion, at the same time ordering the 
authorities of Sonora to furnish supplies and soldiers. 
Juan Diaz was selected to accompany Garcés. The 
governor gave an order for supplies, but the com- 
mandant could not furnish a proper guard, for his 
force was small and the natives were unusually bitter. 
In obedience to orders, however, he told Garcés to 
select the smallest number of soldiers that would meet 
immediate necessities. The friars realized that in 
establishing a distant mission under these circum- 
stances there was danger. But delay was also for 
many reasons undesirable, and the early establish- 
ment of a presidio was confidently hoped for. There- 
fore after much discussion, including a reference to the 
viceroy and college, the two friars chose seventeen 
soldiers from Tucson and Altar, though when they 
started in August for their destination they had but 
thirteen. After passing Sonoita in the Papago coun- 
try, they were forced to turn back for want of water; 
but Gareés with two soldiers soon continued and 
reached the Colorado at the end of August. He 
found Palma and those of his rancheria very friendly, 
but other Yumas considerably disaffected, the Jalche- 
dunes and other tribes being also somewhat hostile to 
the Yumas. , 

On September 3d the two soldiers were sent back 
with letters for Diaz and for Croix, leaving Garcés alone 
with the Yumas. Rumors were rife of hostilities on 
the part of the Pdpagos, and the soldiers at Soncita 





A NEW SYSTEM. 357 


were disposed to abscond. Father Diaz sent to Altar 
for aid, and received from a new commandant a letter 
advising the friars to abandon the enterprise for the 
present. Diaz declined the advice. He succeeded in 
removing the soldiers’ fears, and joined Garcés on the 
2d of October. The two friars with their guard of 
twelve men and a sergeant now found themselves in 
an embarrassing position. Promises had been lavishly 
bestowed on Palma by the viceroy and by Croix in 
Mexico, promises which had not lost color in transmis- 
_ sion, and which had roused expectations of lavish gifts. 
_ Long delay had lessened somewhat the native faith in 

Palina’s tales; but even now the contrast between 
expectation and reality was great, and at sight of two 
friars bearing trinkets hardly sufficient to buy their 
daily food, the natives regarded themselves as victims 
of a swindle. Nor did they take pains to conceal their 
disgust. The two padres could barely maintain them- 
selves in Palma’s rancherfa, that chieftain’s authority 
proving to be limited, and his position being hardly 
more agreeable than their own. LEntreaties for aid 
were sent south, but the soldiers so sent were usually 
retained in the Sonora presidios on some excuse, thus 
lessening the escort and increasing the danger. 

In November Croix arrived at Arizpe, whither 
Diaz proceeded to report in person, and Juan Antonio 
Barreneche was sent as companion to Garcés. The 
general listened to the padre’s report, and resolved on 
the establishment of two mission-pueblos on the Colo- 
rado, in accordance with a new system devised for this 
occasion, the formal instructions for which were issued 
March 20, 1780. There was to be no presidio, mission, 
or pueblo proper, but the attributes of all three were — 
to be in a manner united. ‘The soldiers, under a sub- 
lieutenant as commandant, were to protect the settlers, 
who were to be granted house-lots and fields, while 
the friars were to act as pastors to attend to the. 
spiritual interests of the colonists, but at the same 
time to be missionaries. The priests were to have 


308 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


nothing to do with temporal management, and native 
converts were not to be required to live in regular 
mission communities, but might receive lands and live 
in the pueblos with the Spaniards. Each pueblo was 
to have ten soldiers, ten settlers, and six laborers. 

This was certainly a change in the mission system. 
Palou italicizes it as a nuevo modo de conquistar, and 
passes on without further comment to relate results.° 
Arricivita denounces both the system and its author, 
charging Croix with having been influenced by poléticos 
arbitristas who knew nothing of the subject, and by 
false notions of economy. And further with having 
paid no heed to the advice of the only men who were 
qualified to give it; with giving instructions to the 
friars in matters entirely beyond his jurisdiction; with 
direct opposition to the laws of Spain, especially in 
uniting Spaniards and Indians in the same pueblo, 
and with having in his stupid pride and ignorance 
exposed over fifty families to sure destruction, A 
large part of the bitter feeling exhibited by Fran- 
ciscans on the subject may be fairly attributed to the 
tragedy that followed and to the removal of the tem- 
poral management from their hands, a matter on which 
they were very sensitive; yet it must be admitted 
that Croix acted unwisely. The time and place were 
not well chosen for such an experiment. Anza, a 
warm advocate of the Colorado establishments, a man 
of great ability and experience, and one moreover 
who had seen the Yumas and their neighbors at their 
best, had expressed his opinion that missions could 
not safely be founded in this region except under the 
protection of a strong presidio. At the time of Anza’s 
return it would have been hazardous to try the exper- 
ment, but in the light of the friars’ reports it was 
a criminally stupid blunder. : 

As soon as he heard of the plan Garcés sent in 
repeated protests and warnings that the aspect of 
affairs was worse then ever, but all in vain. The 


6 Palou, Not., ii. 374-88. 


vx eee 





PURISIMA AND SAN PEDRO. 359 


colonists reached their new homes in the autumn 
of 1780 under the command of Alférez Santiago de 
Islas. The pueblo of La Purisima Concepcion was 
at once founded, and the adjoining lands were dis- 
tributed, Garcés and Barreneche being its ministers. 
Very soon the second pueblo, San Pedro y San Pablo 
de Bicuiier, was established under the care of Diaz 














































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































THE CoLorRADo MIssiIons. 


and Matias Moreno. The names of the twenty sol- 
diers and of fourteen settlers have been preserved.’ 


7 They are as follows, those of persons who escaped from the subsequent 
massacre being italicized: P. Francisco Garcés, P. Juan Diaz, Alférez San- 
tiago Islas, Corporal Pascual Rivera, P. Juan Barreneche, P. Matias Moreno, 
Sergt. José (or Juan) de la Vega, Corporal Juan Miguel Palomino. 

Soldiers: Cayetano Mesa, Gabriel (or Javier) Diaz, Matias de la Vega, José 
Ignacio Martinez, Juan Gallardo, Gabriel (or Javier) Romero, Pedro Burques, 
José Reyes Pacheco, Juan Martinez, Gabriel (or Javier) Luque, Manuel Duarte, 
Bernardo Morales, Ignacio Zamora, Faustino Sallalla, Pedro Solares, Miguel 
Antonio Romero. 

Settlers: Manuel Barragan, José Antonio Romero, Juan Ignacio Romero, 
José Olgin, Antonio Mendoza, Ignacio Martinez, Matias ve Castro, Carlos 
Gallego, Juan Romero, José Estévan, Justo Grijalva, Gabriel Tebaca, Nico- 
lis Villalba, Juan José Miranda, José Ignacio Bengachea, servant, José Urrea, 
interpreter. These names come chiefly from the subsequent examination of 
survivors recorded in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 319-32. So far as soldiers and 
settlers are concerned the list is probably complete. All, or nearly all, had 
families. 


360 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


The coming of the colonists naturally afforded tempo- 
rary relief to the friars, for a small stock of articles 
suitable for gifts brought a brief renewal of Spanish 
popularity; but even at the beginning Garcés and his 
companions seem to have foreseen disaster, though it 
is hard to tell how much was foresight and how much 
may be attributed to the despondency of the friars 
when their privileges were curtailed. In addition to 
the old causes of disaffection among the natives, new 
and more serious ones began to work. In the dis- 
tribution of lands along the river but little attention 
was paid to the rights of the aborigines, whose little 
milpas, 1f spared in the formal distribution, were 
rendered useless by the live-stock of the Spaniards. 
This great wrong, added to the ordinary indifference 
of soldiers and settlers to native rights, and their 
petty acts of injustice, soon destroyed any slight feel- 
ing of friendship previously existing. The friars with 
difficulty and by patient kindness retained for a time 
a degree of influence even in the midst of adverse in- 
fluences. They established a kind of missionary sta- 
tion at some distance from the pueblo, where the 
natives were occasionally assembled for religious in- 
struction. Some of them were faithful notwithstand- 
ing the unpopularity brought upon themselves by 
friendship for the friars; but their influence amounted 
to nothing against the growing hatred among the 
thousands of Yumas and neighboring tribes. 

After the provisions brought from Sonora had 
been exhausted there was much suffering among the 
families, the natives refusing to part with the little 
corn in their possession and asking exorbitant prices 
for the wild products gathered. In their great 
need they sent over to San Gabriel for succor and 
were given such articles of food as the mission could 
spare. We have no chronological record of events 

8Palou, Not., ii. 375, says that in asking for this aid they declared that if 
it were not sent they would have to abandon the Colorado establishments. 


Neve reports on June 23, 1781, having sent the succor asked for by Alférez 
Islas. Prov. Rec., MS.., ii. 85. 





& 
y 
* 


OF pa SR OS tn OP 





PREMONITIONS OF DISASTER. 361 


during the winter and spring of 1780-1. The settlers 
lived along in the lazy improvident way peculiar to 
Spaniards of that class, attending chiefly to their live- 
stock. Neither they nor the soldiers had any fears 
of impending danger, and rarely had either of the 
pueblos more than two or three soldiers on duty. 
They found time, however, to administer an occa- 
sional flogging or Sites in the stocks to offend- 
ing natives. The friars went on with their duties, 
aware that trouble was brewing, and perhaps deriving 
a certain grim satisfaction from their prospect of be- 
ing able to prove by their own death that Croix was 
wrong in interfering with missionary prerogative.® 

Meanwhile a few leading spirits among the Yumas 
were inciting their people to active hostilities, with a 
view to exterminate the intruders. Palma himself 
was among the number, as were one or two of his 
brothers and several chieftains who had accompanied 
him to Mexico. Francisco Javier, an interpreter, is 
also named as having taken a prominent part. Ig- 
nacio Palma, Pablo, and Javier were the leaders. 
With a view to conciliate the disaffected Alférez Islas 
made Joenacio Palma governor of the lower Yumas 
about San Pedro y San Pablo, and a little later ar- 
rested him and put him in the stocks, thus adding 
fuel to the flame of the revolt. 

Late in June Rivera y Moncada arrived from 
Sonora with his company of about forty recruits and 
their families bound for Los Angeles and the Santa 
Barbara channel. From the Colorado he sent back 
most of his Sonoran escort, and after a short delay 
for rest, despatched the main company to San Gabriel 
under the escort of Alférez Limon and nine men. 
Having seen the company started on its way, Rivera 
recrossed the Colorado and with eleven or twelve men, 


§ According to Arricivita the priests for many days devoted almost their 
whole attention to labor among the Spanish population, striving to reawaken 
interest in religious exercises and thus to prepare the souls of the unsuspecting 
men, women, and children for death. In these efforts they were also said to 
have been remarkably successful. 


362 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


including Sergeant Robles and five or six men sent to 
meet him from the California presidios, encamped 
near the eastern bank opposite Concepcion, where he 
proposed to remain for some weeks to restore his 
horses and cattle to a proper condition for the trip to 
San Gabriel. Rivera’s coming contributed nothing 
to the pacification of the natives, but had rather the 
contrary effect, for his large herd of live-stock de- 
stroyed the mesquite plants, and he was by no means 
liberal in the distribution of gifts.° From his choice 
of a location for his camp it is clear that he attached 
no importance to the friars’ apprehensions. 

Early in July the natives became somewhat more 
insolent in their actions, often visiting the towns in 
a quarrelsome mood. On Tuesday, July 17th, the 
storm burst." Early in the morning the lower vil- 
lage of San Pedro y San Pablo was attacked by the 
savages, who, meeting no resistance, killed the two 
priests, Diaz and Moreno, besides Sergeant Vega, and 
most of the soldiers and settlers. Only five men, 
including two Indians more or less in sympathy with 
the savages, are known to have survived. These 
were made captive as were all the women. After the 
Indians had taken everything they desired they burned 
the buildings and destroyed all other property. The 
bodies of the victims were left to lie where they fell, 
except those of the friars, which, as there is some 
reason to believe, were buried.” 

10Neve ina letter to Croix of Nov. 18, 1781, says that the Jalchedunes 
sent word to Rivera that as no gifts were made, they did not wish to retain 
the badges of office formerly given their chiefs by Spaniards. Prov. Rec., 
MS., ii. 69. 

11 Arricivita, followed by other writers, erroneously states that it was on 
Sunday. The surviving witnesses testified that it was Tuesday, and the 17th 
was certainly Tuesday. 

” Arricivita, 529-54, gives some details respecting the lives of the mis- 
_ sionaries. Juan Marcelo was born in 1736 in the city of Alajar, Spain, taking 
the name of Diaz when he became a Franciscan. He came to Mexico in 1763; 
in 1768 became minister of Caborca mission in Pimeria Alta; and accompa- 
nied Anza as we have seen on his first expedition to California. José Matias 
Moreno was born in 1744 at Almarza, Spain; became a Franciscan in 1762; 
and came to Mexico in 1769. His first missionary service, save as supernu- 


merary, was at the place of his death. Francisco Tomas Hermenegildo 
Garcés was born in 1738 in Morata del Conde, Aragon; came to the Querétaro 








MASSACRE OF RIVERA’S MEN. 363 


_ On the same day and at about the same hour when 
Father Garcés was saying mass,” the town of Concep- 
‘clon was invaded and the commandant, Islas, and a 
corporal, the only soldiers there at the time, were 
killed, as were indeed most of the unarmed men scat- 
tered in the adjoining fields. Some of the houses 
were sacked, but the friars were spared, and a part of 
the men were not found, the ravages being suspended 
about noon. Next morning the savages attacked the 
camp across the river. Rivera had hastily thrown up 
some slight intrenchments and his men made a gallant 
defence, but the numbers against them were too great. 
One by one the soldiers fell under the arrows and 
clubs of the foe until not one was left.* Thus died 
Captain Fernando Javier de Rivera y Moncada, one 
of the most prominent characters in early Californian 
annals, who had come in the first land expedition of 
1769, had been military commandant of the Monterey 
establishments, and who at the time of his death was 
lieutenant-governor of Baja California. All that is 
known of his life and character has been recorded in 
the preceding chapters. He was not the equal, in 
ability and force, of such men as Fages and Neve, but 
he was popular and left among the old Californian 
soldiers a better reputation probably than any of his 
contemporaries.” 


College in 1763; and became minister of San Javier del Bac in 1768. He 
travelled extensively among the gentile tribes, from his first coming to Sonora 
down to the time of his death. Juan Antonio Barreneche was born in Laca- 
zor, Navarre, in 1749, and came when a child to Habana. He became a 
Franciscan in 1768; joined the Querétaro College in 1773. His first mission- 
ary work was in the Colorado pueblos where he died at the early age of 32 
‘years. The author in connection with these facts repeats much of the history 
told in this chapter, and adds many details of the lives and Christian virtues 
of these four martyrs for which I have no space. 

13 Tt is not impossible that Arricivita draws on his imagination for details 
about the religious services, supposing the day to have been Sunday. 

4 Tn Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 19, 22, are revistas of 1782 showing 
the following soldiers of the San Diego and Monterey company who had died 
besides Sergt. Robles: Manuel Cajiedo, Tomas Maria Camacho, Rafael Mar- 
quez, Joaquin Guerrero, José M. Guerrero, Nicolas Beltran, Juan Angel 
Amarillas, Francisco Pefia, Joaquin Lopez, Joaquin Espinosa, Antonio Hspi- 
nosa, and Pablo Victoriano Cervantes. These 12 names doubtless include the 
Colorado victims. 

5 Father Consag—Zevallos, Vida de Konsag, 14—writing in 1753 of his 
third expedition says of Rivera: ‘No perdoné ningun trabajo personal de 


364 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


The natives returned to Concepcion the same after- 
noon. The priests on their approach escaped with 
the families and took refuge with some of their con- , 
vert friends. The buildings were sacked and burned 
as at the lower village, and next day the two priests 
were killed notwithstanding the efforts made by certain 
Indians in their behalf. Only two men are known to 
have saved their lives at Concepcion, and the whole 
number of the slain at the two pueblos and Rivera’s 
camp was at least forty-six, probably more. We hear 
of no killing of women and children. The captives 
were made to work, but no further outrage is re- 
corded.'® 

Alférez Limon after escorting the California colony 
to San Gabriel started back for Sonora by the old 
route with his nine men. Drawing near the Colorado 
he was informed by the natives that there had been a 


modo que al Padre ya le faltaban palabras y trazas paraque se cifiese 4 traba- 
jos proporcionados 4 su cardcter.’ His wife was Teresa de Davalos. A son, 
Juan Bautista Francisco Maria, was baptized Oct. 5, 1756, by Father Bischoff 
at Loreto; another son, José Nicolis Maria, May 8, 1758, by Father Ven- 
tura; and still another March 9, 1767. Loreto, Libro de Mision, MS., 174, 
177, 195. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 106-7, says that his memory was 
long honored by anniversary funeral masses at San Diego, and that Gov. 
Echeandia in 1825 proposed a monument in his honor. 

16The information that the hostilities lasted three days comes from Arri- 
civita. Most other authorites state or imply that the bloody work was begun 
and ended on July 17th; but Croix in a note dated July 17, 1782, and in cor- 
rection of a report from Neve that Rivera died on July Ist, states that it was 
on July 18th, thus sustaining Arricivita. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 
10. Neve in a letter to Croix of March 10, 1782, Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 76-8, 
says that the savages attacked the two villages and Rivera’s camp simul- 
taneously and by 8 o’clock had completed their work at the former; that they 
found Rivera’s men scattered and at first entered the encampment as friends, 
attacking before the soldiers could be gathered, and killing the last man at 
night after fighting all day. In another letter of Sept. lst, /d., 88-9, Neve 
mentions a report brought by Limon that Corporal Pascual Bailon (this 
Bailon is mentioned by others, but I suspect that he and Pascual Rivera are 
the same person), with 9 soldiers, one settler, and a muleteer, was killed while 
bringing supplies from Sonora. Sales, Noticias, Carta iii. 65-7, tells us the 
assailants were 20,000 in number. Velasco, Son., 151; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 
x. 704, gives the number of killed as 53. Taylor in Browne’s L. Cal., 71, says 
the massacre took place in the fall of 1782. Bartlett, Pers. Nar., ii. 183-4, 
tells us that a mission established by P. Kino at the mouth of the Gila was in 
existence as late as 1776! also that Garcés established a mission among the 
Moquis which was soon destroyed! See further for brief mention of the sub- 
ject, Mofras, Explor, i. 284-6; Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 
122; Lscudero, Not., Chih., 229; Glleeson’s Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 87-93; Taylor, in 
Cal. Farmer, March 7, 1862; Shea’s Cath. Miss., 101-2. 





PREPARATIONS FOR VENGEANCE. 365 


massacre; but, doubting the report, he left two men 
in charge of his animals and went forward to recon- 
noitre. The blackened ruins at Concepcion and the 
dead bodies lying in the plaza told all. His own party 
was attacked: the 21st of August and driven back by 
the Yumas, one of whom wore the uniform of the 
dead Rivera. Limon and his son were wounded, the 
two men left behind had been killed, and the surviv- 
ors hastened back to San Gabriel with news of the 
disaster. Governor Neve sent Limon and his party 
to Sonora by way of Loreto with a report to General 
Croix dated September 1st.” 

Meanwhile the news was carried by the Pimas of 
the Gila to Tucson, and by one of the captives who 
managed to escape to Altar, and thus reached the ears 
of Croix in August.* On the 26th of that month 
Croix wrote to Neve of the reports that had reached 
him, warning him to take precautions. The 9th of 
September a council of war was held at Arizpe, and 
decided that as the Yumas after urging the estab- 
lishment of missions had risen without cause, they 
must according to the laws be proceeded against as 
apostates and rebels. A sufficient force must be sent 
to the Colorado to investigate, rdnsom, and punish, 
and peace be made on condition that the natives vol- 
untarily submit, and deliver the captives and their 
property; the ringleaders should then be put to death 
on the spot. If they would do this, well; if not, war 
should follow, and the neighboring tribes might be 
employed against the foe. The commander of the 
expedition must report to Neve on arrival at the 
Colorado.” In accordance with this resolution the 


17 Prov. Rec., MS.., ii., 88-9; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 23; Palou, 
Vidu, 242. Palou, Not., ii. 377, says that Limon wanted to take 20 men and 
go to chastise the Yumas, but Neve did not approve the plan. The author 
is inclined, apparently unjustly, to blame the governor for his inaction. This 
Limon was a soldier at Altar in 1760, when his daughter was baptized by 
Padre Pfefferkorn. S. Francisco del Ati, Lib. Mision, MS. 

18 Arricivita, page 509, says that at first the report was not believed and 
that a soldier sent up to the Colorado to learn the truth was killed. 

19 St. Pap. Sac., MS., vi. 123-33. 


366 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


general despatched a force to the Colorado under 
the command of our old friend Pedro Fages, about 
whose life since he sailed from San Diego in 1774 we 
know little beyond the fact that he left California a 
captain and now returns a lieutenant-colonel. He 
was accompanied by Captain Fueros of the Altar 
presidio.” 

Fages and Fueros marched with a hundred soldiers 
of their respective companies and many friendly na- 
tives to the Colorado, and forded the river to the 
ruined villages. They buried the bodies of the vic- 
tims which were found lying as they fell in the plaza 
and in the fields) The Yumas had abandoned the 
vicinity, but were found some eight leagues down 
the river in a densely wooded tract where it was 
deemed unadvisable to attack them. All or nearly 
all of the captives, however, were ransomed,” and 
both they and the natives stated that the latter had 
been frightened away by a procession of white-robed 
figures that with crosses and lighted candles had 
marched through the ruins chanting strange dirges 
each night after the massacre. With the rescued 
captives Fages retraced his steps to Sonoita, where 
he arrived late in October. 

Here were found orders from the general, given at 
the petition of the father president, to recover and 
bring back the bodies of the slain friars. These 
orders had been intended to reach Fages earlier and 
not to necessitate another journey; but as he had 
made no special search for the bodies, he deemed it 
best to return.” Before setting out he held an exam- 


*0In a record of certain California documents existing in Mexico in 1795, 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 205-6, is mentioned the original account of the 
expedition. Diario del viaje de tierra hecho al Rio Colorado de érden del 
Comandante General, El Caballero de Croix, al mando del Teniente Coronel D. 
Pedro Fages, ete., dated at Altar Sept. 16, 1781 (it should probably be Sonoita 
Dec. 20th), a document I have been unable to find. 

21 Palou, Vida, 247-54, who saw the original narrative, seems to be the 
authority for the finding of the Yumas’ down the river. He is quoted by 
Arricivita, who, however, implies erroneously that the captives were ran- 
somed on a subsequent visit. 

2 Arricivita is the only authority who directly mentions this second expe 


REMAINS OF THE MARTYRS, 367 


ination at Sonoita October 31st and took the testi- 
mony of six men who had survived the massacre, 
material which I have already utilized in describing 
that event.” AtSan Pedro y San Pablo on Decem- 
ber 7th the bodies of Diaz and Moreno were discov- 
ered in a good state of preservation, though the head 
of Moreno had been cut off. At Concepcion the 
remains of Garcés and Barreneche could not be found 
at first and some hope was felt that they had not been 
killed; but in continuing their search at a distance the 
soldiers finally saw a bright green spot in the desert, 
and there, marked by a cross, under a bed of verdure 
and flowers, they found the grave where the two 
martyrs had been buried by some of their converts. 
Respecting this miraculous verdure, the supernatural 
procession at the ruined pueblos, and the utter blame- 
lessness of the friars before and during the disaster, 
properly attested certificates were drawn up and for- 
warded to the Santa Cruz College in Querétaro by 
Croix at the request of the Franciscans. The remains 
of the four martyrs were carried south and buried in 
one coffin in the church at Tubutama. 

On September 10th Croix had forwarded to Neve 
the resolutions of the council of the day before, to the 
end that he, as the proper official to direct all muli- 
tary operations in California, might on hearing of 
Fages’ arrival at the Colorado send orders or go in 
person to take command. Neve did prepare a force, 
composed chiefly of the men waiting to found Santa 
Barbara, which he held in readiness; and he seems 
also to have sent Alférez Velasquez with a small 
party to make inquiries about Fages’ coming. But 
Velasquez brought back nothing but an unintelligible 
rumor from the natives about some white and black 


dition; but his statement is partially corroborated by certain circumstantial 
evidence in official communications in the archives. 

3 Investigacion sobre la muerte de los religiosos, etc., enviados dé la reduccion 
de los gentieles det Colorado, 1781, MS. One of the witnesses was an Indian 
interpreter named Urrea, whom Arricivita names as a traitor to whom the 
murder of the padres was largely due. 


368 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


horsemen who had come four moons ago to burn 
and kill.* Fages’ diary of his expedition was dated 
Sonoita, the 20th of December. 

Another council had been held at Arizpe the 15th 
of November, on receipt of news respecting the first 
return of the expedition to Sonoita. Tages’ report of 
October 31st was read, announcing his intention to 
return to the Colorado on the arrival of certain pack- 
mules with supplies. His action in ransoming the 
captives and sending them to Altar was approved, and 
he was instructed to march without delay to attack 
the Yumas. He was to announce his arrival to Neve, 
and if his first attack on the foe were not decisively 
successful in securing the death of the Yuma leaders 
and establishing a permanent peace, the command was 
to be transferred to Neve, and military operations 
were to be continued. After the enemy was fully 
conquered the governor must select a proper site for 
a presidio on the Colorado, which would afford ade- 
quate protection to future settlements, and report 
in full as to the number of men and other help re- 
quired. Government aid was to be furnished to the 
families who had survived the massacre.” 

These resolutions of the council not having been 
received by Fages until he had returned from his 
second trip, or at least until it was too late to carry 
them into execution, the same body met again Jan- 
uary 2, 1782, and modified somewhat its past action. 
Fages was to press on as rapidly as possible with 
forty men to San Gabriel, where he would receive 
instructions and aid from Neve. Meanwhile Fueros 
with a sufficient force was to arrive on the Colorado 
by April lst at the latest and there to await orders 
from Neve, holding himself meanwhile strictly on the 
defensive unless some particularly good opportunity 

*4 Croix to Neve, Sept. 10, 1781, in St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 120-2; Neve to 
Croix, Nov. 18, 1781, and Mar. 10, 1782, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 68, 77-8. 

> Prov. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 21-8; duplicate in /d., xv. 5-10. Neve 


acknowledged the receipt of the documents of Nov. 15th, on March 2, 1782, 
also that of the subsequent orders of Jan. 2d. Prov. Liec., MS., ii. 56. 








FINAL CAMPAIGN. 369 


should offer of striking a decisive blow. The gov- 
ernor was instructed to take all the available troops in 
California, suspending the Channel foundations tem- 
porarily for the purpose, and to begin the campaign 
by the 1st of April.” 

ages seems to have arrived at San Gabriel late in 
March and a messenger soon brought Neve back from 
the Channel, where he had gone to superintend the 
new foundations.” Receiving the despatches brought 
by Fages the governor decided that it was too early 
in the season for effective operations on the Colorado, 
by reason of high water, and postponed the campaign 
until September, when the river would be fordable, 
and when the Yuma harvest would be desirable spoils 
for native ales: ages was sent to the Colorado to 
give the corresponding instructions to Fueros, who 
was to proceed to Sonora and wait, while Tages re- 
turned to wait in California. Croix seems to have 
approved the change of plan, and on May 16th the 
council met once more at Arizpe to issue thirteen 
resolutions respecting the fall campaign, the substance 
of which was that about one hundred and sixty men 
were to be on the east bank of the Colorado on the 
morning of September 15th to meet ‘the Californian 
troops and show the rebellious Yumas the power of 
Spanish arms.” 

The orcas were to a certain extent carried into 
effect, but about the result there is little to be said. 


26 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 236-9. Croix communicated the plan to Neve 
Jan. 3d and Jan. Gth. Id., 236, 182-3. Neve acknowledged receipt March 2d. 
Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 57. March 18th Croix announces that Fages is on the 
march. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 185. April 30th, Neve wrote to Croix that 
Fages had arrived at ‘San Gabriel and that the Yumas had left their own 
country and retired to that of the Yamajabs. /d., 233. And still earlier on 
March 29th he had written in answer to Croix’s letters of January, announc- 
ee a postponement of the campaign until September. Jd., 198; Prov. Rec., 

li. 53. 

21 Palou, Not., ii. 383, says that the messenger overtook Neve March 26th, 
the same day he had left San Gabriel to found San Buenaventura. 

28 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 198-207, including a letter of Croix of May 
18th, communicating to Neve the junta’s action, and another letter an- 
nouncing the sending of 200 horses and 40 mules to mount the Californian 
troops. 

te Hist. Cau., Vout, I. 24 


370 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 


Captain José Antonio Romeu™ with a force of one 
hundred and eight men reached the seat of proposed 
war at the specified time. Neve, having intrusted his 
adjutant inspector, Nicolas Soler, with the temporary 
government of California, departed from San Gabriel 
August 21st,” with Fages and sixty men. Some 
three days’ journey before reaching Concepcion a mes- 
senger met the party with despatches for Fages which 
caused him to return and assume the governorship of 
California,** while Neve proceeded and joined Romeu 
on the 16th, not returning to San Gabriel, but going 
to Sonora after the campaign to assume his new 
office of inspector general of the Provincias Internas. 
About the campaign we know little save that it was 
a failure, since the Yumas were not subdued, peace 
was not made, and the rebel chiefs Palma and the 
rest were not captured. Yet there was some fight- 
ing in which a few Yumas were killed.” The nation 
remained independent of all Spanish control, and was 
always more or less hostile. Neither presidio, mission, 


#9? Romeu, afterwards governor of California, had been with Fueros on the 
Colorado earlier in the year, and had written a diary of that expedition, which 
by resolution of the junta was sent to Neve for his instruction. 

30 Neve’s instructions to Soler, July 12, 1782. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 120. 
Neve to Croix, Aug. 3, 1782, receipt of letter announcing approval by the 
junta of the suspension of Yuma campaign. Prov. Rec., MS., 11. 65-6. Neve 
to Croix, Aug. 12, 1782, announcing march of troops on Aug. 21st, and his 
own departure on Aug. 25th or 26th. /d., 47. 

51 Palou, Not., ii. 390-2. More of this change of governors in a later 
chapter. 

“In Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 205-6, there is mentioned as existing in 
Mexico in 1795 a Diario de las marchas 4 y ocurrencias...desde 21 de Agosto 
1782, which my search of the archives has not brought to light. A short let- 
ter of Neve to Croix dated Sonoita Oct. 16th—Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 53—is the 
only original accountextant. He says he sent an alférez with 8 men to recon- 
noitre, heard firing, and hurried up to support the alférez, but the enemy fled. 
Then Romeu attacked a Yumarancheria and inflicted some loss, having 4 sol- 
diers wounded. He vaguely states that he should have subdued the Yumas 
and left communication by that route secure, had it not been for distrust 
caused partly by the imprudent actions of preceding expeditions, Arricivita, 
Crén. Serdf, 514, says 108 natives were killed, 85 taken prisoners, 10 Christians 
freed from captivity, and 1,048 horses recovered, but all without pacifying 
the foe. Palou states that after receiving his appointment as inspector, Neve 
did not care to march against the Yumas. The enemy, however, came out 
boldly to taunt and challenge the Spaniards until one of the Sonora captaius 
(Romeu) could endure it no longer, and obtained Neve’s permission to punish 
the Yuma insolence, which he did in three days’ fighting in which many 
natives fell, 





THE FIELD ABANDONED. 371 


nor pueblo was ever again established on the Colo- 
rado; and communication by this route never ceased 
to be attended with danger. Truly, as the Franciscan 
chroniclers do not fail to point out, the old way was 
best; the innovations of Croix had led to nothing but 
disaster; the nuevo modo de conquistar was a failure. 


baer ay bee novel LT: 


FOUNDING OF SAN BUENAVENTURA AND SANTA BARBARA 
PRESIDIO—FAGES GOVERNOR. 


1782. 


READY TO BeGiIn—MISSIONARIES EXPECTED—NEVE’S INSTRUCTIONS TO OR- 
TEGA— PRECAUTIONS AGAINST DisasTER—INDIAN PoLicy— RADICAL 
CHANGES IN Mission SySTEM—SAN BUENAVENTURA ESTABLISHED—PRE- 
SIDIO OF SANTA BARBARA—VISIT OF FAGES—ARRIVAL OF THE TRANS- 
PoRTS—NeEws FROM Mrxico—No Mission Supptirs—No Prizsts— 
VICEROY AND GUARDIAN—SIX FRIARS REFUSE TO SERVE—C JNTROL OF 
TEMPORALITIES—FALSE CHARGES AGAINST NEvVE—CHANGES iN MISSION- 
ARIES—F'AGES APPOINTED GOVERNOR—NEVE INSPECTOR GENERAL—IN- 
STRUCTIONS—FUGITIVE NEOPHYTES—LocAL EVENTS—DEATH OF MARI- 
ANO CARRILLO—DEATH OF JUAN CRESPI. 


Tue new establishments of the Channel, of which 
so much has been said, were not yet founded. The 
required force had arrived late in the summer of 1781, 
but it was deemed best to delay until the rainy season 
had passed, and moreover the disaster on the Colorado 
had resulted in orders to suspend all operations and 
settlements that might interfere with measures against 
the Yumas. The forces had therefore remained in 
camp at San Gabriel, where some slight barracks had 
been erected for their accommodation,’ under Ortega 
who had been chosen to command the new presidio, 
Lieutenant Zufiiga taking his old command at San 
Diego. 

1Oct. 29, 1781, Neve writes to Croix that he has taken a corporal and 7 
men from Monterey and the same number from San Diego to form a basis for 
the Santa Barbara company, and also that he has built 40 small huts to shelter 
the men and their families during the rainy season. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 89, 
91. Reviews during the winter show a lieutenant, Ortega, an alférez, Argii- 
ello, 3 sergeants, 2 corpvrals, and 49 or 50 soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 


261, 264; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 104. 
( 372 ) 


PRESIDIO INSTRUCTIONS. 373 


In the spring of 1782 it seemed to the governor 
that he might proceed in the matter without prejudice 
to other interests, and accordingly in February he 
wrote to President Serra, announcing his intention 
and asking for two friars, for San Buenaventura and 
Santa Barbara respectively. Serra had but two super- 
numerary friars in all California, one of whom was 
needed at San Carlos during his own occasional 
absence. But he was extremely desirous that the 
new missions should be established, and he expected 
six new friars by this year’s transport; so he went 
south himself, administering confirmation en route at 
San Antonio and San Luis, reaching Angeles on 
March 18th, and San Gabriel the next day. Here he 
he met Father Cambon, who at his order had come up 
from San Diego, and the two agreed. to attend to the 
spiritual needs of the two new establishments till the 
coming of the six missionary recruits.’ 

Meanwhile on March 6th Governor Neve had issued 
his instructions to Ortega, indicating the line of policy 
to be followed at the new presidio and the missions 
under its protection and jurisdiction.® Like all the 
productions of Neve’s mind these instructions were 
models of good sense in substance, though diffuse as 
usual. The first duty urged was that of vigilance 
and precaution. Late events on the Colorado would 
have suggested extraordinary vigilance anywhere; 
but the comparatively dense native population in the 
Channel country rendered it especially necessary there. 
The erection of defensive works must be the com- 
mandant’s first care, and beyond a few temporary 
shelters of brushwood for the families, and a ware- 
house for the supplies, no structures could be built 

2 Palou, Not., ii. 380-9; Id., Vida, 243-7. February 8, 1782, Minister 
Galvez communicated to Croix, who forwarded it on July 24th, the royal 
order approving Neve’s acts and propositions respecting the three new founda- 
tions as made known to him in letter and documents of February 23, 1780. S¢. 
Pap. Sac., MS., iv. 30-1. 

3 Neve, Instruccion que ha de gobernar al Comandante del presidio de Santa 


Barbara, 1782, MS. This document was examined by I’ages at Santa Barbara 
on October Ist, and’ Ortega was ordered anew by him to obey its requirements. 


374 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. 


until the square was safely enclosed by a line of 
earthworks and palisades. The natives were not to 
be allowed within the lines except in small numbers 
and unarmed. The utmost efforts were to be made 
to win and retain the respect and friendship of the 
native chiefs, and to this end a policy of kindness and 
strict justice must be observed. Soldiers must be 
restrained by the strictest discipline from all outrage, 
oppression, or even intermeddling. They were not 
to visit the rancherfas under severe penalties, such 
as fifteen consecutive days of guard duty wearing four 
cueras, unless sent with definite orders to escort a 
friar or on other necessary duty. 

The natives were to: be interfered with in their 
rancherfa life and government as little as was possi- 
ble. They were to be.civilized by example and pre- 
cept and thus gradually led to become vassals of the 
king; but they were not to be christianized by force. 
Any outrages they might commit must be punished 
firmly by imprisonment and flogging with full ex- 
planation to the chiefs; but to remove the strongest 
temptation to Indian nature, the soldiers could at 
the beginning own no cattle. Trade with the na- 
tives was to be encouraged by fair treatment and fair 
prices. In a word they were to be treated as human 
beings having rights to be respected. In that part 
of Neve’s instructions relating to the friars and the 
missions, however, there appeared a palpable trace of 
the policy inaugurated by Croix on the Colorado, 
with the most dangerous features omitted. In fact 
I am inclined to think that the Colorado experiment, 
so far as it affected the relations between padres and 
the temporalities, was largely inspired by Neve, an 
intimate friend, whose advice had great weight with 
the general. In the Channel missions the priests 
were to be virtually deprived of the temporal man- 
agement, because there were to be no temporal inter- 
ests to manage. They were to attend exclusively to 
the instruction and conversion of the natives, and to 





b 
Mi 
y 


a toe: 


~ = pen eal ae ‘ 


‘NEW MISSION REGULATIONS. 375 


this end were to be afforded every facility by the mil- 
itary; but the natives must not be taken from their 
rancherias or required to live in mission communities, 
except a few at a time, who might be persuaded to 
live temporarily with the missionaries for instruction. 
. The reasons given for these regulations were the 
small area of tillable land in proportion to the num- 
ber of inhabitants, rendering agricultural mission 
communities impracticable, and the great danger that 
would be incurred by any attempt to break up or re- 
arrange the numerous and densely populated native 
towns or rancherias along the Channel. Without 
doubt also another motive, quite as powerful, was a 
desire on the part of the governor to put a curb on 
missionary authority. The new system which it was 
now proposed to introduce was a good one in many 
respects, and was at least worth a trial; but it was 
nevertheless a complete overthrow of the old mission 
system in one of its most important features, and the 
wonder is that it did not provoke a general and im- 
mediate outburst of Franciscan indignation through- 
out the whole province. No such demonstration, 
however, is recorded, though much was written on 
the subject later. It is probable that the friars, at- 
tributing the proposed innovations to the local au- 
thorities, strong in the result of recent experiments 
on the Colorado, and believing they could interpose 
such obstacles as would prevent any very brilliant 
success of the new experiment, determined that quiet 
and prolonged effort would be more effective than 
open denunciation, trusting to their influence in Mex- 
ico and Spain to restore the old state of affairs. Their 
practical success was rapid and not very difficult, as 
we shall see.‘ 

All being ready the company® set out from San 


‘There are three copies of these instructions, in one of which they are 
preceded by some preliminary remarks of a general nature respecting past 
intercourse with the Channel tribes, their intertribal quarrels which will 
favor the Spanish settlement, and the general policy to be followed. 

5Palou, Vida, 245, says it was the largest expedition ever seen in Cali- 


376 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. 


Gabriel the 26th of March. At the first encampment 
Fages’ courier arrived with orders for Neve, who was 
obliged to return with his escort; but the company 
continued and arrived on the 29th at the first ran- 
cheria of the channel, named Asuncion, or Asumpta, 
by Portola’s party in 1769. This had long ago been 
selected as a suitable locality for one of the three mis- 
sions. A site was chosen near the beach and adjoin- 
ing the native town with its neat conical huts of tule 
and straw, and here next day a cross was raised with 
the required shelter of boughs for the altar. With 
the usual ceremonies, including a sermon from Serra, 
on the 31st of March the mission was founded and 
dedicated to the ‘seraphic doctor’ San Buenaventura,’ 
in the presence of a large attendance both of Spaniards 
and of natives, the latter expressing much pleasure at 
what had been done, and cheerfully aiding in the work 
of building. 

About the middle of April Neve came up from 
San Gabriel and expressed his satisfaction with the 
progress made.’ Cambon remained in charge of the 


new mission until the coming of Dumetz and Santa 


Maria, assigned to San Buenaventura as regular 


fornia, including besides officers 70 soldiers with their families, to say nothing 
of Neve’s escort of 10 meu from Monterey. ‘The 70 should however include 
the 10. 

6 Sun Buenaventura, Lib. de Mision, MS. On the day of foundation Serra 
writes to Lasuen expressing his joy at witnessing the foundation. Arch. Sta. 
Barbara, MS., ix. 288. Gen. Crcix congratulates Serra in letter of July 22, 
1782. Id., i. 261-2. April 24th, Neve writes to Croix that by April 12th the 
enclosure of 40 by 50 varas, of palisades 4 varas high with two ravelins, a 
gate, and a small warehouse had been completed. Facilities were good for 
irrigation and for obtaining building material. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. G1. 
Giovanni di Fidanza was born at Bagnarea in Tuscany in 1221. St Francis 
of Assisi, meeting him one day and foreseeing his future greatness, exclaimed 
‘O buona ventura!’ and the name, Buenaventura in Spanish, clung to him. 
He became bishop, minister-general of the Franciscan order, and cardinal. 
His title of seraphic doctor was tounded on his skill in mystic theology, to 
which a large part of his numerous writings was devoted. He died in 1274. 
His day is July 14th. 

7Palou, Vida, 254-5, says that the mission had been «stablished on the old 
footing though Neve had entertained the idea and had teen instructed, as 
it afterward proved, to found it on the Colorado plan; but late events had 
changed his mind and he made no objection. Thissounds somewhat strange, 
in connection with the instructions already noted. Possibly the nature cf the 
instructions was not made public at first, and thts accounts for the quiet of 
the priests. 





FOUNDING OF SANTA BARBARA. 377 


ministers in May. Only two adults received the 
rite of baptism in 1782.8 

About the middle of April the governor, president, 
commandant, and the whole company of soldiers, 
except a sergeant and fourteen men left as a guard 
for the mission just founded, started up the coast to 
establish the presidio of Santa Bdrbara. The site 
chosen was on the shore of a small bay affording toler- 
ably secure anchorage, at a place said to have been 
called San Joaquin de la Laguna in the first expedi- 
tion of 1769,° and near a large native town, which, 
like its temz, or chief, was called Yanonalit. Near 
the lagoon were found springs of a peculiar water, 
and an eminence suitable for the fort. The formal 
establishing was on April 21st, when Serra said mass 
and chanted an alabado. The natives were more 
friendly than had been anticipated, and Yanonalit was 
willing to exchange présents. Work was at once 
begun and oak timber felled for the requisite shelters, 
and particularly for the palisade enclosure, sixty varas 
square, which was later to be replaced by a solid wall 
enclosing an area of eighty yards square.” The natives 
were hired to work and were paid in articles of food 
and clothing. Yanonalit had authority over some 
thirteen rancherias, and his friendship proved a great 
advantage. 

Affairs progressed favorably, and Ortega even 
found time to construct irrigation works and pre- 
pare for farming on a small scale. Serra, on ascer- 
taining that there was no immediate prospect of 
founding another mission, wrote to Fuster at San 
Juan Capistrano to come up for temporary service at 

8In December 1782 a Frenchman, Pierre Roy, was a sirviente at the mis- 
sion. S. Buenaventura, Lib. Mision, MS., 2. 

®The original diary gave no such name. See chap. vi. of this volume. 
But the place was called Pueblo de la Laguna and Concepcion Laguna. 

10Qn foundation of Santa Barbara presidio see letter of Neve to Croix 
April 24, 1782, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 61-2, 64; Serra, April 29, 1782, in 
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 293-4; baptismal book of presidio in J/d., 
vii. 832-3; Croix to Neve, July 22, 1782, approving foundation, in Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., iii. 202-8; Jd., iii. 128-9; iv. 88; vi. 172-3; Neve to Fages August 
20; 1783, in St. Pap., Sac., \iS8:, xv. 18. 


378 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. 


Santa Barbara," and himself returned to Monterey. 
During the months of May and June Lieutenant- 
colonel Fages made a tour of unofficial inspection 
from San Diego to San Francisco, including in his 
route the new presidio of Santa Barbara.” 

Just before Serra reached Monterey from the south, 
May 13th, the transports Favorita and Princesa, under 
captains Echeverria and Martinez,” brought full car- 
goes of supplies for the three presidios and also for 
the old missions, together with Cambon’s gift for San 
T*rancisco, purchased in China, as already related, 
with his earnings as chaplain on the San Carlos. 
There also came by these vessels many items interest- 
ing to the friars, with other unrecorded news doubt- 
less of equal interest to other Californians. There 
came the report that Antonio Reyes of the Querétaro 
college had been made bishop of Sonora and Cali- 
fornia; that Rafael Verger, the ex-guardian of San 
Fernando, had been also made a bishop in Spain; and 
that 1t was again proposed to divide the Franciscan 
missions into four independent custodias, a measure 
that was never carried out.” 


What the transports of 1782 did not bring, greatly 


1 Palou, Vida, 255-6. The same author says, Wot., ii. 388-9, that Cambon 
was to come to the presidio while Fuster was to take his place at San Buena- 
ventura. It is not certain that Fuster ever came. 

122 Palou, Noticias, ii. 390-1. 

13 The officers of the Favorita were Agustin de Echeverria, captain; José 
Tobar, second; and José Villaverde, a clergyman, as chaplain. Those of the 
Princesa were Estévan Martinez, captain; Juan Pantoja, second; and Miguel 
Davalos, also a clérigo, as chaplain. Both vessels had left San Blas the same 
day, and, though they anchored the same day at Monterey, had not seen 
each other after the first few days of the trip. Palou, Not., ii. 386-9. The 
two.vessels were at Sta. Barbara Aug. 4. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 17. 

1 Verger was bishop of Nuevo Leon in 1785-7. Letters in Pinart, Col. 
Doc. Mex., MS., 153-5. 

15 Bishop Reyes was consecrated at Tacubaya on Sept. 15, 1782. He re- 
mained for some time at the two colleges, where there was much discussion 
about his future plans and considerable opposition on the part of the colleges 
to giving up the missions to custodios. The bishop finally proceeded north to 
establish the custodia of San Carlos de Sonora, and proposed later to go over 
and establish that of San Gabriel de California. In connection with this 
movement the Dominicans were to give up Lower California. Such was the 
news that came to California in June 1783. Palou, Not., ii. 394-5. Bishop 
Reyes was vicar general of the Californian troops. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 183; 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 121, 





CONTROVERSY IN MEXICO. 379 


to the surprise of all, was the six expected friars, and 
supplies for the missions of Santa Barbara and Puris- 
ima. ‘The reason of their non-arrival came, however, 
and that carries us back to an interesting dispute and 
correspondence in Mexico. Viceroy Mayorga at the 
request of General Croix, December 7, 1780, called 
on the college of San Fernando for six friars to serve 
in the three Channel missions about to be established. 
Four of the number should be sent to San Blas to go 
by sea, while two should proceed to Sonora to accom- 
pany Rivera by the Colorado River route. The vice- 
roy announced his readiness to furnish such aid as 
might be required. 

The guardian, Francisco Pangua, replied December 
18th by stating that the aid required for the new 
missions was the same as that furnished the old ones, 
that is, a full complement of church vestments and 
utensils including bells; a proper supply of live-stock 
and seed grain; an outfit of implements for house, 
shop, and field; and one thousand dollars to be ex- 
pended in clothes and various articles useful in attract- 
ing the good-will of the natives. A full list of the 
articles needed was annexed. <A year’s stipend must 
be paid in advance. The friars could not walk eight 
hundred leagues, nor were they accustomed to ride 
on horseback, and the viceroy was entreated to per- 
mit that all might go by sea. It was also suggested 
that if there was any doubt about the transports of 
1782 being able to carry supplies for all the new 
establishments, 1t would be better to attend to the 
wants of the old missions and let the establishing of 
new ones be postponed. After these preliminaries 
the guardian named six friars selected for duty in 
California,’® who would be ready to sail from San Blas 
with the supplies asked for and expected. 

Mayorga’s reply was dated April 5th, and in it he 


16The friars were Antonio Aznar, Diego Noboa, Juan Rioboo, Manuel 
Arévalo, Mateo Beavide, and José Esteves. Only the second and third ever 
came to California. 


380 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. 


declines to furnish either church paraphernalia or the 
implements of house and field as requested; the former 
because they had already been ordered as a matter of 
course for the new missions by General Croix, who alone 
had control of the matter; the latter because neither 
general nor governor, though well acquainted with 
the country, had indicated that any such implements 
were needed. If after the friars have begun work 
they find that the necessity exists, they can report, 
and the subject will receive due attention. The vice- 
roy not only consents to an advance of stipends, but 
authorizes the payment of two hundred dollars to each 
friar for travelling expenses. He urges the guardian 
to act with the least possible delay. The Franciscan 
authorities now saw clearly what they had previously 
more than suspected, that an attempt was to be made 
in California to overthrow the old mission system. 
No implements of house and field signified no agricult- 
ural and mechanical industries, no communities of 
laboring neophytes, no temporalities for the friars to 
control. Pangua notified the viceroy on April 7th 
that, while the right to the implements in question 
was not relinquished but would be pressed at a future 
time, he would despatch the missionaries on the terms 
proposed. This signified nothing, however, for the 
guardian was not inclined to take ventures; and two 
days later he sent to Mayorga a communication from 
the six friars, in which they flatly refused to serve in 
California on the proposed basis, Pangua expressing 
his opinion that no others could be induced to go in 
their place, but promising to write more fully after 
easter. 

The promised communication was dated the 19th 
of April. In it the writer, after calling attention to 
the fact that under the laws no friar could be com- 
pelled to serve as a missionary against his will, pro- 
ceeds to justify the refusal of the six. The argument 
is that only by gifts can the missionaries gain the 
good-will of the savages as shown by experience; that 





COMPLAINTS OF THE GUARDIAN. 381 


the only way to the native heart is through the na- 
tive stomach and pride of personal adornment; that 
not only are laborious habits essential to civilization, 
but such habits can be formed only under the friar’s 
influence based on their having the exclusive right to 
distribute the fruits of neophyte labor; and that while 
at best the work of conversion is difficult and dis- 
couraging, without the old advantages of material 
rewards to native faithfulness coming exclusively from 
the padres, permanent progress will be impossible, 
friars’ efforts will amount to nothing, and their sup- 
port will be a useless expense to church and crown. 
The soldiers are not only fed and clothed but armed 
and equipped for their work of conquest and defence; 
why should the militia of Christ be denied arms and 
ammunition for spiritual warfare? 

Yet another point de no menor consideracion 1s 
brought forward in this document, which is signed 
not only by Pangua but by the other five members of 
the college discretorio. This is the “irregular manner 
in which missionaries are regarded and treated in 
those establishments” of California. So pronounced 
is Neve’s aversion to the friars that the soldiers are 
warned not to become fraderos, not to perform any 
service for the missionaries, and not to aid in bringing 
back fugitive neophytes. ‘The natives lose their re- 
spect for the priest when they find he is not supported 
by the civil and military authority, and the result is 
of course disastrous. Again, subaltern officers and the 
soldiers under them, encouraged to disregard alike 
the teachings and chidings of the ministers, form scan- 
dalous connections with native and other women, and 
thus, with the tacit approval of the governor, they 
entirely neutralize all missionary effort and teach the 
natives to despise Christianity.” It is impossible to 
arrive at any other conclusion than that these charges 


11 The priests go so far as to charge that on one occasion the governor and 
his escort on the march from one mission to another deliberately stopped and 
waited while one of the number se separéd para ir & sus liviandades. 


382 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. 


against Governor Neve, resting on the bare assertion 
of the authors, were in part exaggerated, and in part 
false. There is nothing in Neve’s preserved writings 
or in the annals of his time to show dislike to the 
friars, disinclination to aid them in their work of con- 
version, or a tendency to overlook immorality on the 
part of his subordinates. He favored a change in the 
mission system because he believed the missionaries 
were inclined to abuse the powers given them under 
the old régime, and this to the prejudice of the royal 
authority which he represented in California." 

The viceroy allowed the matter to rest here but 
reported to the king for instructions. Such were the 
facts that came to the knowledge of Junipero Serra 
at Monterey in May 1782. Clearly the proposed 
foundations must be postponed; in fact, instructions 
soon came from the college that neither Santa Barbara. 
nor any other mission must be established except 
‘In accordance with the laws, that is, under the old 
system.” San Buenaventura, however, need not be 
disturbed, for it had been provided for long ago, and 
the supplies of different kinds had been in readiness. 
Neither Neve nor F'ages seems to have made any 
special effort to enforce the new regulations here. 
Like the viceroy, they were Rahtetit: to await the 
decision of the king. Fathers Dumetz and Santa 
Maria were appointed to the new mission; Cambon 
returned to San Francisco; Fuster went back to San 
Juan, or possibly had never left that mission; there 
were now just eighteen padres for the nine missions; 
and Santa Barbara presidio had no chaplain.” 


18The preceding correspondence is found in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 
231-46; vi. 266-71. It is a fact worthy of notice that Palou, Wot., ii. 388, 
does not argue the case, and that while opposed to Neve’s policy he makes 
no charge against him either of immorality or of bitter feeling against the 
friars. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 93-4, tells us that Governor Croix of 
California wanted to found missions on the Colorado plan, but the priests 
refused to serve. 

19 Guardian to Serra, Jan. 8, 1783, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 158-9. 

20 July 22, 1782, General Croix refers to Serra’s request for live-stock, 
servants, and other aid for the San Buenaventura padres, and seems to favor 
granting the request, although contrary to the reglamento. Prov. St. Pap., 


a 


Se ee oe ae 








END OF NEVE’S RULE. 283 


On leaving San Gabriel for the Yuma campaign, 
Neve left Captain Soler, his adjutant-inspector, in 
command. His instructions to Soler as temporary 
ruler were attached to others of July 12th relating to 
his duties in connection with the presidial inspections, 
and they contained but little beyond the technicalities 
of routine duty. They enjoined care and kindness 
in dealing with gentiles, but discouraged the use of 
force in bringing back runaway neophytes.” Neve and 
Tages, as we have seen, marched together from San 
Gabriel on or about August 21st for the Colorado. 
Whether either of them anticipated an early change 
in his official position I have no means of knowing; 
but shortly before their arrival at the river in the first 
days of September they were met by a courier, who 
among his despatches bore a promotion for both, from 
Croix, who had appointed Neve inspector general 
of the Provincias Internas, and Fages governor of 
California.” At the camp of Saucito September 10th 
the office was formally turned over to I’ages, whose 
governorship dates from that day.” Neve’s instruc- 


MS., ili. 231. December 30th he writes to Serra that beyond the six sailor 
sirvientes allowed by him to the Channel missions and the $1,000 allowed by 
the junta for live-stock and implements, no further aid can be granted—not 
even rations to the padres. The stipend is sufficient and older missions can 
help the new. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 277-8. 

41 Neve, Instruccion al Ayudante Inspector Nicolds Soler, 12 de Julio 1782, 
MS: Atthe beginning of the year Soler had been in Lower California as shown 
by letters of Neve in /d., 2-20. Aug. 7, 1782, Neve announces to Croix that 
Soler will come to San Gabriel and take his place. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 50-1. 

22'The appointments, both provisional or requiring confirmation from the 
king, were dated July 12, 1782. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 179; ii. 48. Neve an- 
nounces the news of the appointments Sept. 4th, which was perhaps the date 
they were received. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 20-1. Also in Sept. Croix 
announced that by a royal order Neve had been rewarded with the cross of the 
order of San Carlos. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 48-9; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 224. 

8 Neve to Gonzalez Sept. 10, 1782, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., ili. 24-6. Fages 
to P. Hidalgo Dec. 9, 1782, in Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 69, 72, announcing his 
taking possession, and his salary of $2, 500, Which he thinks will be $4, 000 
when it is confirmed. See also Prov. Rec. w MS., li. 92, and /d., iii. 227, in the 
latter of which Fages seems to say that he took possession ‘on Sept. 12th. 
Feb, 28th Fages thanks Neve for his influence in getting his pay increased to 
$4,000, and also thanks Gov. Corbalan of Sonora for his influence in his favor. 
Prov. Ree., MS., iii. 85. The royal confirmation of Vages’ appointment was 
dated July 6, 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 247. Aug. 19, 1783, Fages is 
granted by royal order the subdelegation of the vice regis 5 patronato. bd Axx; 
5. Feb. 16, 1783, Fages orders Neve to be proclaimed as inspector- -general of 


all troops in California. fd., iv. 39: 


384 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. 


tions, or memoranda, for the guidance of his successor 
had been dated at Saucito three days earlier; but 
there is very little in the document that requires notice, 
save that he repeats the advice already given to Soler 
respecting the necessity of taking every precaution to 
maintain friendly relations with the gentiles, and dis- 
approves the use of soldiers to bring back fugitive 
converts, who should rather be persuaded to return by 
the friars and by Christian Indians. In this last of 
his official papers Neve shows more opposition to the 
friars than ever before, for he implies that they are 
wont to ask for escorts on frivolous pretexts. He 
thinks that a priest actually going to administer sac- 
raments should have a guard of two soldiers, who 
should, however, never pass the night away from the 
mission, and no friar should be allowed to accompany 
the soldiers on their expeditions to the rancherias. 
Moreover, care should be taken to enforce the laws 
forbidding missionaries to board the galleon, showing 
that even at this early day they were suspected of a 
willingness to indulge in clandestine trade. If the 
governor was somewhat severe at the last, it must be 
admitted that his patience had been sorely tried. All 
the varied interests of presidio, mission, and pueblo 
are commended to the watchful care of his successor.™ 

Governor Fages returned westward to San Diego, 
and during the month of October made another tour 
from south to north, visiting and studying the inter- 
ests and needs of each mission, personally exhorting 
the neophytes to good behavior, promising pardon to 
such runaways as would voluntarily return to duty, 
but threatening severe punishment to those who 
might refuse. His efforts in this direction, as Palou 
asserts, were successful, most of the fugitives return- 
ing. At the end of October the governor reached 
San Francisco, whence he turned back to Monterey, 


*4 Neve, Instruccion que da sobre gobierno interino de la peninsula, 7 de Set. 
1782, MS. Neve speaks of the instructions as secret in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 
48. Soler was still to be ayudante inspector and comandante de armas. Prov, 
St. Pap., Ms., lui. 26. 


a 
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ri 


oe ae ei gae 


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CHURCH AT SAN FRANCISCO. 385 


the capital. It must have been a severe blow to Serra 
to see his old enemy, whom he had worked so hard to 
remove from the command when he was but a simple 
lieutenant, returning as lieutenant-colonel to assume 
the governorship of the province. Much as the friars 
hated Neve, a change in favor of Fages can hardly 
have been welcome; but their feelings on the subject 
at this time are not on record. So far as Fages was 
concerned his policy respecting runaway neophytes 
showed a disposition on his part to let the old quarrels 
drop. 

On the 25th of April there was laid at San Fran- 
cisco mission the corner-stone of a new church, with 
all the ceremonies prescribed for such occasions by the 
Roman ritual. Murguia officiated as prester, assisted 
by Palou and Santa Maria and in the presence of 
Lieutenant Moraga, his son Gabriel, Alférez Lasso de 
la Vega, Surgeon Davila, the mission guard, and a 
body of troops from the presidio. “There was enclosed 
in the cavity of said corner-stone the image of our 
holy father St Francis, some relics in the form of 
bones of St Pius and other holy martyrs, five medals 
of various saints, and a goodly portion of silver coin.” ” 

In May of this year the old presidio church at San 
Diego was burned; and in November fire destroyed a 
large part of the mission buildings at San Luis Obispo 
with some six hundred bushels of maize.* At Mon- 
terey in January there occurred the death of two 
prominent men. One was Mariano Carrillo, a pioneer 
soldier of 1769, who from the first had been Ortega’s 
most efficient aid as corporal and sergeant, in the mili- 
tary service required for the protection of Spanish 
interests in the south, and who had lately been trans- 
ferred to the north and had been given the commis- 
sion of alférez.” The other death was that of the 


25,9. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 16,17. There is no evidence that this | 
corner-stone has ever been disturbed. 
26 Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 11; Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 158-9; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., iv. 90-1. 
77 Carrillo was a native of Loreto and entered the service as a private in 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 25 


386 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. 


venerable missionary Father Juan Crespi, whose pen 
has left original records of the first explorations by 
land of California from the peninsular frontier to the 
Strait of Carquines. It is as the chronicler of those 
first expeditions that his memory will live; of his sub- 
sequent life as a missionary, chiefly at Monterey, we 
know but little save that he was a faithful worker, 
beloved by his neophyte flock and by his companion 
friars. In the disputes between secular and missionary 
authorities his name never appears. He died at San 
Carlos January Ist at the age of not quite sixty-one 
years.” 


the presidio company on July 26, 1756. He came to San Diego in 1769 as a 
corporal; was made sergeant in April 1771; and alférez in Feb. 1780. He 
was also habilitado of the Monterey company at the time of his death, which 
occurred on Jan. 27th, being buried by P. Serra on Jan. 28th. His hoja de 
servicio, St. Pap. Sac., MS., i. 108-9, represents him as of ‘medium’ valor, 
application, and capacity, of good conduct, and unmarried. 

28 Juan Crespi—there is a shadow of doubt whether it should be so written 
and pronounced, or without the accent—was born in 1721 on the island of 
Mallorca, where he was also educated, being a school-mate of Francisco Palou. 
He was distinguished from the first for humility and piety, if such expressions 
from a priestly biographer and eulogist mean anything, and was sometimes 
called by fellow-students El Beato or El Mistico. He came to San Fernando 
de Mexico in 1749 and was sent two years later to the Pame missions of the 
Sierra Gorda, where he served over sixteen years, particularly distinguishing 
himself by the erection of a large stone church in the Valle del Tilaco, the 
mural decorations of which he paid for out of his own scanty salary. He 
arrived in Baja California in April 1768, and served on the peninsula at La 
Purisima. He accompanied the first land expedition which reached San Diego 
in May 1769, and a little later was one of the party that searched for Monterey 
and discovered San Francisco Bay. His diaries of both these trips are extant 
and have been utilized in my narrative. Returning from San Diego to Mon- 
terey in 1770heassisted infounding the mission of San Carlos in June, and served 
there as minister until March 1772. Then he went with Lieutenant. Fages to 
the San Joaquin River, of which exploration his diary is the only record. He 
was now sent south to serve with Jaume at San Diego from May to September, 
and returning resumed his duties at San Carlos, where with the exception of 
two short periods of absence, he toiled until his death.. From June to August 
1774 he served as chaplain on board the Santiago in northern waters, writing 
a diary of the voyage; and in the autumn of 1781 he accompanied Serra to 
San. Francisco and Santa Clara. On his return from this last journey he was 
attacked by a fatal illness. It was from his old friend, companion, and 
superior Father Junfpero, that Crespi received the last consolatory rites of 
his religion, and his body was interred in the mission church within the 
presbytery on the gospel side, with the assistance of commandant and garri- 
son, and amid tears from his flock of neophytes, who lost a true friend in 
Padre Juan. 





CHAPTER XIX. 


RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 
1783-1790. 


An UNEVENTFUL DEcaDE—STATISTICS OF PROGRESS—MISssions, PRESIDIOS, 
AND PuEBLOS—POPULATION, PADRES, AND NEOPHYTES—PEDRO FaqeEs 
BRINGS HIS FAMILY TO CALIFORNIA—DoNA EviaLtia—A JEALOUS CaTA- 
LAN—A MontTEREY Court ScanDAL—FAGES AND SOLER—INSPECTION 
OF PRESIDIOS—SOLER’Ss PROPOSED REFORMS—TROUBLES WITH HABILI- 
TADOS—GOVERNOR AND FRANcISCANS—A NEVER ENDING CoNTROVERSY— 
GENERAL REPORTS OF PALOU AND LASUEN—CHARGES AND COUNTER- 
CHARGES—F RANKING PRIVILEGE—CRUELTY TO NATIVES—CHAPLAIN 
SERVICE—PATRONATO—PRIcES FOR Mission Propucts—INVENTORIES— 
LicENSE To RETIRE—NATIVES oN HorsEBAcK—MuIssion Escorts— 
NATIVE Convicts AND LABORERS. 


TuE rule of Pedro Fages as governor of California 
extended from 1782 to 1790. It was an uneventful 
period, the annals of which include little beyond petty 
local happenings; yet it was a period not of stagnation 
but rather of silent unfolding, as may be seen from the 
following statistical view. The nine missions’ were 
increased to eleven before the close of Fages’ rule by 
the founding of Santa Barbara and Purisima. In 
round numbers the neophyte population under mis- 
sionary care and living in mission communities grew 
from 4,000 in 1783 to 7,500 in 1790, this being an 
average galn per year of 500. In the mean time 
2,800 had died, 6,700 had been baptized; while about 
400 had apostatized and fled to the old delights of 
savagism. In temporal matters progress had been 
yet more pronounced. The mission herds of horses, 


1 These were in their order from south to north: San Diego, San Juan, San 
Gabriel, San Buenaventura, San Luis, San Antonio, San Carlos, Santa Clara, 
San Francisco. bt 

: ( 


388 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


mules, and horned cattle multiplied in the seven 
years from 4,900 to 22,000 head, while sheep, goats, 
and swine increased from 7,000 to 26,000. Agri- 
cultural products, chiefly wheat, maize, and barley, 
amounted in 1783 to 22,500 bushels; in 1790 there 
were 37,500 bushels, though these figures give no 
accurate idea of progress, since the harvest of several 
intermediate years had been larger than in 1790. 
Improvement in buildings, corrals, fences, and irrigat- 
ing works was constant, though not to be so briefly 
indicated in figures. Several new churches were 
erected, few of which, however, were the permanent 
structures still to be seen in different stages of ruin. 
In 1782 there were nineteen friars in charge of the 
nine missions—the full complement of two to each 
establishment, besides the president. Before 1790 
sixteen new padres came, five retired, and four died at 
their posts, leaving twenty-six still on duty.’ 

No new pueblos were founded, nor did any new 
immigration of settlers take place. A few pobladores 
left the country; a few soldiers became pobladores, 
and a few boys growing up adopted an agricultural 
in preference toa military life. Hence the united 
population of San José and Angeles varied from 185 
to 220, men, women, and children of so-called gente 
de razon. The pueblo herds increased from 750 to 
4,000 head of cattle and horses, while the small stock 
remained at about 1,000 head. Agricultural products 
were 3,750 bushels in 1783, and over 6,750 in 1790, 


2 The 19 serving in 1783 were: Cambon, Cavaller, Cresp{, Cruzado, Dumetz, 
Figuer, Fuster, Lasuen, Mugartegui, Murguia, Noriega, Palou, Paterna, 
Pena, Pieras, Sanchez, Santa Maria, Serra, and Sitjar. The 16 new-comers: 
were: Arroita, Arenaza, Calzada, Danti, Garcia, Giribet, Mariner, Noboa, 
Ordmas, Rioboo, Rubi, Santiago, Sefan, Sola, Tapis, and Torrens. Left 
California: Mugartegui, Palou, Noriega, Sola, and Rioboo. Died: Cavaller, 
Figuer, Murguia, Serra, and Crespi. In 1785, Aug. 20th, Father Sancho, the 
guardian, made a full report to the viceroy on the Californian missions. Sancho, 
Informe, 1785, MS. It was largely devoted to a description of the system 
and routine to be utilized elsewhere; it predicts that ‘many years’ will elapse 
before the Indians will be fit for any other system; enters somewhat into 
the controversies to be noted presently; and states that up to date there had 
been 5,808 baptisms, 5,307 confirmations, and 1,199 marriages. There were 
12,982 head of live-stock, and 12,119 fanegas of grain at the last harvest. 





STATISTICAL VIEW. 389 


more than the average at the missions; while in 1790 
Angeles produced more grain than any mission except 
San Gabriel. But the pueblos were not yet on the 
whole a success. They were far from fulfilling the 
high expectations with which they had been founded; 
they had by no means repaid the government for 
their cost. At the four presidios there was no change 
that can be statistically expressed. The regulation 
allowed a military force of 205 men for garrisons and 
mission guards, and the ranks were generally full, 
never lacking more than ten men. The places of such 
as died or served out their term, were filled for the 
most part from boys who became of age in California, 
and though individuals were doubtless recruited from 
other provinces and from the transport vessels, there 
is no record that any body of recruits was ever sent 
to replenish the ranks. Most of the soldiers were 
married men, and their families, added to the pueblo 
inhabitants, the priests, and the sirvientes from other 
provinces, made the total population of gente de razon 
in round numbers one thousand souls.? 


Having thus presented a statistical view of the 
period under consideration, I pass on to a study of 
certain events connected with the provincial govern- 
ment and its officials, which have something more 
than a strictly local signification. 

ages came to Monterey as we have seen late in the 
autumn of 1782; but in the spring of 1783 he went 
south again to Loreto to meet his wife Dofia Eulalia 
de Callis and his little son Pedrito whom he had 
left behind in Sonora. The lady had consented at the 
solicitation of General Neve and Captain Romeu, and 
on their assurance that California was not altogether 
a land of barbarism, to live at Monterey.* Leaving 

® According to a Restimen de Poblacion for 1790, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., 
i. 72, the neophytes were 7,353, and the gente de razon 970. 

‘Dec. 9, 1782, Fages writes to his mother-in-law Dofia Rosa Callis, that 


Neve has undertaken to attend to his wife’s departure; and on Dec. 21st he 
asks Romeu to use his influence to induce Dofia Eulalia to come. Prov. Rec., 


* 


390 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


Monterey in March the Governor reached Loreto in 
May. Heset out on his return in July, and on Novem- 
ber 13th was congratulated by Palou on his safe ar- 
rival with wife and son at San Diego,’ and by the 
middle of January was back at Monterey. The jour- 
ney was delightful. Everywhere along the route, 
writes the governor to his wife’s mother Rosa, padres, 
Dominicos and Fernandinos, troops, settlers, and even 
Indians vied with each other in showering attentions 
upon the travellers. “The Sefiora Gobernadora is 
the Benjamin of all who know her; she is getting 
on famously, and Pedrito is like an angel; so rest as- 
sured, for we live here like princes.”® Dojia Eulalia, 
a native of Catalonia, like her husband,’ belonged 
apparently to a family of considerable position and 
influence, a fact which I suspect had something to do 
with Don Pedro’s rapid promotion and invariable 
good-fortune at court. She was perhaps the first 
woman of her quality who ever honored California 
with a visit. It is related that on arrival she was 
shocked, and at the same time touched with pity, at 
the sight of so many naked Indians, and forthwith 
began to distribute with free hand her own garments 
and those of her husband. She was induced to sus- 
pend temporarily her benevolence in this direction by 
a warning that she might have to go naked herself 
since ladies’ clothing could not be obtained in the 
country. Nevertheless after a long residence at Mon- 
terey she left a reputation for her charities and kind- 
ness to the poor and sick.® 


MS., iii. 72. For further correspondence on this subject see Jd., 86-9, 96, 105. 
It seems that Captain Cafiete was sent over from Loreto to escort the lady, 
who, as the fond husband affirmed, was to have in California a reception befit- 
ting a queen. 

° Palou writes from San Francisco Nov. 13. Arch. Arzob., MS.,i.7. There 
are however some documents to show that Fages was at San Fernando de 
Velicaté in December, the lady being delayed by a miscarriage at Mulege. 
See also Fages’ trip. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 101, 108, 111, 122, 138, 200-25, 249; 
Prov. St. Pap, MS., iv. 94; Palow, Not., ii. 392. 

® Proto Rec Guise Uk, 1272 

" San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20. 

8 Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 90-1. 


2 








A JEALOUS CATALAN. 391 


It would be pleasing to record a continuance of 
tranquillity in domestic life at the gubernatorial man- 
sion; but the archives contain records revealing the 
presence of a skeleton in the household, a court scan- 
dal at Monterey which cannot be passed over without 
notice. At the end of a year’s life in California the 
‘sefiora gobernadora,’ having in the mean time borne to 
her husband a daughter, whose birth is recorded in the 
mission register of San Francisco under date of Aug. 
3, 1784, expressed herself satiated with California, 
and wished to leave the country. Don Pedro was by 
no means disposed to give up his lucrative and hon- 
orable position for a woman’s whim, and a quarrel 
ensued, during which for three months the governor 
was exiled by his spouse to a separate bed. Finding 
this treatment, however, less effective than she had 
anticipated in overcoming the executive obstinacy, 
Doiia Eulalia set herself to work to learn the cause 
of his lonely contentment, and found it as she sus- 
pected in the person of an Indian servant-girl whom 
her husband had rescued from barbarism on the Colo- 
rado and brought to the capital. On the morning of 
February 3, 1785, the nate gobernadora followed Don 
Pedro when he went to call the servant, accused him 
of sinful intent, heaped on his head all the abusive 
epithets in the vocabulary of an angry and jealous 
Catalan, and left the house vowing divorce, and ring- 
ing out upon the wind her wrongs. 

The governor went over to San Carlos and en- 
listed the services of the friars to bring his wife to 
reason, but she was not to be moved. All the more 
she scandalized their reverences by flatly declaring 
that the devil might carry her off before she would 
live again with her husband. The padres examined 
witnesses and decided, so says Fages, that there was 
no ground for divorce; but sent the case to the bishop 
and ordered the lady to remain meanwhile in the re- 
tirement of her own apartments, separated from the 
gubernatorial bed and board, and not at liberty to 


392 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


repeat her charges throughout the capital. Things 
remained in this state for a week, when the governor, 
obliged to go south on business and unwilling to leave 
his wife alone in the casas reales, wrote to Father 
Noriega, who had acted as ecclesiastical judge in the 
past investigations, asking him to remove the lady to 
the mission where she might be kept in the seclusion 
customary in such cases. Noriega sent an alférez on 
the 12th of February with the proper documents to - 
effect the removal; but this caused a new outbreak, 
for Dona Eulalia not only refused to go, but shut 
herself up with Pedrito in her private apartments. 
The door was forced open by the husband, who after 
threats to have the lady tied, carried her to San 
Carlos. At the end of the month he set out for 
the south taking his son with him to be left at San 
Antonio. 

During the governor’s absence Captain Soler was 
applied to by both parties, by the wife to defend her 
honor and innocence from outrage; by the husband 
to effect a reconciliation. Soler’s letters are not alto- 
gether intelligible, but they show that the priests had 
found the lady by no means an easy subject to man- 
age. There had been new outbursts of fury and food 
for scandal, occurring apparently in church, and the 
prisoner was threatened with flogging and chains. He 
warns Dofia Eulalia that she must moderate her 
actions and restrain her wrath; while he urges Don 
Pedro to return as soon as possible, and claims that 
the lady whether guilty or not should not, in consid- 
eration of her position and breeding, be subjected to 
such indignities. ages writes from San Gabriel in 
May that, while he admits the superior station and 
birth of his wife, he cannot forget the outrage and 
contumely she has publicly heaped upon him. Sub- 
sequent links in this chain of family discord are miss- 


® Fages to Rosa Callis, Feb. 8, 1785; to Gov. Corbalan of Sonora, same 
date; to P. Noriega, Feb. 11th; to P. Palou, Feb, 21st, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 
105-6. 





GOVERNOR AND INSPECTOR. 393 


ing; but on September Ist Fages writes to Bishop 
Reyes that his wife has returned to him, satisfied that 
the charges against him were unfounded. It must 
not be supposed, however, that Dofia Eulalia gave 
up her original scheme of quitting California and 
taking the governor with her, for in October he writes 
that she has sent to the audiencia a petition asking 
his removal on the plea that the climate was injurious 
to his health. He begs a friend to interfere and pre- 
vent the document from being forwarded to Spain.” 
We know nothing further of Don Pedro’s domestic 
affairs; let us hope that all Aparrels ended with the 
year 1785. 

There were, however, other A enle in the ruler’s 
path, though none of them assumed serious propor- 
tions. Among these minor troubles were the actions 
of Soler, the inspector of presidios. When Neve de- 
parted from San Gabriel for the Colorado he left Soler 
as temporary governor and inspector, and a little later, 
on Hages taking the governorship, Neve wrote to Soler 
that he was still to retain the military command. Why 
it was that Fages, especially when his appointment had 
received the royal confirmation, did not become, as pre- 
scribed by the regulation, commandant inspector, I 
am unable to explain; yet he frequently admits that 
he has nothing to do with the military command,” 
only claiming a kind of civil jurisdiction over Soler as 
a citizen of the province which he ruled. The two 
were personal friends and compadres; and, so long as 
their jurisdictions were separate, seem to have made 
an earnest effort to avoid an open quarrel; yetall the 


10 Soler to Fages April 14, 1785; to Sra. Fages April 9th, in Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., v. 254-5; Fages to Garrido, “May 2d; to Sra. Fages May 3d, in Prov. Rec., 
ii, 107- 8; Fages to bishop, /d., iii. 144; to Garrido, Oct. 25th; Zd., i. 1k 

In a communication to Romeu dated Dec. 21, 1782, Fages says ‘the 
reglamento keeps me in a chaos of confusion since it supposes the government 
and inspection united, and as the latter has been separated I find myself very 
much embarrassed in my projects and measures, in order not to make them 
impertinent and cause discord with the ayudante.” Then he goes on to ask 
some information about the respective duties of the two officers. Prov. Rec., 
MS., iii. 72-3. Additional See NORE on this subjectin Prov. Rec., MS., 
i. 170; ii, 99, 106, 112-15, 181; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 45, 186, 251, 253. 


394 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


same neither was ever entirely satisfied that the other 
was not encroaching on his prerogatives. No one of 
the petty disagreements is of sufficient importance to 
be noticed here. 

At last the respective powers of the two dignita- 
ries were fixed by an order of the commandant gen- 
eral, dated February 12, 1786, which arrived August 
8th, making Fages commandant inspector as pre- 
scribed by the reglamento. Late in the year Soler 
accordingly turned over the office to his chief and re- 
sumed his old position as ayudante inspector, in which 
subordinate capacity he still ventured to disagree 
with his compadre to such an extent that on one oc- 
casion he was put under arrest at Monterey with 
orders to go on with his duties, but to enter the 
presidio always by the little door, and to pass back 
of the church to his office!” 

In November 1787 Soler made a long report to the 
general in reply to a request of that officer for his 
views on needed reforms in the administration of Cali- 
fornian affairs. The author was not a man overbur- 
dened with ideas, and such as he had were pretty 
effectually suffocated in a mass of unintelligible verbi- 
age, but the leading points in his proposed reform 
were as follows: The presidio of San Francisco should 
be abandoned and its company transferred to Santa 
Barbara, which, as well as San Diego, should be under 
a captain instead ef a lheutenant. The missions should 
furnish supplies to the presidios at fixed prices, and 
thus the expense of the San Blas transports be avoided, 
since articles necessarily imported could be furnished 
at prices to include freight, the missions and presidios 
being equally benefited by the change. Garrison 
soldiers should be relieved of the care of live-stock, 


12 Prov. St. Pap.,. MS., vi. 21-2, 136, 138, 154, 189-93; xxii. 31; Prov. Rec., 
MS., i. 30-1, 200-2, ii. 137. 

13 Soler, Informe al Comandante General sobre Policia y Gobierno, 3 de Nov. 
1787, MS. At the beginning the author says, ‘I confess, Sefior, that I have 
had no head to present any project or circumstantial plan,’ which may be 
taken as a résumé of the whole document with its 35 articles. 


i pa a een ee ED yeas ca 











CAPTAIN SOLER’S PLAN. 395 


and thus be left free to master the duties of their 
proper service; and to this end the presidio stock 
should be greatly reduced in numbers, and the practice 
of supplying cattle to the southern frontier should be 
stopped. Some adequate provision must be made for 
the descendants of the present population. The gov- 
ernment can furnish no increase of military force, and 
it is useless to found new missions which cannot be 
protected. The prohibition of killing cattle by private 
individuals, established by church influence in the 
interest of the tithe revenue, ought not to be enforced. 
It would also be better to grant grazing-lands, requir- 
ing the grantee, if necessary, to pay the natives for 
damage to their food supply; since under the present 


system soldiers who have served out their term leave 


the country for want of facilities to establish them- 
selves in California. The natives have been neophytes 
long enough; they are fitted for civilized life, and the 
government has spent all the money on them that 
can be afforded. The pobladores have more land than 
they can cultivate; the pueblo realengas should be 
ganted to native families; Spaniards should be granted 
lands at the missions, and the military escorts should 
be withdrawn from both missions and pueblos. Then 
the gentiles will be attracted by the good fortune of 
the old converts to follow their example, the work 
of the priests being thus simplified and promoted. 

To Soler therefore must be accorded the authorship 
of the first direct proposition to secularize the Cali- 
fornia missions, although some of Neve’s propositions 
had tended more or less in the same direction. Soler’s 
plan involved a complete overthrow of the old mission | 
system, putting Spaniards and natives on the same 
footing as citizens, dependence on persuasion and good 
example for future conversions, dependence for sup- 
plies on home products, and restriction. of the soldiers 
to garrison duty proper and the keeping in check such 
gentiles as might fail to appreciate the advantages of 
civilized life. Whether under his plan the new con- 


396 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


verts were to undergo a preliminary training as neo- 
phytes under the friars’ care, or were to pass directly 
to the state of citizens and land-owners, does not 
clearly appear. 

This series of recommendations was sent to the 
general through the governor, who with them for- 
warded also his own comments. I have no need to 

say that Fages opposed any plan suggested by his 

compadre.™ "There is no record respecting the fate 
of the propositions as annotated after they left Cali- 
fornia; but they at any rate were not adopted as the 
law of the province. 

Soler had other troubles besides those with the 
governor, especially with the habilitados, few of whom 
escaped his criticism and few deserved to escape it. 
It was very hard to find officers with sufficient quali- 
fications for keeping the not very complicated presidial 
accounts, and it took time and patience to distribute 
the abler ones, Zuihiga, Sal, Goycoechea, and Argiiello 
in the four presidios, especially as Argiicllo was the 
only one in whose ability Soler had confidence, and as 
it was well nigh impossible for him and Fages to 
agree respecting the merits of any one. Though by 
the regulation the soldiers had a vote in choosing the 
habilitado, for whose deficits they were responsible, 
yet practically the governor and inspector gave the 

14 Pages, Comentarios sobre Informe del Capitan Soler, 8 de Nov. 1787, MS. 
While approving Soler’s views respecting the existence of certain minor evils 
in the present system, and claiming to have already suggested measures for 
the removal of those evils—for instance, annual slaughters and exportation of 
meats to San Blas to reduce the excessive number of presidio cattle—he de- 
clares that it would be foily to abandon San Francisco and leave the northern 
missions unprotected; that there is no reason for transferring the Loreto cap- 
tain to San Diego in order to get rid of Zufliga, who cannot be spared; that 
the soldiers’ work in caring for cattle, though considerable, is exaggerated by 
the adjutant, and the existence of wild cattle would be a great evil to the 
country; that the cattle of settlers as yet dono harm to the natives; that 
inducements to remain in the country are good, and more discharged soldiers 
remain than go away; that the natives are kept in order as neophytes only by 
the unremitting efforts of the friars, and are as yet wholly unfit to become 
citizens; that the pobladores can and do cultivate all the lands given them and 
often more; and finally that the introduction of Spanish settlers into the 
missions would interfere with the laws of the Indies providing that the mis- 


sion lands are to belong to the natives even Way when they shall be fitted to 
profit by their possession, 





FINANCIAL TROUBLES. 397 


appointment to either the lieutenant or alférez of the 
company according to the relative fitness of those 
officers. They divided all the officers into two classes, 
the intelligent and stupid, according to ability as 
accountants, for as a rule there was no question of in- 
tegrity, and were careful not to assign to any presidio 
two from the same class. With all possible precau- 
tions deficits occurred frequently, as we shall see in 
local annals, and Soler was always ready to suspect and 
charge irregularities, sometimes where none existed. 
At last the inspector and his aid could no longer get 
along together; Fages asked for Soler’s removal, and 
Soler demanded a court-martial and a full investiga- 
tion, being unable to discharge properly his duties 
under the governor’s orders. The result was that the 
office was abolished, Soler was summoned to Arizpe 
in 1788, and was made commandant of Tucson, dying 
about 1790. Strangely enough after all his fault- 
finding and his constant search for defalcations on the 
part of others, he left California with a deficit of 
about $7,000 in his own accounts; that is, he owed 
that amount” to the presidios, and it is difficult to 


9 On troubles with habilitados’ accounts see chapter xxi. of this volume; 
also Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 114-16. Fages writes to Soler that he wants 
no discussion to embitter friendly intercourse, but prefers to leave all ques- 
tions to superior authorities. /d., vii. 148-5. July 14, 1787, Soler, who has 
been accused by Fages of carelessness, defends himself with unintelligible 
verbiage made worse by Latin. /d., vii. 121. Before coming to California 
Soler had served as lieutenant-governor at El Paso, Chihuahua. Prov. Rec., 
MS., ii. 75. He was only brevet captain, for the general recommends June 
24, 1787, that he take command of a presidio in case of a vacancy if he ranks the 
other lieutenants. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 56. Being sick in 1786 he induced 
the captain of the Princesa to leave his surgeon, Carbajal, for his convenience, 
at which the Mexican authorities find fault and order the surgeon back to 
San Blas. Jd., vii. 2, 108.° His private troubles with Sal arose from the 
jealousy of the latter who suspected him of an intrigue with his wife, and 
threatened to kill him. Soler was arrested by Fages to protect him from Sal’s 
wrath. /d., vii. 124-5. About his relations with the padres we have only 
his own remark, ‘suelen (los padres) criar muy mal humor y mi naturaleza 
es muy propensa al contagio.’ /d., vii. 1385. April 17, 1788, he writes to the 
general demanding a court-martial. May. 20th he acknowledges receipt of 
order to proceed to Arizpe. August 30th he writes to Fages announcing his 
departure and the end of the inspectorship, and referring to slurs cast upon 
his character. /d., viii. 50, 56-61. June 18, 1790, Gen. Ugarte writes to 
Fages that the king has approved the suspension of the inspectorship; that 
Soler is to be captain of Tucson; and that the governor is hereafter to inspect 
the troops, going down to Loreto once in two years for that purpose. Id., ix. 


398 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


account for such a debt except on the theory that he 
took improper advantage of his official position. The 
debt had to be paid out of his half-pay after his death. 


The controversies between church and state were 
never ending, and though not particularly bitter dur- 
ing this period, ever require attention as a leading 
feature in early Californian history. The regulation 
of 1781, 1t will be remembered, provided for founding 
the Channel missions on a new basis very unfavorable 
to the friars’ plans; but by refusing to serve in Calli- 
fornia the Franciscans carried their point and the new 
missions were put on the same footing as the others. 
The number of priests was to be gradually reduced 
to one for each mission with certain exceptions; but 
after several emphatic protests this regulation was 
also rendered of no effect.”* 

Thus the features most objectionable to the priests 
were eliminated practically from the law, but there 


351-3. ages alludes to Soler’s death in letter of Feb. 26, and Gen. Nava on 
June 25th. /d., x. 115, 164-5. His debt caused some trouble before he left 
California, and the matter was not settled until long after his death. Three 
thousand five hundred dollars of his pay was by order of the viceroy on June 
8, 1787, secured for the benefit of his wife Doiia Josefa Rodriguez de Vargas. 
Id., vii. 9,10. A large part of his debt was owing to the presidios and mis- 
sions. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., ii. 51-3. March 4, 1797, the governor 
received $3,000 on the debt. Prov. Rec., MS., iv..209. Nov. 7, 1797, the 
habilitado general pronounces the decision in favor of Soler’s widow unjust, 
but says an appeal to the king would be very costly. Jd., iv. 163. Finally in 
1806 Capt. Zuiiiga of Tucson is ordered to pay $1,062 of Soler’s debt to the 
San Diego company. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 150, 153. 

16 Jan. 8, 1783, the guardian writes to Serra complaining that the govern- 
ment in the new reglamento seems to aim at the destruction rather than sup- 
port of the missions. No more missions will be founded till the regulation is 
modified. It is better to abandon a mission than leave it in charge of one 
priest, and any priest left alone may refuse to serve without fear of conse- 
quences. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 155-8. I have an original letter of 
Lasuen to the guardian, apparently written in 1784, in which he protests most 
earnestly against the reduction, explaining the difficulties involved, and 
declaring his intention to resign his position, quit California, and if necessary 
sever his connection with the college rather than serve alone; for nothing save 
the commission of sin could be so terrible. The author of the project must 
have misunderstood the king’s intentions. Lasuen, Carita de 1784, MS. In 
his report of Oct. 1787 he says ‘no one can convince me that I am bound to 
remain solitary in the ministry.’ Arch. Santa Barbara, MS. viii. 61. Aug. 
16, 1786, the guardian writes to the president that he has reliable information 
that the objectionable clause in the reglamento is abolished. /d., xii. 37-40. 
Palou, in Jd., viii. 40, says the clause was annulled by the king’s order of May 
20, 1782, providing that each mission must have two priests. 





‘ 
> 
t 


Tm 


CHURCH VERSUS STATE. 399 


were left still some grounds on which to base a quar- 
rel. Fages on assuming command and during his 
whole term of office seems to have made an earnest 
effort to conciliate the priests and prevent a reopening 
of the old troubles. Considering his rather irritable 
nature and the bitterness of the old feud with Serra, 
he was not altogether unsuccessful; still he was the 
successor of the hated Neve, the originator of the 
reglamento, largely committed to Neve’s policy, and 
responsible to the king for the execution of the laws. 
Perfect accord was impossible, and causes of complaint 
on one side or the other were not infrequent.” 
Postal charges and especially the franking privilege 
of the friars furnished occasional matter for dispute. 


17 «Ks ya declarada la oposicion del P. Serra 4 toda providencia guberna- 
tiva, significdda no solo en palabras sino con obras y por escrito,’ says Fages to 
the inspector general on March 1, 1783. He charges the president with too 
great severity not only toward Indians but the padres. Prov. Rec., MS., iii., 
87. On Sept. 15, Jd. 124-5, he says that Serra ‘tramples upon the measures 
of the government and bears himself with much despotiquez and total indif- 
ference.’ The padres commit many abuses in opposition to the government, 
Id., ii. 128. Sept. 26, 1785, Fages writes to the bishop on the padres’ neglect 
of chaplain service, and avers that they cannot be spoken to on the most 
trivial matters without showing disdain. Jd.,ii.109. On the same day to 
the viceroy he protests against the fatal consequences of the missionary policy, 
which is diametrically opposed to the reglamento. Jd., 11. 95. Dec. 7, 1785, 
Fages complains to Cambon of Palou’s sullen and cold behavior, and of the 
padres at San Carlos who have twice received him (the governor) with dis- 
respectful cries and stamping of feet. Yet he has been so devoted to the 
padres as to have drawn upon himself the name of frailero. Several friars 
have told him to his face that they doubted his word, forgetting the respect 
due him as governor. Letters are written him without proper politeness, 
He will no longer endure this, even if he be termed a persecutor of friars; 
yet he will never cease to venerate them. /d., iii. 60-3. July 9th and 10th, Fages 
gives orders forbidding public murmurs against the padres and orders the ar- 
rest of soldiers who make public comments on their conduct. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., vi. 160; xxii. 24. Aug. 16, 1786, the guardian informs the president 
that projects for the weal of California have been presented to the viceroy, 
and the opinion of the fiscal and his agent is that the proposals should be 
carried out and the governor restrained. Fages is warned that he must have 
a care and that on the least complaint of the padres he will lose his position 
and honors. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 37-40, Aug. 23, 1787. Fages to 
Lasuen, regrets that he can make no provision without being suspected, ‘que 
no se haga misteriosa.’ Prov. Rec., MS., ili. 64-5. Nov. 19, 1790, Lasuen 
to the padres, a secret letter referring vaguely to a bando which the padres 
must obey because they can’t help themselves, though he has representado on 
the subject. Arch. Arzobispado, MS.,i. 15, 16. May 28, 1791, Fages recounts 
the troubles to his successor. He says quarrels with the Fernandinos have 
been frequent, since they are very much opposed—opwestisimos—to the max- 
ims of the reglamento, wishing to be wholly independent. At San Buena- 
ventura it even came to blows with Padre Santa Maria. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
x. 149-50. 


400 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


One of the privileges obtained by Serra for the mis- 
sionaries in 1773 was that of sending letters to the 
college free of cost, and certain other letters to and 
from the president were also exempt from postage as 
official communications. The friars were inclined to 
include much private correspondence in the privileged 
mail matter, and not much attention was given to the 
subject ordinarily. In these later years, however, 
officials by the governor’s orders became more strict, 
imposing on the missionaries what was deemed by 
them a heavy and unjust burden. Hence much dis- 
cussion without practical result, since the law was 
clear enough, and was not changed, the strictness of 
its enforcement depending on the disposition of the 
local officials. As a rule the friars gained nothing by 
agitating the subject, though in some instances they 
obtained a decision in their favor from Mexico or 
Arizpe.* In real or affected pity for the natives, the 
governor complained of excessive severity on the part 
of the missionaries toward their neophytes. Doubt- 
less there were instances of cruelty, but not many 
could be cited in these early years.” 


18 January 12, 1783, Fages writes to Sal that Serra’s claim for free sending 
of his letters to college and to the padres cannot be granted, referring to royal 
cédula of October 25, 1777, and viceroy’s instructions of April 26, 1780. 
Serra pleaded poverty and told Sal to keep his letters if he would not forward 
them free. Subsequently, however, Fages consented to have the letters for- 
warded, and an account kept of them until superior instructions could be 
received. The expense seems to have been finally charged to the government. 
Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 80-1, 88, 163; St. Pap. Sac., MS., i. 128-9, 184; Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., iv. 32, 122-3. August 16, 1786, the guardian says the junta 
real has allowed letters between padres and the college to pass free. They 
must be in a separate package and directed ‘Contador General de Correos.’ 
Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 37. July 22, 1791, President Lasuen issues 
a circular stating that last year the formalities were not observed, and the 
result was a cost of $18 for postage. Jd., ix. 314. October 22, 1795, he issues 
another circular to the effect that private letters had been sent.in the padres’ 
package, and this must be stopped, for there is a danger of losing the franking 
privilege. Jd., ix. 325-6. See also /d., xi. 194; xii. 19-24; Palow, Not., 1. 
032. 

19 Putting neophytes in irons and forced labor very frequent in all the 
missions, and particularly at San Carlos. Fages, 1783, in Prov. Rec., MS., 
iii. 87. June 11, 1785, Fages writes to Noriega that the natives accuse him 
of beating them with chains for trifling faults, charges which he has investi- 
gated and found to be true. Implores him in the name of humanity and of 
the king to change his course. /d., iii. 51. Lieutenant Zuiiiga complained in 
1788 that the natives of San Diego were overworked and too severely pun- 








CONTROVERSY WITH THE FRIARS. » 401 


Fages sent a document to the viceroy the 26th of 
September 1785, in which he made a formal complaint 
against the priests for their opposition to the law, an 
opposition which was injurious to the royal service 
and to the spiritual good of the troops. He enumer- 
ated five grounds of complaint which I shall notice 
presently.” By the government the matter was re- 
ferred to the college of San Fernando, and a report 
was made by Guardian Palou, who denied all the 
allegations and presented counter-charges in behalf 
of the missionaries.” The audiencia was puzzled by 
contradictory evidence. A. few recommendations were 
made on different points, and on January 12, 1787, 
the expediente was sent to Commandant General 
Ugarte y Loyola with instructions to make further 
investigations and pacify the contending parties as 
best he could.” General Ugarte wrote on April 22d 
to President Lasuen, ordering compliance with the 
suggestions of the audiencia and calling for a full re- 
port on the disputed points, which was rendered on 
the 25th of October.” 

From the documents just mentioned we learn the 
foundation of the controversy. I*ages’ first charge 
was that the presidio of San Francisco had been de- 
prived of mass for three years notwithstanding the 
obligation of the friars to serve as chaplains. Palou’s 
reply was a denial that the friars were required to 
serve gratuitously as chaplains; a claim that such 
service if rendered was to be voluntary; and that the 
article treating this point, also reducing the number 


ished. Jd., iii. 67. Fages has seen P. Pefia draw blood by pulling a boy’s 
ear, and the natives accuse him of having killed one of their number. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., «. 167. An unsigned scrap of 1785 speaks of irregular con- 
duct of a padre and objects to mode of chastisement. Jd., v. 256. 

20 Fages, Representacion contra los Frailes, 26 de Set. 1785, MS.; alluded to 
with general statement of its purport in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 95. 

41 Palou, Informe sobre Quejas del Gobernador, 1786, MS. 

22 Tapediente sobre rectprocas quejas del Gobernador de Californias y Relig- 
iosos misioneros, 1787, MS. Addressed to Gen. Ugarte on Jan. 12, 1787, by 
José Antonio de Urizar and other oidores. 

25 Lasuen, Informe y satisfaccion al Sr. Comandante Gencral sobre quejas del 
Gobernador, 25 de Oct. 1787, MS. 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 26 


402 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


of priests, had been annulled by royal order. Lasuen 
states that the padres have never refused or hesitated 
to attend to the spiritual welfare of the soldiers; that 
he personally served the presidio of San Diego when 
a minister of that mission, though six miles distant; 
that at Santa Barbara the missionaries of San Buena- 
ventura served though eight leagues distant; and that 
the lack of service at San Francisco was because 
there was until recently no decent place for it, and the 
mission was so near that the soldiers could easily go 
there for spiritual care.. The friars, however, were 
offended because the soldiers insolently claimed their 
service as regular chaplains, when it was really a mat- 
ter of voluntary charity. The viceroy’s order on this 
subject was that a proper allowance be made to the 
friars for their services at presidios.™ 

The governor’s second charge was that the padres 
refused to recognize the government in matters per- 
taining to property and the patronaio. Lasuen states 
that the friars manage the mission temporalities by 
order of the king, though the management was at 
first reluctantly assumed; that the vice regio patronato 
has little or no application in a country like California, 
but that they will gladly observe any rules that may 
be prescribed. Palou charged the governor with a 
disposition to interfere illegally and despotically in 
the management of temporalities, and declared that 


24Tn a correspondence between Gen. Ugarte and Lasuen in March 1786, 
the latter makes the same reply on the San Francisco matter as in his 
informe. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 285-7. March 5, 1783, the padres of 
San Francisco to Fages excuse themselves for failure to say mass on the plea 
that the place is unhealthy, there are no proper implements, the soldiers have 
no regard for the missionaries, and stigmatize their friends as frai/eros. The 
corporal had even ordered that no soldier must approach the padres’ house. 
Fages directs the commandant to be indifferent until orders come from the 
general. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 91-2. Several communications respecting fail- 
ure to say mass at San Francisco in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 192; iii. 24, 166, 209, 
all written. by Fages. Orders from commandant that the reglamento must be 
enforced. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 115; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., viii. 132; 
xi. 875-6. In these orders it is charged that fees are being collected by the 
friars; and Fages makes the same statement. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 87. The 
governor also complains on several occasions that the other presidios are 
negleeted, and the pueblo of San José, where P. Pefia has refused confession. 
Id., ii. 109; iii. 171; St. Pap. Sac., MS., ix. 83-4. 


ee ee a ee 


1 


Fe a 
* 


ii oon 


ee et Se ee 


a 
5 


CHARGES AND COUNTERCHARGES,. 403 


he had no proper understanding of the patronato, 
claiming the right to require or permit work on days 
of festival. 

Thirdly the padres were accused of refusing to sell 
mission produce at the prices fixed by the govern- 
ment. Palou claims that there is no proof that the 
tariff rates have ever been approved by the king; 
that those prices ought to be regulated by scarcity 
or abundance; and that the president should have a 
voice in the matter. Lasuen, however, knows of no 
instance where the missionaries have refused to sell 
at the prescribed prices when they had grain to sell 
at all; though during several years of scarcity the 
prices have been kept down to a figure barely endur- 
able in years of plentiful harvests.” The next cause 
of complaint was the refusal of the friars to furnish 
inventories of property, yearly increase, and the dis- 
position made of mission products. Lasuen in reply 
says that the reports furnished to the governor are 
exactly the same as those rendered by the padres to 
the president, and by the latter to the college; that 
until now these reports have been satisfactory to all; 
and finally that there are no laws requiring the mis- 
sionaries, who are not mere treasury officials, to render 
itemized accounts of what has been done with each 
bushel of maize.” 

> Lasuen admits that P. Pefia suggested an increase in price, for which he 
was duly reproved; and he says that the governor himself increased the price of 
corn, which is shown to be true by a letter of Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
vi. 160-1, in which Sal is ordered to pay two reales extra for maize from S. 
Carlos, Sta. Clara, and San José. Also Jan. 2, 1787, Fages modities the tariff 
prices. Id., vii. 168-9; and July 20, 1787, he asks Lasuen for harvest returns 
that he may regulate prices. Arch. Sta. Buirbara, MS., vi. 19. Fages com- 
plains of Pefia’s refusal to furnish grain on November 8, 1785, and March 27, 
1786. Arch, Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 25-39. Lasuen’s replies being that he is 
sorry and has reproved P. Pefia or will write to him. Fages also says on Sept. 
26, 1785, that a mule train was sent back from San Carlos without maize. 
Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 128-9. 

6 May 2, 1786, Fages complains to the general that the padres are reluc- 
tant to show their inventories, do not make them out according to rule, and 
omit the register of inhabitants. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 136. Feb. 7th he com- 
plains to the president that P. Peiia refused his aid and the mission books for 
a census. The president explains that the commandant had not asked ina 


proper manner. He has requested all padres to give the required aid. Arch. 
Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 


404 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


Finally it was alleged that in defiance of the law 
the Franciscans insisted on retiring to their college 
without obtaining permission from the governor. 
Palou replies that by an order of the viceroy dated 
March 29, 1780, afriar had only to show the governor 
a licensé from his prelate. Lasuen goes more fully 
into the subject. In Neve’s time, he says, a priest 
retired with his prelate’s license and the viceroy de- 
cided that there was no law to prevent it. Palou 
departed in the presence of F'ages, who is responsible 
for any irregularity in the proceeding. The next year . 
Fages on being consulted made no objection to the 
departure of Rioboo; but finally there came a decree 
of Viceroy Galvez, forbidding the entry or departure 
of any friar without his license. This order has been 
obeyed in the case of Noriega, and it will be obeyed; 
but the president goes on to argue earnestly against 
the justice and policy of such a requirement, sub- 
jected to which the friars will serve only with reluc- 
tance.”. 

Fages had also found fault, though apparently not 
in his formal complaint, because neophytes were allowed 
to ride too much, the policy of the government being 
opposed to this, in fear that like the Apaches the Cal- 
ifornians might become skilful warriors. The friars 
admitted the danger, declared that their interest was 
identical with that of the government, but claimed 


27 The viceroy’s communications of Mar. 29, 1780, which are given in Arch. 
Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 272-6, xi. 25-6, are not correctly cited by Palou. The 
‘viceroy, while approving the claims of the college, turns the matter over to 
the commandant general, who he says may have had good reasons for his 
orders. The decree requiring the viceroy’s permission for any padre to come 
or go was dated Dec. 7, 1786. Prov. St. Pap., MS8., vi. 202-3. In April 1787 
the fiscal of the royal treasury explained that as the movements of the padres 
were paid from the missionary fund, their going to California if not needed or 
retiring for a mere whim would cause useless expense; therefore, the govern- 
ment had a right to know the reasons. April 23d the audiencia decreed in 
conformity to the fiscal’s opinion; May 21st the archbishop communicated the 
decision to Palou; and June 22d and 23d Fages gave corresponding orders, | 
though the president of Baja California protested that this was contrary to 
royal orders. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 8,9; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 53. 
July 9, 1788, the viceroy informs the governor that the viceregal authorities 
and not the general will determine the scnding and recalling of friars even if 
the command becomes independent of Mexico. Prov. St, Pap., MS., viii. 1-3. . 








VIEWS OF FATHER LASUEN. 405 


that there were none but natives to serve as vaqueros, 
and that the work could only be done on horseback. 

Having replied to the governor's specific charges, 
Lasuen proceeds to lay before the government certain 
complaints on the part of the missionaries, namely: 
that the soldiers, being occupied largely with matters 
outside of their proper duty—that of affording pro- 
tection to the friars in their work of christianizing 
the natives—neglected that duty; that in consequence 
of a long peace they were becoming careless and neg- 
lecting precautions against disaster; that an insufti- 
cient guard was given to the missions, the most useless 
and the worst equipped soldiers being detailed for that 
duty, and only one soldier being allowed to escort the 
friars on long journeys;* that the soldiers of the 
guards kept much live-stock to the prejudice of mission 
interests; that Indians were condemned to work as 


*8This subject of mission guards and their duties was really one of the 
most serious in the whole controversy. The padres wished entire control of 
the soldiers to use as they deemed best, and particularly in pursuing runaway 
converts. Neve had opposed the employment of soldiers to hunt fugitives in 
ordinary cases, because he deemed other means better fitted for the purpose, 
and because men enough could not be spared for effective and safe service. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 123-4. The French voyager La Pérouse praises 
Neve highly for his position on this point. La Pérouse, Voy., ii. 297-8. In his 
instructions to Fages, Sept. 7, 1782, Neve advised that not more than two 
soldiers should accompany a padre to confess, etc., at a rancheria, and that 
they should not be absent overnight. The Indians must not learn to fight 
with and kill soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 138-9. Yet Fages did not rely 
entirely on persuasion to bring back fugitives, but favored a resort to arms 
only after all other means had failed, such as persuasions’ by padres, sending 
of neophytes, appeal to chiefs, offer of presents to gentiles, etc. See Fages’ 
instructions to‘soldiers sent after runaways in Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 151-2. In 
1784 Fages repeats the order forbidding an escort of more than two soldiers, 
who must not be absent over night. The safety of the mission demands the 
presence of all, and the king has confirmed orders to that effect. Prov. Rec., 
MS., iii. 47-8. The latest orders do not permit him to let the troops pursue 
cimarrones except in extreme cases. Fages to Dumetz, Jan. 5, 1785, in Prov. 
Rec., MS., ii. 103-4. Oct. 17, 1785, Fages to Sal. No escort to be given to 
padres except when they go to say mass at presidios, or to confess or baptize. 
St. Pap., Sac., MS.,ii.51. Escoltas refused, except as above, at San Antonio 
and Santa Barbara. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 142, 167. P. Dumetz at Sa 
Buenaventura being refused an escort to go to San Gabriel says, Feb. 4, 1786, 
in substance: ‘Very well, since we are to be thus restricted to our missions we 
can no longer visit the presidio, which is beyond our jurisdiction.’ Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., vi. 45-6. March 3, 1786, however, Fages orders an escort to be 
furnished when the padres of San Buenaventura wish to visit San Gabriel ani 
Santa Barbara. /d., vi. 72. Aug. 16, 1788, in a long letter to Lasuen Fagea 
explains the policy of the government respecting escorts, and the forcible cap 
ture of cimarrones. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 167-73. 


406 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


peons at the presidios for stealing cattle and for other 
offences, the punishment of which should rest exclu- 
sively with the friars, the sole object being to get free 
laborers;” that the settlers of San José employed 
pagans to do their work, demoralized them by bad- 
example, and even persuaded them to avoid Chris- 
tianity and its attendant slavery; that the disposition 
to make mission alcaldes independent of the friars in 
punishing offences greatly impaired their usefulness, 
the law having been intended only for curates and not 
for missionaries; that illegal and unequal measures 
were used for mission produce; that the raising of 
cattle by the presidios and the preference given to the 
pueblos in buying supplies would soon deprive the 
missions of all means to procure needed articles for 
the neophytes, especially as the articles most needed 
were often refused by the habilitados, or prices made 
too high in proportion to those of mission products, 
and yet the padres would submit humbly to the deci- 
sions of the commandant general. 

Palou in addition to the preceding charges, declares 
that the regulation was never proclaimed in California 
until September 1784, and was not really in force, 
that of Echeveste being much better adapted to the 
needs of the country. He says that the regulation 
was not carried out, the articles on the inspection of 
presidios and on pueblo management being notably 
disregarded, and that not only were the pueblos in a 
sad state of ‘decadence, but that San José, on the rapid 
road to ruin, was by its aggressions under the QOV- 
ernor’s policy dragging the mission of Santa Clara to 
ruin with it. Finally, the governor, instead of obey- 
ing the law, had not given the missions the Man) 


29 The secular authorities, in the light of past experience in other provinces, 
seem to have regarded the stealing of cattle as a much more serious offence, 
and one much more dangerous to Spanish domination in California, than did 
the padres. It was by no means one of the trivial faults in which the friars 
had exclusive jurisdiction. Fages has something to say on this subject in the 
letter last alluded to. Still there is no doubt the military authorities did 
abuse their power in this direction with a view to get workmen free of cost. 





GENERAL REPORTS. 407 


encouragement or aid either in spiritual or temporal 
affairs. | 

The reader who has followed this and preceding 
quarrels between the political and missionary author- 





























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Patovu’s Map, 1787. 


ities in California, will have noted that they were 
often petty in all their phases, and such as might 
easily have been avoided by slight mutual concessions 
and efforts to promote harmony. It is not necessary 
to decide on the merits of the respective parties in 
each dispute, even if it were possible; yet it is appar- 
ent that the friars were determined not to yield a 
single point of their claimed prerogatives until forced 
to do so, and then to yield only to the highest author- 
ities, to the king if possible, or to the viceroy, but 


408 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 


never to so insignificant an official as the governor, 
whose presence they regarded as an outrage if he had 
a will of his own, and whose authority they practically 
disregarded in a way very hard to bear. Yet in his 
Aa i" 

general report on missions rendered in 1787, Govy- 
ernor Fages speaks in the highest terms of the zeal 
and efficiency of the missionaries, and his personal re- 
lations with them were for the most part pleasant. 
It was only as governor and president, as representa- 
tives of Carlos III. and St Francis, that they quar- 
relled, save in the case of a few individuals or in the 
ruler’s irritable moods. One of the friars, however, 
in an interesting report on the missions in 1789 could 
not deny himself the satisfaction of stating that while 
the king’s provisions had been all that they could 
desire, there had been great and even culpable remiss- 
ness on the part of the royal representatives, or 
agents, in California.” 

3° Fages, Informe General de Misiones, 1787, MS. This is an excellent 
résumé of the past progress and present condition of the Californian establish- 
ments, containing a separate notice of each mission and some general sug- 
gestions of needs, but with no reference to current controversies. A statistical 
presentation of the subject seems to have accompanied the original, which 
was made in answer to an order of the general of December 1, 1786. The date 
in 1787 is not given, and it may have been after the receipt of the king’s order 
of March 21, requiring governors to render such reports every two or three 
years. Of this cédula I have an original in print with autograph signatures 
in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS.,aveed1-3. 

31 Informe de lo mas peculiar de la Nueva California, 1789, MS. This 
report was probably directed to the bishop or archbishop, but there is noth- 
ing, in my copy at least, to indicate the author. The document contains 


general information about the Indians and the mission system, without much 
of chronological annals. 





fs ee 


niet 





CHAPTER XX. 


RULE OF FAGES, DEATH OF SERRA, AND MISSION PROGRESS. 
1783-1790. 


PRESIDENT SERRA’S LASt TouRS—ILLNESS AND DEATH—BURIAL AND FUNERAL 
Honors—His Lire anpD CHARACTER—SUCCESSION OF PALOU AND LASUEY 
—MuGARTEGUI AS VICE-PRESIDENT—CONFIRMATION—NOTICE OF PALOU’S 
HistorRicaL WorRKS—VIDA DE JUNIPERO—NOTICIAS DE CALIFORNIA— 
Mar—PrRoposED ERECTION OF THE MISSIONS INTO A CusToDIA—NEW 
Missions—FounDING OF SANTA BARBARA—INNOVATIONS DEFEATED— 
Five YEARS’ PRrogRESS—Mission oF La Purisima ConcEPCcION FoUNDED 
—EARLY ANNALS. 


In 1784 the Californian missionaries were called 
upon to lose their well beloved master. President 
Junipero Serra died at San Cdrlos on the 28th 
of August. In January he had returned from his 
last tour of confirmation in the south, during which 
he visited every mission from San Diego to San 
Antonio. In June he came home from a last visit to 
the northern missions of San Francisco and Santa 
Clara. He left Monterey by sea for the south so ill 
that all, including himself, deemed his return doubtful. 
He was near death at San Gabriel, and when he left 
Santa Clara it was with the avowed intention to pre- 
pare for the final change. He had long been a suf- 
ferer from an affection of the chest and ulcers on the 
legs, both aggravated if not caused by self-inflicted 
hardship and a pious neglect of his body. The death 
of his old companion Crespf had been a heavy blow; 
his sorrow had been deep at partial failure in his 
efforts to place California exclusively under mission- 
ary control, and to revive under better auspices the 


Jesuit epoch of the peninsula. The return of Fages 
( 409 ) 


410 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


to power was not encouraging to his plans and hopes. 
His license to confirm, under which he had adminis- 
tered the sacrament to over five thousand persons, 
expired in July, and discouraging news came at the 
same time from Mexico about the prospect of obtain- 
ing new friars. The death of Father Mureuia broke 
another link that bound him to this world, and the 
venerable apostle felt that his work was done, his 
reward was near at hand. To all the Franciscans was 
despatched a letter of eternal farewell, in every word 
of which seemed distilled, drop by drop, the very soul 
of the dying man, while from each of the nearer mis- 
sions a padre was summoned to take leave in person. 
Palou from San Francisco, the only one who arrived 
before Father Junfpero’s death, was obliged to say on 
August 19th the regular monthly mass in honor of 
St Joseph, California’s great patron, but in other 
religious services the saintly sufferer insisted on taking 
his usual part. Irritants were applied to his chest by 
the presidial surgeon on the 23d without any bene- 
ficial effect. On the 26th he made a general confes- 
sion, and next day walked to church to receive the last 
sacrament in the presence of friars, officers, troops, 
and natives, having ordered the carpenter to make his 
coffin. The night was passed by the dying man on his 
knees, or a part of the time reclining in the arms of 
his neophytes. Having been anointed, and recited 
with the others the litany, toward morning he re- 
ceived absolution and the plenary indulgence of his 
order. In the morning of the 28th he was visited by 
Captain Cafiizares and other officers of the vessel in 
port, and he asked that the bells might be tolled in 
honor of their visit. Then he conversed with his old 
friend Palou, requested to be buried in the church 
near-Crespf, and promised to pray for California when 
he should come into the presence of the trinity. At 
one moment a fear seemed to oppress his mind, but 
soon all was calm, and he went out of doors to gaze 
for the last time upon the face of nature. Returning 


. 
; 
4 





BURIAL OF FATHER JUNIPERO. 411 


at one p.m. he lay down after prayers to rest, and was 
thought to be sleeping, but within an hour Palou 
found that he was dead. The bells announced the 
mournful intelligence. Clad in the friar’s simple robe 
in which he died and which was the only garment he 
ever wore, save when travelling, the body was placed 
in the coffin, with six candles beside it, and the weep- 
ing neophytes came to cover the remains of their 
beloved master with flowers, and touch with their 


medals and rosaries the lifeless form. Every article 


of clothing save the one that served as a shroud was 
distributed in small fragments as precious relics among 
the people, and notwithstanding all vigilance a part 
of the robe was taken also. On Sunday, the 29th, 
the body was buried in the mission church by Palou in 
the presence of all the inhabitants of Monterey, and 
with all possible ceremonial display, including military 
honors and the booming of guns from the fort and 
Caftizares’ vessel at anchor in the bay.’ 

The life of Father Junipero Serra is so closely 


1A full account of Serra’s sickness, death, and burial, much longer and 
more detailed than I have space to reproduce, is given in Palou, Vida, 261- 
305. Another good authority, including a sketch of Serra’s life is Palou, 
Defuncion del R. P. Fr. Juntpero Serra, MS.; translation in Arch. Misiones, i. 
73-6. There are some slight differences in the two accounts not worth noticing 
here, except perhaps the statement in the latter that Serra died just before 
4p.mM. Gov. Fages was not present at the funeral, being absent from Mon- 
terey. Capt. Soler was the highest official who took part in the ceremonies. 
Palou was aided by PP. Sitjar and Noriega, and by Diaz the chaplain of the 
San Carlos. On Sept. 4th there was a renewal of funeral honors with the 
same crowded attendance as before, and with the additional assistance of P. 
Paterna of San Luis. Now the relics were blessed. The crew of the paquebot 
secured Serra’s tunic which was made into scapularies; the small clothes were 
distributed by lot among the troops and others; and the surgeon obtained a 
handkerchief, which cured a sailor of a headache, as did a girdle cure P. 
Paterna of the colic. P. Serra’s body was buried in the presbytery of the 
church on the epistle side before the altar of our lady of Dolores. When the 
new church was built the remains of both Serra and Crespi were probably 
transferred, but so far as I know there is no record of such transfer or of the 
place where they finally remained. Taylor, in Hutchings’ Mag., May 1860, 
and in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 28, 1862, says that the body lies near the altar 
covered by the débris of the roof, which fell in 1852. The parish priest made 
an unsuccessful search for it in 1855. Vischer, A/isstons of Cal., pp. i.-ii., 
says the remains are supposed to have been taken to Spain, shortly aftcr 1784; 
and that the priest in his ‘antiquarian mania’ found the remains of another 
friar which believers seized upon as precious relics. There is no doubt the 
bodies still rest at San Carlos, and in 1882 they were identified to the satis- 
faction of the parish curate. 


412 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


blended with the first fifteen years of California mis- 
sion history that any attempt to present it here would 
result in an unnecessary résumé of the preceding 
chapters. I subjoin however in a note? for convenient 


2 Miguel José Serra, son of Antonio Serra and Margarita Ferrer, was born 
at Petra oa the island of Mallorca Nov. 24, 1713, took the Franciscan habit 
at Palma Sept. 14, 1730, and made his profession Sept. 15, 17381, on which 
occasion he assumed the name Junipero. In early boyhood he served as 
chorister and acolyte in the parish church greatly to the dc.ight of his parents, 
a God-fearing couple of lowly station. The lives of the saints were his favorite 
reading, and his fondest ambition was to devote his life to religious work. 
He was an earnest and wonderfully proficient student, and taught philosophy 
for a year before his ordination in the chief convent of Palma, then obtaining 
a degree of 8. T. D. from the famous Lullian University with an appointment 
to the John Scotus chair of philosophy which he held with great success until 
he left Spain. He was also noted for his doctrinal learning and still more so 
as a sensational preacher. He was wont to imitate San Francisco Solano and 
often bared his shoulders and scourged himself with an iron chain, extin- 
guished lighted candles on his flesh, or pounded his breast with a large stone 
as he exhorted his hearers to penitence. Thus he is represented in the 
engraving which Palou has attached to his life, but which has probably little 
or no merit as a portrait. 

March 30, 1749, after repeated applications he obtained his patente to join 
the college of San Fernando and devote himself to missionary work in 
America. With Palou he left his convent April 13th and sailed via Malaga 
to Cadiz where he arrived May 7th. On the way to Malaga he maintained 
a continuous disputation on dogmatic theology with the heretic master of the 
vessel and would not yield even to the somewhat forcible though heterodox 
arguments of a dagger at his throat and repeated threats to throw him over- 
board. Sailing from Cadiz Aug. 28th, he touched at Puerto Rico where he 
spent 15 days in preaching, anchored at Vera Cruz Dec. 6th, and walked to 
Mexico, reaching the college Jan. 1, 1750. Assigned the same year to the 
Sierra Gorda missions of Querétaro and San Luis Potosi, he made the journey 
on foot and reached Santiago de Jalpan on June 16th. for nine years he served 
here, part of the time as president, devoting himself most earnestly and suc- 
cessfully to the conversion and instruction of the Pames. In 1759 or 1760 he 
was recalled and appointed to the so-called Apache missions of the Rio San 
Saba in Texas; but the plans being changed he was retained by the college 
and employed for seven years in preaching in Mexico and the surrounding 
hishoprics, in college service, and in performing the duties of his office of 
comisario of the inquisition held since 1752. ° 

July 14, 1767, Serra was named president of the Baja Californian missions, 
arrived at Tepic Aug. 21st, sailed from San Blas March 12, 1768, and reached 
Loreto April lst. March 28, 1769, he started—always on foot—for the 
north, founded San Fernando de Velicaté on May 14th, reached San Diego 
July 1st, and founded the first California mission July 16th. April 16, 1770, 
he sailed for the north, reached Monterey May 31st, and founded San Carlos 
June 3d. July 14, 1771, he founded San Antonio. Aug. 20, 1772, he 
started south by land, founded San Luis Sept. Ist, and reached San Diego 
Sept. 16th. On Oct. 20th he sailed from San Diego, reached San Blas Nov. 4, 
and Mexico Feb. 6, 1773. Leaving Mexico in September, he sailed from San 
Blas Jan. 24, 1774, arrived at San Diego March 13th, and went up to Mon- 
terey by land, arriving May llth. From June 30, 1776, to Jan. 1, 1777, he 
was absent from San Carlos, going down to San Diego by water, returning bv 
land, and founding San Juan Capistrano on Noy. lst. In September and 
October 1777 he visited San Francisco and Santa Clara. From Sept. 15, 
1778, to Jan. 5, 1779, he made another trip south, confirming at all the mis- 





* 


LITE OF JUNIPERO SERRA. 413 


reference an outline of dates with some items illus- 
trative of his character and habits taken from his 


sions on his way back; and in October and November he visited Santa Clara 
and San Francisco on the same business. In September and October 1781 he 
again visited San Antonio, San Francisco, and Santa Clara. In March 1782 
he went to Los Angeles and San Gabriel, founded San Buenaventura March 
3]}st, was present at the founding of Santa Barbara presidio in April, and 
returned to San Carlos via San Luis and San Antonio about the middle of 
June. In August 1783 he sailed for San Diego, arriving in September, return- 
ing by land, visiting all the establishments, and arriving at home in January. 
Between the end of April and the early part of June 1784 he visited San 
I'rancisco and Santa Clara. 

In the last chapter of his biography Palou recapitulates ‘the virtues which 
were especially brilliant in the servant of God, Fr. Junipero,’ declaring that 
‘his laborious and exemplary life is nothing but a beautiful field decked with 
every class of flowers of excellent virtues.’ First in the list was his profound 
humility, as shown by his use of sandals and his abnegation of self. He always 
deemed himself a useless servant; deemed other missionaries more successful 
than himself; and rejoiced in their success. He avoided all honors not actually 
forced upon him, shunned notice and praise, sought the lowest tasks, kissed 
the feet of all even to the lowest novice on leaving Spain and Mexico, ran 
away from the office of guardian, and was in constant fear of honors from his 
order or from the church or king. Then came the cardinal virtues of pru- 
dence, justice, fortitude, and temperance, resting ike columns on his humil- 
ity as a base, and supporting the ‘sumptuous fabric of Christian perfection.’ 
His prudence was shown in his management as president of the missions, 
though he was always modest and ready to consult with the lowest about 
him; his justice was shown by his kindness and charity to all, his exact obedi- 
ence to the commands of superiors, and his patience with enemies as exempli- 
fied particularly in his writing a letter in favor of Fages to the viceroy; and 
only four days before his death he gave a blanket to an old woman who at the 
founding of San Cérlos had induced a boy to kill the friar’s only chickens. 
His fortitude appeared in his resistance to physical pain and constant refusal 
of medical treatment,.in his self-restraint, in his steadfast adherence to his 
purposes, in his resolution to remain at San Diego alone if need be when it 
was proposed to abandon the conquest, in his conflict with the indifference or 
opposition of the military authorities, and in his courage in the presence of 
hostile Indians—for he only feared death or ran from danger because of the 
vengeance that would be taken on the poor Indians; and finally his temper- 
ance was such that he had no other passion than that for the propagation of 
the faith, and constantly mortified the flesh by fasting, vigils, and scourging. 
On these columns rested a superstructure of theological virtues, faith, charity, 
and religion, of which a mention must suffice. The author, however, does not 
claim for his hero the gifts of contemplation, of tongues, revelation, prophecy, 
miracles ‘and all that apparatus of the gracias gratis datas which make admir- 
able and striking the saintliness of some servants of God,’ but which are not 
essential to holiness. 

During his novitiate Padre Junipero was small and sickly, but he says, 
‘with the profession I gained health and strength and grew to medium 
stature.’ Of one of his sermons an able critic said: ‘It is worthy of being 
printed in letters of gold.’ A woman endemoniaa shouted during one of 
his sermons, ‘thou shalt not finish the lenten season,’ and then the padre 
was exceeding glad, for of course the father of lies could inspire no truth. 
Suffering from want of water on the voyage to Mexico he said to complainers, 
‘the best way to prevent thirst is to eat little and talk less so as not to waste 
the saliva.’ Ina mutiny and a storm threatening death to all he was perfectly 
calm, and the storm ceased instantly when a saint chosen by lot had been ad- 
dressed in prayer. On the way from Vera Cruz to Mexico several miracles : 


414 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


biography by Padre Palou, and his letters in the 
mission archives.° 

Serra doubtless owes much of his fame to his posi- 
tion as first president of the California missions and 
to the publication of a biography by a warm personal 
friend. But it did not require Palou’s eulogistic pen 


were wrought in his favor. Coming to a swollen stream by a town in a dark 
night there was a man on the other bank to show the ford and guide him toa 
lodging. A man, perhaps the same, met Junipero and his companion next 
day and gave them a pomegranate which had a refreshing effect, and still 
later a man gave them a bit of corn-bread of excellent savor. It was on this 
journey that his legs first became swollen, from the effects of mosquito-bites 
as was supposed, resulting in ulcers that lasted all his life. ‘Oh, for a forest 
of Junipers!’ exclaimed a friar at the college when Serra arrived. In one of 
his revival meetings in Huasteca he was beating himself with a chain, when 
a man took the chain from him and with it beat himself to death as a miser- 
able sinner in presence of the crowd. Sixty persons who neglected to attend 
his meetings were killed by an epidemic which did not cease until religious 
duties were generally attended to. On his way back from Huasteca he was 
well lodged and entertained in a cottage by the way; but later he learned 
that there was no such cottage on the road; and of course concluded that his 
entertainers were Joseph, Mary, and Jesus—in fact he had noticed an extra- 
ordinary air of neatness about the place. Poisoned once in taking the com- 
munion he refused the antidote and was cured by a simple dose of oil, perhaps 
miraculously as he thought. It was at Velicata in May 1769 that he first 
saw and baptized pagans. 

3 Serra, Correspondencia, 1777-82, MS.., is a collection of his letters to dif- 
ferent missionaries and officials. It is impossible by means of extracts to 
give any proper idea of these long, rambling, and peculiar epistles. Palou 
has selected the very best of his letters for publication, if indeed he has not 
changed and improved them. Large portions of some of them are utterly 
unintelligible and were apparently intended to be so for the ordinary reader. 
Sea todo por Dios and similar pious expressions are used in great profusion 
whether the subject be important or trivial. To Pieras he gives the most 
minute directions how to answer the governor’s letter and how to make out 
mission reports and inventories, leaving nothing in manner or matter to the 
padre’s judgment. He wishes all made ready for signatures because the 
most serious part of it is to feed the governor’s agents while doing the business. 
He expresses deep pity for some condemned criminals, and directs a padre to 
attend to their spiritual needs. ‘It will be some work, but very holy and 
meritorious.’ To Lasuen, announcing the governor’s refusal to increase an 
escort, he says, ‘and this the result of all my efforts and all a viceroy’s rec- 
ommendations, and in response to an affectionate and humble suggestion made 
with all the honey my mouth would hold. Believe me, of all the draughts 
I have to swallow none is so bitter.’ ‘I and your Reverences—for this once 
Iname myself first.’ In the matter of escoltas, however, he directs the padres 
to ‘go on as if they had a legion of soldiers; punish whoever merits chas- 
tisement; and if in the exact performance of the holy ministry trouble 
arises not to be repressed with the force at hand, then retire to the presidio, 
write me the facts in detail; then dirdn y dirémos.’ He writes a long letter 
to induce Figuer to give up his intention of retiring, reminding him that 
‘patience and suffering are the inheritance of the elect, the coin with which 
heaven is bought.’ He begins by an anecdote of a friar at matins who 
wished to retire to his cell not feeling in a good-humor, and to whom the 
prelate replied that if such an excuse were admitted all would retire, ‘and I 
among the first.’ Then he compares San Diego life with that at other mis- 





SERRA’S CHARACTER. 415 


to prove him a great and a remarkable man. Few 
who came to California during the missionary rég:me 
were his equal in devotion to and success in his work. 
All his energy and enthusiasm were directed to the 
performance of his missionary duties as outlined in 
the regulations of his order and the instructions of his 
superiors. Limping from mission to mission with a 
lame foot that must never be cured, fasting much and 
passing sleepless nights, depriving himself of comfort- 
able clothing and nutritious food, he felt that he was 
imitating the saints and martyrs who were the ideals 
of his sickly boyhood, and in the recompense of absti- 
nence was happy. He was kind-hearted and charitable 
to all, but most strict in his enforcement of religious 
duties. It never occurred to him to doubt his abso- 
lute right to flog his neophytes for any slight negligence 
in matters of the faith. Huis holy desires trembled 
within him like earthquake throbs; in his eyes there 
was but one object worth living for, the performance 
of religious duty, and but one way of accomplishing 
that object, a strict and literal compliance with Fran- 
ciscan rules; he could never understand that there 
was anything beyond his narrow field of vision’ In 
an eminent degree he possessed the faculty of apply- 
ing spiritual enthusiasm to the practical affairs of life. 
Because he was so grand a missionary he was none the 
less money-maker and civilizer, yet money-making and 
civilizing must ever be subordinate to missionary 
work, and all not for his glory, but the glory of God. 
A St Augustine in his religion, he was a Juvenal in his 
philosophy. He managed wisely the mission interests 
both spiritual and temporal; and his greatest sorrow 
was that the military and political authorities were 


sions, showing that each has its advantages and disadvantages. He suggests 
the question which is worse ‘to be hungry and have nothing to eat or plenty 
to eat and no appetite.’ When San Francisco and Santa Clara had nothing 
to eat they attributed to this want ‘el no hacer prodigios de conversiones;’ 
but now that there is food there is nobody to eat it. ‘Therefore, my brother, 
let us go on with our matins to the sancto sanctore.’ ‘Adonde ira el buey 
que no are? sino va 4 Campeche?’ Some who have gone away would perhaps 
gladly take what they left. 


416 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


not so easily managed as padres and neophytes. In 
his controversies with the governors he sometimes 
pushed diplomacy to the very verge of inconsistency, 
but all apparently without any intention of injuring 
them, though he knew he was dealing with men who 
cast obstacles in the way of his great work. His let- 
ters were long, verbose, and rambling, but left no 
minute detail of the subject untouched. The loss of 
a sheep from a mission flock evoked a communication 
of the same style and length, with the same expres- 
sions of trust in heaven, as the conversion or destruc- 
tion of a whole tribe; and it is to be noted that in 
writing to his friars, especially about his political 
quarrels, he adopted a peculiar and mysterious style 
wholly unintelligible, as 1t was doubtless intended to 
be, to all but the initiated. On the whole the pre- 
ceding remarks fail to do him justice; for he was 
a well meaning, industrious, enthusiastic, and kind- 
hearted old man; his faults were those of his cloth, 
and he was not much more fanatical than others of ~ 
his time, being like most of his Californian compan- 
ions a brilliant exception in point of morality to friars 
of some other lands and times.* | 


At the death of Serra the presidency of the mis- 
sions naturally fell temporarily to Palou as the senior 
friar in California, who had also held the position 


* Nearly all the books that have been written about California have some- 
thing to say of Junipero Serra, and it is not necessary to refer to the long 
list. Itis somewhat remarkable, however, that there are very few if any 
official communications respecting his death preserved in the archives either 
secular or missionary. Hittell, Hist. 8. F., 33-9, gives a very good account of 
the padre’s life, concluding that ‘his cowl covered neither creed, guile, 
hypocrisy, nor pride. He had no quarrels and made no enemies. Hesought 
to be a simple friar, and he was one in sincerity. Probably few have ap- 
proached nearer to the ideal perfection of a monkish life than he.’ I have 
his autograph signatures in S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, 9, 13,17. Seea poem by 
M. A. Fitzgerald on his death in Hayes’ Miss. Book, 152. Palou’s Vida con- 
tains a portrait more likely to be like the original than any other extant. 
Gleeson, Hist. Caéh. Ch., ii. frontisp., has one copied from a painting in the 
library of the California pioneers, about the authenticity of which nothing is 
known. Dr Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii. 41, claims to have obtained in 
1853 a photograph from an original painting at the college of San Fernando, 
of which a caricature was published in Hutchings’ Mag. in 1860. 





PRESIDENTS PALOU AND LASUEN. 417 


before in Serra’s absence. Palou at first declined to 
act as president, partly from real or affected modesty. 
but chiefly because he desired to leave the country as 
soon as possible. He had, however, to yield to the 
unanimous wish of his companions, who claimed that 
a vacancy would prove injurious to mission interests, 
and reluctantly assumed the duties until a successor 
could be appointed.? The choice of the college fell 
on Fermin Francisco Lasuen of San Diego; his pat- 
ent was forwarded February 6, 1785; and he took 
possession of the office probably in September. I'a- 
ther Mugdartegui was named to succeed Lasuen in 
case of accident, and August 16, 1786, was appointed 
vice-president of the southern missions.® By a later 
patent of March 13, 1787, issued in accordance with 
a decree of the sacred congregation at Rome, March 
4, 1785, which extended the power to administer the 
rite of confirmation for ten years, Lasuen received the 
same powers that Serra had held; but he did not ob- 
tain the document until July 13, 1790, and had con- 
sequently less than five years for the exercise of his 
privilege. During that time, however, he eG 
10,139 persons.’ 

In connection with the departure of Palou, the 
completion of his historical writings on California 
deserves notice as a prominent and important event 
in the country’s annals. The notice however need 
not be long, because the reader of the preceding chap- 
ters is already familiar by constant reference with the 


° The records are very meagre on Palou’s term and I find no official act by 
him as president. Payeras, writing in 1818, gives substantially the version 
of my text. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii, 453, Ronee writes March 
8, 1785, that Palou declined to serve. Doc. Hist. Cal , MS., iv..29) May 29, 
1785, Fages urges Palou to accept for the good of the country, regretting 
his ill-health. Prov. Rec. .. MS., ili. 50. See biography of Palou in next 
chapter. 

6 Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 306-9; xii. 35-6, containing the patents of 
Lasuen and Mugartegui. lLasuen’s first record as president was Jan. 27, 
1786; but he seems to have served from Palou’s departure, which was prob- 
ably in September or a little later. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 180, ii. 128-9. 

1S. Carlos, Lib. Mision, MS., 66-8; S. Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 45. March 
2, 1790, Gen. Ugarte orders Fages to interpose no obstacles. Prov. St. Pap.; 
MS., ix. 350. 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 27 


418 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


scope and contents of this author’s literary works. 
There was no man so well qualified by opportunities 
and ability to write the early history of California as 
Palou, and he made excellent use of his advantages. 
As early as 1778, and probably before that date, he 
began the accumulation of material by copying orig- 
inal documents and recording current events, without 
any definite idea, as it would seem, of publication. 
He continued this labor of preparing careful historical 
notes down to 1783, devoting to it such time as could 
be spared from his missionary duties at San Fran- 
cisco. During the years 1784-5, having apparently 
suspended work on his notes, he gave his attention to 
the preparation of a life of Serra, his prelate, former 
instructor, and life-long friend. This work he com- 
pleted in February 1785 and carried it to Mexico 
later in the same year, where it was published in 
1787. It was extensively circulated for a book of 
that epoch, though since considered rare, and it has 
been practically the source of all that has ever been 
written on California mission history down to 1784. 
Very few of modern writers have, however, consulted 
the original, most contenting themselves with a weak 
solution of its contents at second hand; hence the 
numerous errors extant in books, pamphlets, and news- 
papers. The manuscript of the historical notes after 
lying for some years in the college vaults, was copied 
into the Mexican archives and finally printed in 1857, 
though it was utterly unknown to writers on Califor- 
nia until 1874, since which date it has been as care- 
lessly and superficially used as was the life of Padre 
Junipero before. The Noticias is far the more exten- 
sive and complete work of the two,* though both cover 


8 Palou, Relacion Histérica de la Vida y Apostdlicas Tareas del Venerable 
Padre Fray Juntpero Serra y de las Misiones que fundé en la California Sep- 
tentrional, y nuevos establecimientos de Monterey. LEscrita por el R. P. L. Ir. 
francisco Palou, Guardian actual del Colegio Apostolico de S. Fernando de 
México, y Disctpulo del Venerable Fundador: dirigida d su Santa Provincia de 
la Regular Observancia de .Nro. S. P. S. Francisco de la Isla de Mallorca. A 
expensas de Don Miguel Gonzales Calderon, Sindico de dicho Apostélico Cole- 
gio. Mexico, 1787, 8vo 141. 344 pages, with map and portrait. The author’s 


PALOU’S HISTORICAL WORKS. 419 


substantially the same ground. While my researches 
among original manuscript authorities have brought 
to light a large amount of material not given by Pa- 
lou, yet his writings contain a few diaries which I 
have not found elsewhere. I have sometimes been 


dedicatory letter and protesta is dated San Francisco, Feb. 28, 1785. The 
license of the audiencia to print is dated Dec. 7, 1786; and the latest of the 
various approvals of Franciscan authorities on March 12, 1787. In his pro- 

logue the author, after explaining that the work, written for the province of 
Mallorca, is published at the urgent request of certain friends of Serra who 

bear the expense, goes on to say: ‘I well know that some who read new 

things expect the historian to indulge in theories and to clear up ail diffi- 

culiies. ‘This method although tolerated and even applauded in profane his- 

tories, in those of saints and servants of God written for edification and to ex- 

cite imitation, is deemed by the best historians a fault, the which I have 

aimed io avoid. As the soul of history is simple truth, thou canst have the 

assurance that almost all I relate I have witnessed, and the rest has been told 

me by other padres worthy of faith.’ On Aug. 16, 1786, Palou writes to 

Lasuen, Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 41-2, that everything is going well with 

the book, which he is told will circulate all over Europe, where all are curious 

to learn about California. He thinks it has been heard of at court, will send 

some copies to California, and asks Lasuen to pray for its success. It was, 
sent to California, where each mission library had a copy. The work has be- 

come less rare and costly of late years than formerly. I have three copies, 

the most expensive of which cost less than $25. I have also the edition of 
Mexico, 1852, in which it was published with Clavigero’s history of Lower 
California in a volume of the Biblioteca Nacional y Hstrangera. It was also 

reprinted in a newspaper of southern California and in the form of scraps is 

found in //ayes’ Mission Book, i. 

Palou, Noticias de la (Antiqua y) Nueva California. LEscritas por el h. P. 
Fr. F. Palou (tom. i. ii.), in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv. tom. vi.-vii. Mexico, 
1857, 8vo, 688, 396 pp. The latest date mentioned is in July 1783, about which 
time it was doubtless concluded. A passage in tom. i. 269, shows that chap. 
v. of part ii. was written as early as 1773 at Monterey. It is evident that 
the author collected material from his first arrival, and wrote up the record 
to date at intervals as allowed by his duties. The original manuscript in the 
college of San Fernando has disappeared; but by royal order of 1790 a copy 
was made under the direction of P. Francisco Garcia Figueroa, who certified 
to its accuracy December 3 and 4, 1792. This copy, a duplicate of which was 
sent to Spain, has since been preserved in Mexico with other documents 
copied under the same order, which form the first 32 volumes of the Archivo 
General, an invaluable collection, all the volumes of which (except tom. 1., 
which has been lost from the archives) are in my Library, some in print, 
others copied for the Maximilian Imperial Library, and the rest copied 
expressly for my collection. Palou’s work formed tomes xxii.-iil. of the col- 
lection. In 1857 (not 1846 as Doyle says), it was printed in the form of a 
folletin of the Diario Oficial, forming the last two of a set of 20 volumes of 
Documents for the History of Mexico printed in the same way and selected 
largely from the same source. This collection, though badly printed, is the 
most important source of information extant on the history of Sonora, Chi- 
huahua, and New Mexico, as well as California; but it is very rarely to be 
found complete, and has been utterly unknown to modern writers on history. 
Palou’s work is divided into four parts. Part I. includes the annals of Baja 
California, under the Franciscans from 1768 to 1773, and extends over 245 
pages of the first volume in 40 chapters; Part II. describes the expeditions to 
Monterey and the foundation of the first five missions, extending from page 


420 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


tempted to entertain a selfish regret that Palou wrote, 
or that his writings were ever printed, yet all the 
same he must be regarded as the best original au- 
thority for the earliest period of mission history. 


I have copied his map of Upper California.? 

The missions had a narrow escape from ruin or from 
what the friars believed would result in ruin, in the 
form of their erection into a custody. Sonora and the 
Californias had been formed into a bishopric in 1779, 
and Bishop Reyes came in 1783, with full authority 


247 to 688, in 50 chapters, and covering the period from 1769 to 1773; Part 
III. is a collection of original documents on events of 1773-4, not arranged in 
chapters, and filling 211 pages of tom. ii.; and Part IV. continues the narra- 
tive in 41 chapters, pages 213-396, from 1775 to 1783. At the beginning of 
tom. i. the author gives the following prefatory notice: ‘Jesus, Mary, and 
Joseph. Summary (of the annals) of Old California during the time that 
those missions were administered by the missionaries of the Regular Ohserv- 
ance of Our Seraphic Father San Francisco of the Apostolic College of San 
Fernando in Mexico—and of the new missions which the said missionaries 
founded in the new establishments of San Diego and Monterey, written by 
the least (the most unworthy) of said missionaries, who worked in Old Cali- 
fornia from the time it was intrusted to said College down to its delivery to 
the reverend fathers of the sacred religion of Our ‘‘ Cherubic” Father Santo 
Domingo, and who later with other missionaries of the same College of San 
Fernando went up to Monterey, having no other aim in this material work 
which I undertake than that allowed me by the apostolic ministry, which is 
to leave on record all that has happened and may happen while God gives me 
life and health to work in this new vineyard of the Lord, so that when the 
chronicler of our apostolic colleges may demand from that of San Fernando 
notes of its apostolic labors I may have them compiled in a volume, or more 
should there be enough to note, leaving it to the skill of the chronicler to put 
them in the style for publication, and to his prudence and ‘‘ religiosity” to 
leave to the secrecy of the archives those which are written only because they 
may be needed to shut the mouth of those rivals in the apostolic ministry who 
are never lacking in new conversions, so that if they should talk some day of 
missionary achievements there may be had in readiness all the events as they 
really occurred in California, both old and new, all of which with all sincerity 
and truth I will narrate in this summary, divided into four parts,’ ete. This 
gives an idea of the author’s purpose, but hardly of his style, which was tol- 
erably good. The book has many typographical defects, but few or none 
which may not be corrected in substance from the archives. . I have referred 
constantly to this original edition, using for convenience tom. i. and li., instead 
the tom. vi.—vli. of the Collection. In 1874-5, Mr John T. Doyle issued in 
San Francisco a reprint of Palou’s Noticias in four Svo volumes, one volume 
to each part, well printed on good paper, and with a few corrections of typo- 
graphical errors. The prefatory notice just quoted is omitted in ihe reprint; 
there is a transfer of a diary from one part to another; some photographs of 
mission buildings and other Californian scenes are added; and the whole is 
prefaced by a long and ably written note by Mr Doyle on Palou’s life, the mis- 
sion system, the pious fund, etc. 

*Californias. Antiquay Nueva. ..Longitude reckoned from San Blas. Diego 
Francisco, sc., Mexico, 1787. Many strange inaccuracies will be noticed, 
especially in the location of Santa Clara, San Antonio, and the Colorado 
missions. For map see p. 408, this vol. 


CUSTODIES PROPOSED. 421 


from the king and the Franciscan commissary general 
to make the change, which though it was to leave the 
friars in control and give the bishop but little if any 
increased authority, was doubtless intended as a step 
toward secularization. By it the connection between 
missions and the colleges was to cease; the missions 
were to become hospices and pueblos de visita, the 
president would be replaced by a custodian, who with 
his council of definidores took the place also, in a cer- 
tain sense, of the college guardian and discretorio; and 
the system was to be supported largely by the beg- 
ging of alms. The colleges naturally protested against 
the change, claiming that new friars would have to be 
brought from Spain at great expense, since the old 
missionaries would not sever their connection with their 
colleges; that the new system made no provision for 
new conversions; that, in California particularly, there 
were none to give alms; and that there were many 
of the custody regulations which it would be absolutely 
impossible to enforce in these provinces. These pro- 
tests were of no avail so far as Sonora was con- 
cerned, where the custody of San Carlos was formed 
in October 1783; but the college of San Fernando 
succeeded in postponing action in the erection of San 
Gabriel de California until the practical result else- 
where could be known. As the system proved to work 
very badly in Sonora, California escaped the experi- 
ment which would almost certainly have proved de- 
structive of mission prosperity. I hear nothing of 
the scheme in California aiter 1787.’ 

For a full account of the experiment in Sonora sce Arricivita, Cron. 
Serdf., 564-75. The royal order in favor of custodies was dated May 20, 1782. 
Aug. 17, 1792, after numerous petitions, the king, on advice of general, gov- 
ernor, bishop, and audiencia, issued an order which restored the old sysicm, 
Jan. 8, 1783, the guardian sends to Serra the brief and laws for custodies with 
the remark that they contain many falsehoods and impossibilities, saying, ‘we 
work here with all our might to overthrow these projects in the begiuning, real- 
izing that merely to attempt them will cause great mischief.’ The bishop will 
try the experiment in Sonora, and we shall be left in peace for a while at any 
rate. If you get orders from the bishop you must reply that your superior is to 
be consulted. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 156-8. Feb. 3, 1783, the guardian 


of San Jernando and agents of Santa Cruz and Guadalupe colleges unice in a 
protest to the viceroy. /d., xii. 212-138. Jan. 14, 1784, Galvez informs the 


422 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


Not only did the missions escape separation from 
the control of San Fernando, but their number was 
increased by the founding of two new establishments, 
Santa Barbara and Purisima, the long-talked of mis- 
sions of the Channel. In 1782 these establishments 
had been suspended as will be remembered because of 
a plan of the secular authorities to break up the old 
system and take from the friars the management of 
temporalities, and the consequent refusal of the friars 
to serve. The matter was referred to the king, but 
I find no record of definite action thereon. The guar- 
dian instructed President Serra and his successor 
Lasuen not to allow any new establishments except 
on the old basis;" a good excuse was accordingly ready 
whenever any suggestion was made by governor or 
general; and finally by the tacit agreement of their 
opponents the friars were allowed to have their own 
way. In April 1786 the guardian informed the pres- 
ident that friars will come to California this year, and 
Santa Barbara may be founded, if the old system be 
allowed, but not otherwise.” 


viceroy that notwithstanding the opposition it is the king’s will that the cus- 
todies be promoted. April 12, 1785, guardian informs Lasuen that there is 
nothing for it but to be silent and cautious. /d., 214-15. It seems that gen- 
eral Neve had favored the custody in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 
13-14. March 21, 1787, the king ordered that if there were not enough friars of 
San Iernando for the California missions, others might be taken from Michoa- 
ean. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 287; Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 32. 

1 April 1, 1784, the general wrote to Fages authorizing the founding of a 
mission at Montecito near the presidio of Santa Barbara. The governor notified 
Pres. Serra on July 27th from San Francisco. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 
194, xi. 5. No notice seems to have been taken of this. March 9, 1785, Gen. 
Rengel, presuming that the padres sent for have arrived, orders Fages to pro- 
ceed at once to found a mission at Montecito. Instructions have been given 
to pay the $1,000 allowed each new mission. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 34-5. 
Sept. 30th Fages notifies Lasuen that in company with P. Santa Maria he has 
explored the Montecito site three fourths of a league from the presidio and 
found it suitable for a mission. He has informed the general who orders an 
immediate foundation. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 55. The same day Fages also 
writes to Lasuen that as the two padres (Noboa and Rioboo) have arrived, he 
hopes he will proceed at once to found the mission. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., 
xi. 386-7. Lasuen replies that the padres are destined elsewhere and there 
can be no foundation yet. Id., 389-90. PP. Mariner and Giribet came in 1785, 
but still nothing was done. 

22 Guardian to Lasuen April 1, 1786, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., viii. 133- 
4; xi. 214. On the same date he forwarded instructions, not extant, and directs 
Lasuen to show them to the governor if necessary, but on no account to allow 


FOUNDING OF SANTA BARBARA. 423 


President Lasuen went down to the presidio at the 
end of October with two of the newly arrived friars, 
and superintended active preparations for the new 
mission which was to be formally dedicated the 4th 
of December.” On that day the cross was raised and 
blessed, and that day, the festival of Santa Bdrbara 
Virgen y Martyr,” is regarded as the day of the mis- 
sion’s regular foundation, though the ceremonies were 
not completed on account of the governors absence 
and his order to suspend operations until his arrival. 
Possibly Fages had some thought of insisting on the 
innovations which had caused so much controversy, 
but if so he changed his mind, for after his arrival on 
December 14th the friars were allowed to go on in 
their own way. - On the 16th the first mass was said 
by Father Paterna, a sermon was preached by La- 
suen, and thus the foundation was completed.” 

Fathers Antonio Paterna from San Luis, and Cris- 
tébal Ordmas, one of the new-comers, were the minis- 
tros fundadores, the latter being replaced in 1790 by 
José de Miguel.” The rainy season did not permit 


any infringement on the old system, or any experiments like those on the 
Colorado River, which he fears are still intended. Jd., xii. 24-5. April 9th 
he communicates the royal orders that older missions are to contribute stock 
and grain for Santa Barbara. /d., xi. 6. The new padres, six in number, were 
Arenaza, Arroita, Ordémas, Santiago, Sola, and Torrente. 

18 Oct. 27, 1786, the commandant writes to Fages asking him to be present 
at the ceremony, and stating that the president and padres are about to arrive. 
Noy. 13th, he writes that timber has been cut and preparations have been 
made for sowing. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 51, 58. 

14 Santa Barbara, the virgin and martyr, is a saint whose existence is tra- 
ditionary and very doubtfully authenticated. She was the daughter of one 
Dioscoro who lived once upon a time in Asia Minor, a cruel idolater who gave 
his daughter to be tortured for her adherence to Christianity, and cut off her 
head with his own hand after she had borne unflinchingly the most cruel tor- 
ments. She was and still is the patron saint of artillerymen in the Spanish 
army, and the powder-magazine on men-of-war often bears her name. 

> Title-pages of mission-books signed by Lasuen in Sta. Barbara, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 48; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 3, 4, 15-17. In the first 
annual report of the mission the date of the first mass is given as Dec. 15th, 
and the site is called Pedragoso, one fourth of a league from the presidio. /d., 
v. 3, 4. Dec. 11th Lasuen writes to the general about the governor’s order 
suspending the foundation. Jd., xi. 7. April 11th the general acknowledges 
receipt of news of founding, and in June of progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
vii. 43, 58-9. 

16 See lists of padres at Santa Barbara from the beginning, compiled from 
the records by E. F, Murray, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vii. 8-10, 25-9, 
39-43, 68-70, 75-7. 


424 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. 


the erection of buildings at first, and the first bap- 
tism on December 31st was administered at the pre- 
sidio. On account of the proximity of the presidio 
only the ordinary guard of six men was allowed.” 
By the end of 1787 there had been 188 baptisms, 
‘ which number was increased to 520 in 1790, with 102 
deaths, leaving 438 existing neophytes. At this time 
large stock numbered 296 and small stock 503 head, 
while products of the soil amounted to about t,500 
bushels. A church 18 by 90 feet was completed in 
1789, and by the end of 1790 other mission buildings 
of adobes with tile roofs were sufficiently numerous 
and in good condition.* 


Respecting the founding of the third Channel mis- 
sion little material is preserved in the archives. <As 
early as 1779-80 it had been determined to locate the 
mission at the western extremity of the Santa Bar- 
bara channel in the region of Point Concepcion, and 
that, not improbably with some reference to the name 
of the cape, it should be dedicated to La Purisima 
Concepcion, that is, “to the singular and most pure 
mystery of the immaculate conception of the most 
holy virgin Mary, mother of God, queen of heaven, 
queen of angels, and Our Lady.” The foundation was 
suspended like that of Santa Bdrbara, and operations 
were resumed when certain restrictions obnoxious to 
the friars were removed. In June 1785 Governor 
Tages recommended a site on the Santa Rosa River, 
now called the Santa Inés; andin March 1786 General 
Rengel instructed the governor to proceed with the 
establishment.” At last President Lasuen, doubtless 

1 Rages, Informe de Misiones, MS., 135-6. 

18.Full statistics of baptisms, deaths, etc., with inventories of mission prop- 
erty, and lists of buildings as completed from year to year in Paterna, Jn- 
Jormes de la Mision de Santa Barbara, 1787-92, MS. Want of water a great 
drawback in agricultural operations. Pages, Informe de Misiones, 136-7. First 
sowing of wheat did not come up. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 65. Owing to 
lack of means to support Indians only voluntary converts were admitted at 
first. /d., vii. 59. 


19 Fages to Rengel June 2, 1785, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 192-3. Rengel to 
Fages March 24, 1786, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 112-13. He calls the site 


FOUNDING OF PURISIMA. 425 


accompanied by a military guard, went up from the 
presidio of Santa Barbara to the site selected, called 
by the natives Algsacupi, where on December 8, 1787, 
he blessed the spot, raised the cross, celebrated mass, 
and preached asermon. Thus the mission was nomi- 
nally founded, and the day was afterward given in 
mission reports as the anniversary date; but there 
was in reality no beginning of the mission work proper 
at this time. The day was that of La Purisima Con- 
cepcion and was therefore selected for the ceremony; 
but the spot was subsequently abandoned for several 
months, all returning to the presidio on account of 
the rainy season, as had doubtless been the intention. 
In the middle of March 1788 the mission escort, 
probably under Sergeant Pablo Antonio Cota, with 
a band of laborers and servants, went up to prepare 
the necessary buildings, and early in April President 
Lasuen returned with the two ministros fundadores, 
Vicente Fuster from San Juan and José Arroita a 
new-comer of 1786.° The former was succeeded late 
in 1789 by Cristébal Ordmas from Santa Barbara. 
As early as August 1788 seventy-nine neophytes 
were enrolled. In September Corporal José M. Or- 
tega took command of the mission guard.” The site 
as we shall see was changed in later years.” 


selected Santa Rosa de la Gaviota, and says he will apply for the $1,000 
allowed each new mission. 

#0 Title-page of baptismal register signed by Lasuen, in Purésima, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 1-38. Fages’ instruction to the sergeant in command are dated 
at San Gabriel on April 7th. They are very complete and carefully prepared, 
enjoining great caution, kind treatment to the natives, and harmonious 
relations with the missionaries, the conversion of gentilés being the chief aim 
of the conquest. Mages, Ordenes generales que debe observar el Sargento encar- 
gado de la Escolta de la Nueva Mision de la Purtsima Concepcion, 1788, MS. 
The sergeant is ordered to explore for the shortest way and best road to the 
Laguna Larga. 

21 Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 87, 110. By the end of 1790, 301 natives had 
been baptized, 23 had died, and the number existing was 234. Small stock 
had increased to 731 and large to 257 head. ‘The mission crops in 1790 were 
1,700 bushels. 

22 List of over 50 rancherias in Purisima district, in Purisima, Lib. Mision, 
MS., 10. 


CHAPTER XXI. 


RULE OF FAGES; FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 
1783-1790. 


No FEARS OF FOREIGNERS—ISOLATION OF CALIFORNIA— WAR CONTRIBUTIONS 
AGAINST ENGLAND—VISIT OF THE FRENCH VOYAGER LA P&£RovusSE—HIs 
INSTRUCTIONS—AN HOosPITABLE RECEPTION—THE STRANGERS AT SAN 
CARLOS—FATE OF THE EXPEDITION—OBSERVATIONS ON THE COUNTRY 
AND THE Mission SysrEM—COMMERCE—THE SALT-TRADE—THE FuR- 
TRADE—VASADRE’S PRoJECT—A -FAILURE—THE MANILA GALLEON— 
CURRENT PrRIcES—ARRIVAL OF TRANSPORT VESSELS-—-NORTHERN Voy- 
AGES OF MARTINEZ AND ELISA—GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SHIP THE 
‘CoLUMBIA ’—THE CHIGOES—EX-GOVERNOR NEVE AND THE PROVINCIAS 
INTERNAS. 


AxtHovueH fears of foreign encroachments had been 
a principal motive for the Spanish occupation of Cal- 
ifornia, and these fears were still entertained in Spain 
and Mexico respecting the far north, there was little 
anxiety on the subject in California. True, orders 
had been received occasionally from the king requir- 
ing precautions in view of special dangers real or 


imaginary,’ and such orders had been made public with - 


1 July 26, 1778, Croix to Neve, strict neutrality to be observed in the 
Anglo-French war by royal order of March 22. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 28. 
Aug. 6, 1779, Gen. Croix forwards to Gov. Neve royal orders for defence and 
reprisals against the English with whom Spain was at war. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ms., ii. 49. Feb. 11th and 18th, Croix to Neve forwarding orders for non- 
intercourse, reprisals, etc., /d., ii. 102, 108. Aug. 25, 1780, Croix to Neve 
warning him of Admiral Hughes’ departure from England in March 1779 with 
a fleet to operate on west coast of America. /d., ii. 112-13. Sept. 22, 1780, 
Croix expresses to Neve the remarkable, not to say idiotic, opinion that to 
stop the breeding of horses in California and other frontier provinces would 
keep foreigners away ‘ pues dificilmente lo emprenderan (internarse) faltando 
los ausilios principales para transitar los desiertos que promedian.’ Prov. St. 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iv. 14. March 22, 1781, Neve orders Carrillo to drive 
away the live-stock in case the English fleet should appear, in order to he free 

( 426) 


Oe 


WARLIKE PRECAUTIONS. 427 


all due formality, but always without producing the 
slightest ripple of excitement. There was not even 
the occasional appearance of a strange sail off the - 
coast which produced such a tempest in a teapot at 
the south. No foreigner was seen in California dur- 
ing the first sixteen years of her history. Knowledge 
of current events was limited apparently to the names 
of ruling king in Spain and pope at Rome. If they 
knew more the records do not show it, and there is 
no evidence that the great conflict on the Atlantic 
side of their own continent was heard of until long 
after it was over. 

Yet in the war between Spain and England, lasting, 
so far as knowledge of it in this far north-west was 
concerned, from 1780 to 1784, the Californians were 
called upon to aid their sovereign with their money 
and their prayers, and they responded very freely to 


the call. In 1780 Carlos III. called upon his American 


subjects for a donation, fixing the contribution of each 
Spaniard at two dollars and of each Indian vassal at 
one dollar. A year later General Croix forwarded 
this order to California with instructions for its pub- 
lication and enforcement.? Nominally the contribution 
was to be voluntary, but in reality was so managed as 
to leave no convenient method of escape. All persons 
under eighteen years of age were exempt. Neophytes 
might contribute produce which was to be sold at 
tariff prices; but it was of course a mission contribu- 
tion made by the friar in charge from the community 
property in proportion to the number of male neo- 
phytes. Places that had suffered from epidemic or 
other special disaster might be declared exempt; but 


to defend Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii, 305. March 17, 1784, treaty 
of peace between Spain and England sent to California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
v. 56. Nov. 15, 1784, Fages to commandant general, has learned that a for- 
eign power intends to send disguised emissaries to Mexico; will arrest any 
such who may come to California. Prov. Iec., MS., i. 182. Nov. 15th, Id. to 
id. understands that no foreigners must be allowed in the country, especially 
at the ports. There are none here now. /d., i. 181. 

* Royal order of Aug. 17, 1780. Forwarded by Gen. Croix Aug. 12, 1781. 
Arch, Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 223-9; vii. 147-53; Croix, I fapruecion sobre 
Donativo en California pura la guerra con Inglaterra, 1781, MS. 


428 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


full lists and records of the contributors in each estab- 
lishment were to be made and forwarded to Spain. 
It was the opinion of General Croix that the soldiers 
should not be required to aid in the donation, but 
might do so if they wished. The missions of San 
Diego and San Juan Capistrano pleaded poverty at 
first,? but seem to have borne their part of the burden 
at last, since for any missionary to refuse was to put 
his mission in an unfavorable light for the future. 
The whole amount raised was over four thousand 
dollars, of which the governor personally contributed 
two thousand.* 


The first intercourse of the Californians with sub- 
jects of a foreign power was with the French under 
Jean Frangois Galaup de La Pérouse in the autumn 
of 1786. This distinguished navigator had sailed 
from Brest in August 1785 on the frigate Boussole 
with the Astrolabe under M. de Langle, on a scientific 
exploring expedition round the world, fitted out and 
despatched by the French government. A full corps 
of scientific specialists accompanied the expedition; 
minute and carefully prepared instructions were given, 
accompanied by reports and charts of all that had been 
accomplished by the explorers of different nations; the 
commanders were carefully selected for their ability 
and experience; and in fact every possible precaution 
was taken to make the trip a success. In the king’s 
general instructions dated June 26, 1785, occurred 

3 Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 259-60; xii. 230-2. President Serra approved x 
the plea of San Diego. According to Prov. Rec., MS., ili. 1382-3, several mis- 
sions sought exemption. 

*The sums paid by each establishment were as follows: San Francisco 
presidio and two missions, $373; Monterey, $833; San Carlos, $106; San 
Antonio, $122; San Luis, $107; Sta. Barbara presidio, $249; Los Angeles, $15; 
San Gabriel, $134; San Juan and San Diego, $229; San Diego Pr., $515; 
total, $2,683, but there is some variation in the records. Dec. 7, 1782, Gen. 
Croix names the total amount as $4,216. Besides Gov. Neve, Ignacio Vallejo, 
majordomo at San Carlos, is the only contributor named. He gave $10. San 
José would seem to have done nothing. See Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 
li. 5, iii. 11, 27-9; viii. 4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 76; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 
70, 74-5. In accordance with a cédula of June 15, 1779, received in Cali- 


fornia June 13, 1780, prayers both public and private were ordered by the 
padre presidente on June 24th. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 277-80; x. 273. 


VISIT OF LA PEROUSE. 429 


some passages relating more or less directly to Cali- 
fornia.’ | 

La Pérouse brought with him, besides the historical 
work of Venegas, a printed account of the Spanish 
expeditions of 1769—70,° and other narratives in manu- 
script or print of subsequent Spanish voyages up the 
coast, several of which are translated and published 
with the journal of this expedition. 

Having doubled Cape Horn, visited Easter Island 
and the Hawaiian group, the Boussole and Astrolabe 
crossed to the American coast, anchoring July 4, 1786, 
in the Port des Frangais in 58° 37’... The navigator’s 


instructions had been to visit Monterey first and th ence 


to explore the coast up to the Aleutian Isles; but a 
knowledge of the prevailing wind had led him to a 
higher latitude; delays at Port des Frangais left no 
time for a northern voyage; and it was decided to run 
down the coast without stopping, obtain supplies at 
Monterey, and hasten back to the China coast, where 
the expedition was due in the early spring. On the 
voyage southward no observations were made on the 
California coast on account of the dense fogs, save 
that one night there was seen what seemed to be a 


5¢ Tf in the survey which he is to make of the north-west coast of America 
he finds at any points of that coast forts or trading-posts belonging to His 
Catholic Majesty he will scrupulously avoid everything which might give 
offence to the commandants or chiefs of those establishments; but he will use 
with them the ties of blood and friendship which so closely unite the two 
sovereigns in order to obtain by means thereof all the aid and refreshment 
which he may need and which the country may be able to furnish. . .So far 
as it is possible to judge from the relations of those countries which have 

»reached France, the actual possession cf Spain does not extend above the ports 

of San Diego and Monterey, where she has built small forts garrisoned by 
detachments from California or from New Mexico. The Sieur de La Pérouse 
will try to learn the condition, force, and aim of these establishments; and 
to inform himself if they are the only ones which Spain has founded on those 
coasts. He will likewise ascertain at what latitude a beginning may be made 
of procuring peltries; what quantity the Americans (Indians) can furnish; 
what articles would be best adapted to the fur-trade;’ what facilities there 
might be for a French establishment, all this relating of course chiefly to the 
northern coast. La Pérouse, Voyaye de (Jean Francois Galaup) de la Pérouse 
autour du monde, publié conformément au décret du 22 Avril 1791, et rédigé par 
M. L. A. Milet-Mureau...Paris, 1798, 8vo, 4 vol. with atlas in folio, tom. i. 
28-9. It does not seem desirable to mention here the various translations 
and abridgments of this narrative and its accompanying documents. 

6 Doubtless the Monterey, E’stracto de Noticias, or Costansé, Diario Hist. 

7On the northern explorations see Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 174-7. 


430 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


voleano in active operation below 41°, until they 
entered Monterey Bay September 14th, anchoring 
next day among the whales which came boldly within 
pistol-shot to spout vile-smelling water round about 
the vessels. 

The French navigators had been expected. The 
authorities had received orders to accord to the foreign — 
fleet the same welcome as to vessels of their own nation, 
so that La Pérouse had little need to show his open 
letter from the minister of Spain. The transports of 
this year, the Princesa, Captain Estévan Martinez, and 
the favorita, Captain José Tobar, were now in port, 
and their boats were promptly taken out by their cap- 
tains to pilot the visitors into the harbor, seven guns 
from the fort saluting them as they dropped anchor. 
Don Pedro Fages not only carried out the orders of 
his superiors, but says La Pérouse “he put into their 
execution a graciousness and air of interest which 
merit from us the liveliest acknowledgment. He did 
not confine himself to obliging words; cattle, vege- 
tables, and milk were sent on board in abundance. 
The desire to serve us well nigh caused a disturbance 
of the harmony between the commandants of fort and 
corvettes; for each wished the exclusive right to sup- 
ply our needs; and when it came to settling the score, 
we had to insist on their receiving our money. Vege- 
tables, milk, poultry, all the garrison’s labor in helping 
us to wood and water were free; and cattle, sheep, 
and grain were priced at so low a figure that it was 
evident an account was furnished only because we had 
rigorously insisted on it. M. Fages joined to his gen- 
erosity the most gentlemanly demeanor; his house was 
ours, and we might dispose of all his servants.” 

“The padres of San Cidrlos mission two leagues 
from Monterey soon came to the presidio; as kind to 
us as the officers of fort and frigates they insisted on 
our going to dine with them, and promised to ac- 
quaint us in detail with the management of their 
mission, the Indian manner of living, their arts and 


RECEPTION OF THE FRENCHMEN. 431 


customs, in fact all that might interest travellers. We 
accepted with eagerness...M. Fages wished to ac- 
company us...After having crossed a little plain cov- 
ered with herds of cattle. ..we ascended the hills and 
heard the sound of bells announcing our coming. We 
were received like lords of a parish visiting their es- 
tates for the first time. The president of the mis- 
sions, clad in cope, his holy-water sprinkler in hand, 
received us at the door of the church illuminated as 
on the grandest festivals; led us to the foot of the 
altar; and chanted a te deum of thanksgiving for 
the happy issue of our voyage. Before entering the 
church we had crossed a plaza where Indians of both 
sexes were ranged in line; their faces showed no sur- 
prise and left room to doubt if we should be the sub- 
ject of their conversation for the rest of the day.”® 
After leaving the church the visitors spent a short 
time in examining the mission and in making a careful, 
though necessarily brief, study of the Franciscan 
régime and its effects on the natives. They probably 
visited San Carlos more than once. 

‘As the soldiers had rendered us a thousand little 
services, I asked leave to present them a piece of blue 
cloth; and I sent to the mission some blankets, stuffs, 
beads, tools, ete. The president announced to all the 
village that it was a gift from their faithful and an- 
cient allies who professed the same faith as the Span- 
iards; which announcement so aroused their kind 
feeling toward us that each one brought us the hext 
day a bundle of hay or straw for the cattle and sheep. 
Our gardener gave to the missionaries some potatoes 
from Chili, perfectly sound; I believe this is not 
one of the least of our gifts and that this root will 
succeed perfectly around Monterey.” M. de Langle 
also presented San Carlos with a handmill for grind- 
ing grain which would enable four of the neophyte 
women to do the work of a hundred in the old way.” 


8 La Pérouse, Voyage, ii, 291-4. 
*7d., ii. 315, 299. 


432 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


During the brief stay of ten days the crew were busy 
in obtaining wood and water; while the botanists, 
geologists, and other specialists pursued their studies, 
made drawings, and gathered specimens. Three short 
letters were written by La Pérouse and one by M. de 
Langle, to be sent to France by way of Mexico.” On 
the 22d all was ready for departure, and farewell was 
said to governor and missionaries. Next day the 
winds were contrary, but early on the 24th the navi- 
gators parted from Martinez, who came off in his long- 
boat, and set sail for the far west. Then California’s 
relations with the outside world were for a time sus- 


pended.” 


10 Td., iv. 176-86. Ina note of Sept. 14th (?) the commander says: ‘Nos 
vaisseaux ont été recus par les Espagnols comme ceux de leur propre nation ; 
tous les secours possibles nous ont été prodigués; les religieux chargés des 
missions nous ont envoyé une quantité tres-considérable de provisions de toute 
espéce, et je leur ai fait présent, pour leurs Indiens, d’une infinité de petits 
articles qui avaient été embarqués & Brest pour cet objet, et qui leur seront 
de la plus grande utilité.’” Again Sept. 19th: ‘Nous sommes arrivés & Mon- 
terey le 15 septembre; les ordres du roi d’Espagne nous y avaient précédes, 
et il efit été impossible, dans nos propres colonies, de recevoir un meilleur 
accueil.’ M. de Langle says on Sept. 22d, of Capt. Martinez: ‘Il a prévenu 
nos besoins avec un zéle infatigable, et nous a rendu tous les services qui 
dépendaient de lui. I] m’a chargé de vous supplier de le recommander 4 son 
ministre. ..Je pars d’ici sans avoir un malade.’ Again from Macao Jan 3d, /d., 
iv. 235, La Perouse writes: ‘I send the chart of Monterey made by ourselves; 
I have met at Monterey officers of the little San Blas establishment who cer- 
tainly are not without ability and who seemed to me very capable of making 
charts with exactitude.’ 

La Pérouse’s visit left but a slight record in the Californian archives, yet 
it is alluded to in several official communications. See Prov. St. Pup., Ben. 
Mil., MS., viii. 14; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 6, 42, 135; letter ef Governor 
Fages of September 28th, in Gacetade Mew., 11. 286-8. September 18th, P. Lasuen 
writes to La Pérouse sending him three pieces of reed and a stone worked by 
the Santa Barbara Indians. Will send 70 fanegas of grain. Arch. Sia. Bar- 
bara, MS., xii. 364. Taylor, Discov. and Found., No. 31, ii. 193, tells us that 
a picture of La Pérouse’s vessels by one of his officers was preserved for many 
years at San Carlos, but disappeared after 1833, having been carried away as 
the old settlers say by Petit-Thouars. This writer is very likely wrong about 
the subject of the picture. An anonymous Spanish writer in 1845, C. S., De- 
scripcion Topogrdfica de las Misiones, Pueblos, y Presidios del Norte y de la 
Nueva-California, in Revista Cientifica y Lit., i. 327-9, says that one of La 
Pérouse’s officers made a sketch of his reception at San Carlos by Palou (La- 
suen) and two padres, which was kept in the mission locutorio. Captain 
Beechey wished to buy it, but P. Abella refused to part with it. When Petit- 
Thouars came it had disappeared. The writer made every effort to find it, 
offering as high as $1,000, but in vain. It was thought to have been stolen. 
The writer found at San Carlos (no date) two Indians who remembered all 
about La Pérouse’s visit. Finally Mrs Ord, Occurrencias en California, MS., 
57-9, says that P. Moreno, soon after his arrival (1833), gave the painting to 
her brother, Juan de la Guerra, who on his death-bed presented it to her. In 


= 


OBSERVATIONS ON THE COUNTRY. 433 


Crossing the Pacific the Frenchmen visited the 
Philippine Islands in February 1787; then they coasted 
Japan and China, and reached Kamehatka in Septem- 
ber; at the Navigator Islands in December, M. de 
Langle, with eleven of his men, was killed by the 
Indians; and the last that was ever known of vessels, 
commander, or crew, they were at Botany Bay on the 
coast of New Zealand, where La Pérouse’s journal 
ends with January 24, 1788, a subsequent letter being 
dated February 8th, at the same place. 

Though the stay of the ill-fated navigators at 
Monterey was brief and uneventful, I have deemed it 
worthy of somewhat extended notice, not only as the 
first visit of a foreigner to California, but on account 
of the remarkable accuracy, comprehensiveness, and 
kindly fairness of La Pérouse’s observations on the 
province and its institutions. ‘His account of the 
natural resources of the country and its character- 
istics,” says a modern writer of scientific attainments,” 
‘was never surpassed in fidelity by his successors. 
His observations on the administration of the missions 
especially arrest our attention as the testimony of a 
Catholic concerning people of his own faith.” 

The navigator’s observations can be only very briefly 
alluded to here, since they are in part scientific and 
beyond the province of history, and because many of 
the institutions mentioned have been or will be fully 
treated elsewhere in this work by the aid of this and 
other original testimony; yeta general glance at these 
impressions of an enlightened traveller seems appro- 
priate. La Pérouse’s geographical explorations on 
the Californian coast amount to nothing. His atlas 
contains the whole coast laid down from Spanish 
sources in his general maps, showing little detail and 


1038 or 1839 it was stolen from her trunk, and in spite of all her efforts has 
never been recovered. She describes the painting as showing P. Noriega and 
two other friars at the door of the church, naked Indians ringing the be.is 
and looking on as spectators, and La Pérouse, a tall, thin gentleman, with 
lony grav hair in a queue, wich some officers of lis suite. 
P Silman, in Over/and Monthly, ii. 257-8. 
Hist; ‘CAu., Vou. 1: 28 


434 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


not requiring notice, yet copied here because of its 
date, being the first to show certain parts of the sea- 
board. Additional charts are given of San Diego, 
Monterey, and San Francisco, that of Monterey only 
partially from original surveys, the first from Spanish 
sources and accurate, and the last a rude sketch which 
is reproduced in the following chapter. The features 








































































































































































































——=GMe ndooi io 









































































































































































































































































































































: e 
=, 
-=CENROS= = 
—— dct 


La PrrRovse’s Map. 
















































































of the country round Monterey with its plants and 
animals, are however fully described, and a page in 
the atlas is devoted to an excellent engraving of a 
pair of California quails. 

Of the country and its resources La Pérouse speaks 
in the most flattering terms, as also of its ultimate 
prospects, though he believes that under Spanish con- 
trol its progress will be slow, the fur-trade being the 
most promising interest in the near future.” To the 


18 ¢ The salubrity of the air, the fertility of the soil, the abundance of all 
kinds of peltries give this part of America infinite advantages over the old 
‘Caiifornia.’ ‘No country is more abundant in fish and game of all kinds.’ 
“This land is also of an inexpressible fertility; vegetables of every kind suc- 


LA PEROUSE ON THE MISSIONS. 435 


aboriginal inhabitants he gives much attention and 
finds in them physically, mentally, or morally but 
little to praise. The author is in error when he states 
that these Indians cultivated a little maize before the 
Spanish settlement. A vocabulary of the Monterey 
languages is included in the journal.“ A. brief but. 
accurate account is presented of the military and 
political government with some items of history and 
general statistics; and in fact the only element in the 
Californian system that this writer failed to notice 
was that of the pueblos. He evidently did not hear 
of San José and Angeles, for he states that there 
were absolutely no Spanish inhabitants but the sol- 
diers. 

But what more than all else attracted the attention 
of the Frenchman was the mission system, respecting 
which he made a wonderfully exhaustive and accurate 


ceed perfectly. Crops of maize, barley, wheat, and peas can be compared 
only to those of Chili, wheat yielding on an average 70 to 80 fold. The climate 
differs little from that of our southern provinces in France, but the heat of 
summer is much more moderate on account of the constant fogs which will 
give this land a moisture very favorable to vegetation.’ California ‘would be 
in no wise behind Virginia, which is opposite, if it were nearer Europe, but 
its proximity to Asia might indemnify it, and I believe that good laws, and 
especially free trade, would soon bring it some inhabitants; though the pos- 
sessions of Spain are so broad that it is impossible to think that for a long 
time population will increase in any of her colonies. The large number of 
celibates of both sexes who as a principle of perfection have devoted them- 
selves to this condition, with the constant policy of the government to admit 
but one religion and to employ the most violent means to maintain it, will 
ever oppose a new obstacle to increase. M.Monneron, in a note on Monterey, 
tom. iv. 122-3, says: ‘A century will probably pass, and perhaps two, before 
the Spanish establishments situated to the north of the Californian peninsula 
can attract the attention of the great maritime powers. That which is in 
possession will not think perhaps for a long time of establishing colonies sus- 
ceptible of great progress. Yetits zeal for the spread of the faith has already 
founded there several missions; but it is to be believed that not even the 
pirates will interfere with the friars.’ 

14The number of natives in both Californias is estimated at 50,000. 
‘These Indians are small, feeble, and do not show the love of independence 
which characterizes the northern nations, of which they have neither the arts 
nor the industry; their color is very similar to that of negroes, with straight 
hair.’ The governor said the Indians plucked out the hair on face and body; 
while the president thought it was naturally lacking. They are very skilful 
hunters. M. de Lamanon obtained the vocabularies chiefly from two Indians 
who spoke Spanish. M. Rollin, surgeon-in-chief of the expedition, wrote a 
Mémoire physiologique et pathologique, sur les Américains, joined to La Pérouse’s 
journal, tom. iv. 50-77, which relates largely to the natives of California and 
is of great importance. 


436 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


study, considering the brief time at his disposal. Doubt- 
less the fact that he represented a Catholic nation did 
much to open the hearts and mouths of the friars, who 
seem to have held nothing back. The author not only 
presents a general view of the system, and of the mis- 
sions in their material aspects with statistics of the 
condition of each establishment, but he gives an excel- 
lent picture of the neophytes and their routine of 
daily life. Of the missionaries personally, of their 
character and their zeal and their motives, he speaks 
in terms of the highest praise;” but their efforts for 
the civilization of the natives did not seem likely to 
succeed. The neophyte was too much a child, too 
much a slave, too little a man. The mission régime 
was not fitted to dispel ignorance, missionary efforts 
were directed exclusively to the recompenses of another 
life, the present being disregarded. The community 
system based on the prejudices and ambition of the 
Jesuits was too servilely imitated. ‘‘The government 
is a veritable theocracy for the Indians; they believe 
that their superiors are»in immediate and continual 
communication with God.” ‘The friars, more occupied 
with heavenly than temporal interests, have neglected 
the introduction of the most common arts.” La Pé- 
rouse saw in the tout ensemble of the Franciscan 
establishments an unhappy resemblance to the slave 
plantations of Santo Domingo. ‘With pain we say 


16<Ta, piété espagnole avait entretenu jus yu’ au présent, et a grands frais, 
ces missions et ces présidios, dans l’unique vue de convertir et de civiliser les 
Indiens de ces contrées; systéme bien plus digne d’éloge que celui de ces 
hommes avides qui semblaient n’étre revétus de l’autorité nationale que pour 
commettre impunément les plus eruelles atrocités.’ ‘I$ is with the sweetest 
satisfaction that I shall make known the pious and wise conduct of these friars 
who fulfil so perfectly the object of their institution; I shall not conceal what 
has seemed to me reprehensible in their interior régime; but I shall announce 
that individually good and humane, they temper by their gentleness and 
charity the harshness of the rules that have been laid down by their superiors.’ 
‘I have already made known freely my opinion on the monks of Chili, whose 
irregularity seemed to me generally scandalous. It is with the same truth 
that I shall paint these men, truly apostolic, who have abandoned the idle 
life of a cloister to give themselves up to fatigues, cares, and anxieties of every 
kind.’ ‘They are so strict toward themselves that they have not a single room 
with fire though the winter is sometimes rigorous; and the greatest anchor*tes 
have never led a more edifying life.’ 


THE MISSION SYSTEM CRITICISED. 437 


it, the resemblance is so perfect that we have seen men 
and women in irons or in the stocks; and even the 
sound of the lash might have struck our ears, that 
punishment being also admitted, though practised with 
little severity.” Like Governor Neve, speaking of the 
custom of hunting neophytes with soldiers, he “thought 
that the progress of the faith would be more rapid, 
and the prayers of the Indians more agreeable to the 
supreme being if they were not under constraint.” 
“T confess,” to give a final quotation from the 
French navigator, “that, friend of the rights of man 
rather than theologian, I should have desired that to 
principles of Christianity there might be joined a leg- 
islation which little by little would have made citizens 
of men whose condition hardly differs now from that 
of the negroes of our most humanely governed colo- 
nies. I understand perfectly the extreme difficulty 
of this new plan; I know that these men have few 
ideas, and still less constancy, and that if they are 
not regarded as children they escape those who have 
taken the trouble to instruct them. I know also that 
reasonings have almost no weight with them, that it 
is absolutely necessary to strike their senses, and that 
corporal punishment with recompense of double ra- 
tions has been so far the only means adopted by their 
legislators; but to ardent zeal and extreme patience 
would it be impossible to make known to a few fam- 
ilies the advantages of a society based on mutual 
rights, to establish among them a right of property 
so attractive to all men; and by this new order of 
things to induce each one to cultivate his field with 
emulation, or to devote himself to some other class 
of work? I admit that the progress of this new 
civilization would be very slow; the pains which it 
would be necessary to take, very hard and tiresome; 
the theatres in which it would be necessary to act 
very distant, so that applause would never make itself 
heard by him who might consecrate his life to being 
worthy of it; and therefore I do not hesitate to de- 


438 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


clare that human motives are insufficient for such a 
ministry, and that only the enthusiasm of religion 
with its promised rewards can compensate the sacri- 
fices, the ennui, the risks of such a life. I have only 
to desire a little more philosophy on the part of the 
men, austere, charitable, and religious, whom I have 
met in these missions.” M. de La Pérouse longed 
for the existence of qualities and views that have 
rarely been possessed by missionaries in California or 
elsewhere. 


Previous to 1786 California, beyond furnishing 
occasional supplies to the Philippine galleon, and 
sending to San Blas by the returning transports now 
and then a cargo of salt, exported nothing; and little 
or no advantage was taken of a royal order of this 
year by which trade with San Blas was made free for 
eight years, and duties were reduced one half for five 
years more.’ 

The publication * Cook’s voyage of 1778-9 on the 
Northwest Coast first opened the eyes of Spain to 
the importance of the fur-trade and led to some feeble 
attempts on her part to prevent so rich a treasure 
from passing into the hands of foreign nations and to 
utilize it for herself. A scheme was projected by the 
government in 1785 for the opening of a trade be- 
tween California and China, the intention being to 
exchange peltries for quicksilver, and to make the 
fur-trade a government monopoly as that in quick- 
silver had always been: With this view Vicente Ba- 


16'The records are meagre about this salt supply. There are several orders 
in the archives requiring that salt be shipped from Monterey, and some indi- 
cations that it was so shipped. Sept. 1, 1784, Capt. Cafiizares at Monterey 
informs Gov. Fages that he has orders to load with salt. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
iv. 151. Order of the commissary at San Blas to same effect. Jd., 152. July 
2, Gen. Neve orders Fages to have the salt ready so that no detention may 
occur. /d., v. 62. Order given by Mexican government March 8, 1784, and 
repeated Jan. 11, 1787. /d., vii. 11,12. Nov. 15, 1784, governor understands 
that salt must be collected at Monterey. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 182. Sept. 11, 
Fages tells Cafiizares that as sailors are refused to get the salt none can be 
furnished. /d., ii. 112. As early as 1770 the San Antonio was ordered to load 
with salt in California. Prov. st. Pap., MS., i. 71. 

M Fonseca and Urrutia, list. Gen., ii. $4. 





BASADRE’S PROJECT. 439 


sadre y Vega was sent as a commissioner to California 
to investigate the matter and to make a beginning of 
collecting otter and seal skins.” 

Don Vicente came up on one of the transports of 
1786 which left San Blas in June, bringing with him 
his credentials and instructions to F'ages from Viceroy 
Galvez, which were made public in the governor’s proc- 
lamation of the 29th of August.” The skins were to 
be collected from the natives by the missionaries, who 
were to deliver them to. Basadre at the tariff prices 
ranging from $2:50 to $10, according to size and color. 
Neophytes must relinquish to the friars all the skins 
in their possession; skins obtained from neophytes 
by soldiers or settlers were liable to confiscation, the 
informer receiving one third of their value; those 
legitimately obtained from gentiles must be sent at 
once to the nearest authorities; all trade by private 
persons was prohibited; and any skins reaching San 
Blas through other than the regular channel would 
be confiscated. The aim was to make the government 
through the commissioner the sole purchaser, though 
peltr.es were to be received and forwarded by com- 
manders of presidios after Basadre’s departure. The 
friars favored the scheme since it put into their hands 
a new branch of mission temporalities.” 


18 A good account of the project and its results is given in Fonseca and 
Urrutia, Hist. Gen. Real Hacienda, i. 372-81. 

19 The royal cédula was dated June (July ?) 2, 1785; the viceroy’s letter an- 
nouncing Basadre’s coming to Fages, Jan. 23, 1786; viceroy’s letter to Lasuen 
on same subject March 1, 1786; Fages’ preclamation Aug. 29, 1786, including 
regulations for the collection of skins. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 38-9, 52, 140— 
5, 204-6; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 283-4, x. 8-10. Curiousiy the earliest 
document in the archives relating to the otter is dated Oct. 24, 1785, after 
the king’s order was issued but before it could have reached California. It is 
an order from Fages to Ignacio Vallejo at San José that if any one goes out to 
trade with the Indians for otter-skins he is to be punished. Dept. St. Pap. S. 
José, MS., i. 6, 7. 

20 March 8, 1787, the audiencia complained that the prices were too high, 
since skins could formerly be bought for from one real to $1 each; besides 
otter, other skins should be collected. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS.,x.1,2. ept. 
24th, Lasuen replies that the former cheapness resulted from great abundance 
and no demand; competition (!) reduced the otters and raised prices; if the 
missions were allowed to trade with China the prices would be still higher; he 
intimates that the missions should have a monopoly of the caich; :nd slates 
that there are no beaversor martens. Jd., x. 3-7, 13-16. Sept. 15th and 20ih, 


440 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


We have seen that La Pérouse had been instructed 
by the French government, prompted like the Spanish 
by Cook’s narrative, to make a special investigation 
of the fur-trade and its possibilities. When he ar- 
rived at Monterey he found Basadre already there 
and the country considerably interested in the subject 
of his commission. Don Vicente is spoken of as “a 
young man of intelligence and merit, who is to depart 
soon for China for the purpose of making there a 
treaty of commerce in otter-skins.” La Pérouse be- 
lieved that the new branch of trade might prove to 
the Spaniards more profitable than the richest gold- 
mine of Mexico. Fages told him he could furnish 
20,000 skins each year, or by means of new establish- 
ments north of San Francisco many more.” Yet 
notwithstanding the temporary enthusiasm of all con- 
cerned, this attempt of Spain to build up a profitable 
peltry trade in California was a failure. 

Basadre, though complaining of obstacles thrown 
in his way by Fages, obtained 1,600 otter-skins, with 


Fages issued a decree prohibiting gente de razon from acquiring otter-skins, 
giving the right exclusively to the Indians and missions. /d., xii. 3; Prov. 
ieec., MS., i. 35-6. July 30, 1788, Lasuen complains to the viceroy that 
prices are too low, and on Sept. 7th Fages seems to have issued a new tariff. 
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 289-92, ii. 1. March 18 (or possibly May 18), 
1790, a new price-list with regulations in detail was issued in Mexico. The 
prices were to range from $2 to $7; and neither soldiers nor settlers were pro- 
hibited from gathering skins provided they dispose of them properly; but these 
regulations probably had no effect in California. Jd., ii. 4-8; Dept. St. Pap. 
S. José, MS., i. 31-5, 

71¢We cannot fail to be astonished that the Spaniards, having so close 
and frequent intercourse with China through Manila, should have been igno- 
rant until now of the value of this precious fur. Before this year an otter-skin 
was worth no more than two rabbit-skins; the Spaniards did not suspect 
their value; they had never sent any to Europe; and Mexico was so hota 
country it was supposed that there could be no market there. I think there 
will be in a few years a great revolution in the Russian trade at Kiatcha from 
the difficulty they will have to bear this competition. The skins in the south 
are a little inferior in quality, but the difference is...not more than ten per 
cent in the sale price. It is almost certain that the new Manila Company 
will try to get possession of this trade, which will be a lucky thing for the 
Russians, -because it is the nature of exclusive privileges to carry death or 
sluggishness into all branches of commerce and industry.’ La Pérouse, Voy., 
ii. SCO-11. The Spaniards ‘do not cease to keep their eyes open to this im- 
portant branch, in which the king has reserved to himself the right of pur- 
chase in the presidios of California. The most northern Spanish establishment 
furnishes each year 10,000 otter-skins(?); and if they continue to be sold 
advantageously to China, it will be easy for Spain to obtain even 50,000, and 
thus to destroy the commerce of the Russians at Canton.’ Jd., iv. 177-8. 


ss. 


were ea Te TO 


THE SPANISH FUR-TRADE. 441 


which he returned to Mexico at the end of the year 
and proceeded to Manila early in 1787. Before 1790 
the whole number of otter-skins from both Californias 
sent to Manila on account of the royal treasury under 
Basadre’s system was 9,729, the total cost at Manila, 
including Basadre’s salary, being $87,699.% In 1786 


the Philippine Company had applied through the 


house of Cosio for an exclusive privilege of the fur- 
trade; and the government had been willing to grant 
it on condition of past expenditures being reimbursed; 
but the company did not accept the terms. Basadre 
returned to Spain, and the government finally de- 
cided in 1790 to drop the project and pay money for 
quicksilver, leaving the fur-trade to private enter- 
prise.” 


2 Fonseca and Urrutia, Hist. Gen. The records of the skins collected are 
meagre and incomplete. Oct. 7, 1786, Lieut. Zuniga of San Diego speaks of 
having some time in the past shipped $2,000 worth to José Maria Arce. Prov. 
Stt. Pap., MS., vi. 38. Sept. 15, 1787, José Soberanes charged $55 for dress- 
ing 95 otter-skins. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ix. 6. Oct. 6, 1787, there 
were shipped on the San Carlos and Favorita 267, of which 97 belonged to 
presidio of Monterey, 62 to Lieut. Ortega, 56 to San Carlos, and 52 to San 
Antonio. /d., ix. 14. July 30, 1788, Lasuen says to viceroy that Basadre col- 
lected from the mission 64 otter-skins worth $405. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., 
i. 289. Nov. 9, 1789, commandant of Santa Barbara to governor. He has col- 
lected and delivered to Cafiizares of the Aranzazu 74 otter-skins from Purisima, 
79 from Santa Barbara, 81 from San Buenaventura, besides 32 fox-skins. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 146. Aug. 10, 1790, the Procurador Sampelayo has 
collected for otter-skins remitted 1786-9, $1,472 on 169 skins to king; $132 
on 18 skins to Basadre. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 4, 5. 

3 Date March 29th, Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 144. The following notes 
from the archives are all I have found for the period of 1790-1800, and some 
of them indicate that notwithstanding the royal order of 1790 some skins 
were still bought on government account. Aug. 3, 1791, Sal to Romeu asking 
for $823 for 97 skins in Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x.21. 1792, treasury 
paid $439 for 59 skins from Santa Barbara Company. Jd., xxi. 86. Dec. 30, 
1793, viceroy to court of Spain says some otter and seal skins are soli to 
vessels visiting the ports. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS.,i.17. Feb. 1794, 
by order of viceroy otter-skins may be exported free of duty. Prov. [tec., MS., 
viii. 141; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi., 159. June 8, 1795, governor to comman- 
dant. King allows Nicol4és Manzaneli of San Blas to take otter-skins to 
China from California and trade for goods. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 134. Feb. 
23, 1795, the governor explains that the privilege of taking otter along the 
coast amounts to nothing since they cannot buy China goods at Canton, a 
privilege monopolized by the Philippine Company; yet that company might 
advantageously take up the fur-trade. It is known that the English are 
intriguing for it. By the treaty of Oct. 28, 1790, between Spain and England, 
the latter power was prohibited from taking otter within ten leagues of any 
part of the coast occupied by the former—that is, all of California below San 
Francisco—and from engaging in illicit trade with the Spanish establish- 
ments. Caloo, Lecueil complet des T'raités, lii. 356-9. 


442 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


The causes of failure, without going into petty de- 
tails, were mainly as follows: the furs obtained in Cali- 
fornia were less numerous than had been expected, the 
natives lacking both skill and implements for otter- 
hunting; the quality was not equal to that of the furs 
brought to China from the Northwest Coast; the 
tariff of prices fixed by Basadre at first was thought 
too high; the royal fur-traders were not content with 
a fair profit; the Spaniards had no experience or skill 
in preparing, assorting, and selling the furs; and there 
were some diplomatic obstacles to be overcome in 
China. No private company ventured to engage in 
the trade thus abandoned by the crown; but skins 
in small quantities continued for many years to be 
collected by natives for the friars, who sent them by 
the transports to San Blas, whence they found their 
way to the Philippines. Later the American smug- 
glers afforded the California traders a better market. 

In other branches of commerce there was no develop- 
ment whatever. The Philippine galleon was required 
to touch at Monterey on each eastward trip, and was 
furnished with needed supplies on account of the 
royal treasury; but: the commanders often did not 
stop, preferring to pay the fine imposed;™ but all trade 
with this vessel by the missions or by private persons 
was strictly forbidden and, except in the form of 
occasional smugeling, prevented.” Governor Neve 
when he left California had in mind a project for 
trade with the galleons, which was further agitated 
by his successors; but after unfavorable reports had 

4 Dans la vue, sans doute, de favoriser le préside de Monterey, on oblige 
depuis plusieurs années, le galion revenant de Manille & Acapulco, de relacher 
dans ce port; mais cette relache et cet atterrage ne sont pas si nécessaires, 
que, méme en temps de paix, ce vaisseau ne préfere quelqueiois de continuer 
sa route, et de payer une certaine somme, par forme de dédommagement du 
bien qu ‘il aurait fait en y relachant.’ Monneron, in La Pérouse, Voy., iv. 122. 

* Vor orders against trade with the galleon in 1777, 1782, 1783, and 1787, 
see Prov. Rec., MS., i. 64-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 154-6; iv. 99-100; 
vii. 38-9. Nov. 15, 1784, the governor asks for information on the charge 
that a padre and other persons went on board the galleon and brought off 
four bales of goods. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 182. In December 1785 P. Noriega 


denies that there has been ie trading between missions and galleon. J/on- 
terey, Parroquia, MS., 


a =. 


PRICES CURRENT. 445 


been received from both Soler and Fages, the general 
decided to continue the prohibition.” I annex in the 
form of a note a list of the prices current in Cali- 
fornia at this epoch.” 


6 Soler, Parecer sobre comercio con el Buque de China, 14 de Enero 1787, MS. 
Fages, Informe sobre Comercio con Buques de China, 18 de Febrero 1787, MS. 
The reasons urged against free trade were, that so far as the soldiers were 
concerned better goods were received with greater regularity and at more 
uniform prices by the present system; as the galleon could not touch at 
all the presidios, a monopoly and inequality would be caused; the soldiers 
becoming traders would be distracted from their regular duties; avarice and 
pride would be engendered in California; China goods were not fitted for the 
California trade; and there was no money to pay for them. Yet Soler 
favored the trade if the barter of peltries could be included; and Fages was 
disposed to favor taking no notice of the barter of trifling articles by indi- 
viduals. July 14, 1786, Gen Ugarte asks Fages for his views on the matter. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 1384-5. June 23, 1787, having received the reports, he 
renews the old prohibition. Jd., vii. 38-9. 

Jan. 1, 1781, Gov. Neve formed a new arancel in accordance with royal 
order of March 21, 1775, and decree of audiencia of Jan. 11, 1776. Prov. st. 
Pap., MS., vi. 14, 15; announced to Gen. Croix March 4th. Prov. Rec., MS., 
ii. 41-2; approved by Croix July 27, 1781, and by king Feb. 22, 1782, and 
royal approval published by Fages Jan. 12, 1784. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 
156-8. ‘This arancel given in full under date of Aug. 12, 1782, in Arancel de 
Precios, 1782, MS. January 2, 1788, Gov. Fages issued a new arancel which, 
however, only included live-stock and agricultural products, or articles likely 
to be purchased by the government. Arancel de Precios, 1788, MS. Manu- 
script copy certified by Gov. Borica, in Hstudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal.,i.7; Savage, 
Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 36-8. In the following 
list the prices of 1788 are given in parentheses—reales expressed in ‘cents’: 
Horses, $9 ($3-$9); asses ($6-$7); calves ($1.50); bulls ($4); sheep (75c.-$2); 
swine ($1-$4); cocks (12c.-25c.); quail, per doz. (25c.); hares (12c.); mules, 
$16-$20 ($14-$20); horses (unbroken, colts, mares, $3); cows ($4); oxen ($5); 
goats (75c.-$1); hens (25c.-S7c.)’; pigeons, per pair (25c.); rabbits (12c.) 
Beef, jerked, per 25 Ibs.'(75c.); beef, fresh, per 25 tbs. (25c.); eggs, per doz. 24c.; 
hides, untanned (37c.); hides, tanned, $2.75 ($2.25); wool, per 25 Ibs. ($1.25- 
$2); tallow, per 25 tbs. ($1.25-$2.50); candles, per 25 fbs., $3 ($2.50); lard, 
per 25 ibs. $3 ($3); sheep-skin, 50c.; deer-skin (25c.); dog-skin, 75c.; buck- 
skin, or antelope, tanned ($1.25-$1.50); cheese, per ib., 6ic. Wheat, per 
fanega ($2); barley, per fan. ($1); lentils, per fan., $2.50; maize, per fan., 
$1.50; beans, per fan. ($2.50); peas, per fan. ($1.50-$3); flour, per 25 Ibs. 
($1.25-$2); $2 per 25 ibs. to $6 per fanega. Sugar, ib., 25c.; panocha, tb., —; 
brandy, pt., 75c.; saffron, oz., 50c.; olive-oil, jar, $4.37; figs, Ib., 12c.; gun- 
powder, ib., $1; soap, ib., 18c.; chocolate, ib., 37c.-56c.; cloves, oz., 62c.; 
cinnamon, oz., 62c.; cumin, oz., 3c.; red pepper, ib., 18c.; pepper, oz., 6c.; 
tobacco, Ib., $1.25. Anquera, $1.50; awl, 12c.; shield, $2; kettles (calde- 
reta) $1; stirrups, wooden, $1; gun-case, $1.50; saddle-irons, $1; lance, 87c.; 
penknife, 25c.; earthen pot., 12c.-18c.; plates, 4c.-18c.; comb, 6c.—50c.; 
rosary, 3c.; ear-rings, pr., 75c.; saddle, $12-$16; punch, 25c.; cup, 18c.; 
dagger, 22c.; anquera trappings, $2.50; earthen pan, 18c.; wooden spoon, 
6c.; spurs, pr., $1; sword, $4.50; gun, $4.50-$16; bridle, $1; horseshoes, set, 
$1; pocket-knife, 50c.; razor, 62c.; copper pot, $3.50; paper, quire, 45c.; 
needles, paper, $1.28; needles, per 24, 12c.; bridle-lines, 50c.; Holy Christ, 
$1.75; chisel, 12c.;: scissors, 37c.-62c.; screw of gun, 25c.; jug, l2c. Baize, 
yd., 50c.; coarse linen (Cotense), yd., 37¢.-75c.; gold-laco, oz., $1.62; silver- 
Ince, 0z., $1.62; ribbon, yd., 12c.-75c.; cotton cloth, yd., 25c.-87e.; pita twist, 
10c.; .inen (Piatilla), yd., 62c.; Britannia (linen), yd., 82c.-$1.25; Bramant 


444 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


Each year two of the four transports arrived from 
San Blas with supplies for presidios and missions, one 
usually visiting San Diego and Santa Bdrbara, and 
the other San Francisco and Monterey. The Favor- 
ata from 1783 to 1790 made five trips; the Princesa 
and San Carlos, or Filipino, each four trips; and the 
Aranzazu three. The commanders were Martinez, 
Aguirre, Camacho, Tobar, and Cafizares. These an- 
nual voyages present nothing requiring attention, 
save that in 1784 after the Mavorita had sailed from 
San Francisco rumors were current of a wreck and 
four or five men killed at the mouth of the Pajaro 
River, rumors which proved unfounded. The Manila 
galleon touched at Monterey in 1784 and 1785; and 
in 1784 the Princesa arrived from the Philippines 
under Capt. Maurelle.* 

In 1788 Martinez with the Princesa and the San 
Carlos made a voyage to the Alaska coast and on 
his return touched at Monterey, where he remained 
with one vessel from September 17th to October 
14th, the San Cdrlos having gone back to San 
Blas without stopping.” In his northern voyage to 
Nootka the next year, in which he captured several 
English vessels and very nearly provoked a Euro- 
pean war, Martinez did not touch on the California 
coasts; but in 1790 the San Cdrlos and Princesa, 
under Fidalgo and Quimper, touched at Monterey 
on their return from Nootka in September, and 
perhaps brought the Californian memorias by this 


(linen), yd., 82c.; Frieze (jerga), yd., 37c.; silver-thread, oz., $2.25; linen, 
domestic, yd., 62c.; linen (glazed), yd., 37c.; cloth (ordinary woollen), yd., 
$1.25; silk twist, §2c.; sackcloth, yd., 25c. Shirt (crea), $3.75; shirt (linen), 
$6.00; blankets (pastoras), $1; blankets (cameras), $2; medals, oz., 12c; silk 
shawl, $6; hat, $1.12; handkerchiefs, silk, $1.50; stockings (thread), $1.50; 
stockings (woollen), 75c.; stockings (silk), $4-$4.50; shoes, 75c. 

8 For records of arrival and departure of the vessels each year see Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., iv. 69, 133-4; v. 104-5, 161, 166; vi. 50, 53; vii. 4, 70; viii. 
68, 89, 91-100; ix. 100, 243-4; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 177-8; ii. 95; tii. 124, 
200; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; MS., iv. 21; St. Pap. Sac., MS., i. 52, ii. 
16,17; S. Buenaventura, Lib. Mision, MS., 4; Gaceta de Mezx., i. ii.; Palou, 
Not., ii. 393-6. 


See List. Northwest Coast, i.; and Hist. Alaska. See also references of 
preceding note, : 


WARNING AGAINST THE ‘COLUMBIA.’ 445 


somewhat roundabout course. The Nootka voyages 
will demand our attention in a subsequent volume 
of north-western annals. 

As a continuation of Californian maritime history 
for this period the following order issued by Governor 
Fages to Commandant José Argiiello of San Fran- 
cisco May 13, 1789, explains itself, chronicles Cali- 
fornia’s first knowledge of the United States, alludes 
to what might have been, but was not, a conflict be- 
tween the Pacific province and the infant republic of 
the Atlantic, and indicates the foreign policy of Spain. 
‘* Should fhene arrive at the port of San Francisco a 
ship named Columbia, which they say belongs to Gen- 
eral Washington of the American states, and which 
under the command of John Kendrick sailed from 
Boston in September 1787 with the design of making 
discoveries and inspecting the establishments which 
the Russians have on the northern coasts of this pen- 
insula ;—you will take measures to secure this vessel 
and all the people on board, with discretion, tact, 
cleverness, and caution, doing the same with a small 
craft which she has with her as a tender, and with 
every other suspicious foreign vessel, giving me 
prompt notice in such cases in order that I may take 
such action as shall be expedient.” * 

But Kendrick, in the Columbia, had sought a more 
northern port than San Francisco, and no narrative of 
a naval conflict has place in this chapter. Kendrick’s 
associate, Gray, in the Lady Washington, however, had 
sighted California in latitude 41° 28’ in August 1788, 

30 Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 239, etc.; Fidalgo, Viage, 1790, MS.; Id., 
Tabla, MS. 3 Quimper, Segundo Recon., MS.; Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex., Viaye, 
Introd., exii. 

od Copy certified by Argiiello July 14, 1789, in St. Pap., Miss. and Colon. 
MS., i. 538-4. Also printed translations in Rando’ 'ph’s Oration; Hutchings’ 
Mag., v. 310; Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 337; S. F. Evening Post, July 
pi 1877. A translation in the Library of the California Pioneers seems to 


have been followed by all writers, who have copied the error by which the 
Columbia’s tender is taken for the boat of the presidio by the aid of which 


_ Argiiello was to effect the capture! Several writers, including Randolph, 


Tuthil, Hist, Ca/., 117, and Frignet, Californie, 52, have also sottened the 
governor's stern decree into an order merely to ‘examine delicately’ or ‘re- 
ceive with ,reat reserve’ the suspicious craft. 


446 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. — 


and passing northward had strangely identified a cape 
in 43° with Mendocino.” 

Similarly ineffective though well meant was an or- 
der that came all the way from the court of Spain in 
1787, to be published in all parts of California, pre- 
scribing an application of cool olive-oil as a remedy 
for niguas, or chigoes, sometimes less elegantly termed 
‘jiggers,’ a troublesome insect of tropical America; 
but the chigoes, like the Yankees, avoided California, 
and the order of Carlos III. remained a nullity in this 
part of his possessions.” 

A birth, marriage, or death in the royal family was 
usually announced with all due formality in this re- 
mote corner of the world; and on one occasion a de- 
serter at Monterey, whose descendants still live in 
California, took advantage of the general pardon ac- 
companying the news of the happy delivery of the 
princess. 

The death of Carlos III. was announced in Febru- 
ary 1789, and orders were issued for the salva funebre 
and other rites at the presidios, with prayers by all 
the padres.” 

Felipe de Neve, ex-governor, went to Sonora in 
the autumn of 1782, as we have seen, to take the posi- 
tion of inspector general with the rank of: brigadier. 
Early in 1783 he succeeded Don Teodoro de Croix as 
commandant general of the Provincias Internas, a 
position second only to that: of viceroy among Spanish 


officials in America, though Neve, like his prede- 


32 Haswell’s Voyage, 1787-9, MS.; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 187. 

83 A royal order of Nov. 20, 1786, forwarded by commandant general, 
Apr. 22, 1787. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 51-2. 

34 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 159. In 1784 the Princesa was illuminated at 
news that royal twins had been born; and the president was ordered to an- 
nounce the birth and give thanks therefor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 117; 
Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 385. Aug. 1st, Fages notifies commandants that 
congratulations may be sent in. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 165. Oct. 14, 
1785, the king orders thanksgiving everywhere for birth of Prince Fernando 
Maria. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 26. Nov. 4, 1780, Santa Barbara ordered to 
fire 21 guns with 23 lbs. of powder on San Carlos day. Prov. St. Pap., MS., _ 
vill. 89. Oct. 15, 1785, general pardon published in California on account of 
birth of twins Don Carlos and Don Felipe. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 5. 

-® Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 306. 


DEATH OF EX-GOVERNOR NEVE. 447 


cessor, was independent of viceregal authority.” The 
choice was a merited recognition of Neve’s abilities, but 
his rule was cut short by death at the end of 1784.” All 
that is known of Neve’s life has been told in the pre- 
ceding chapters, and the reader is already aware of 
what manner of man he was, able, patriotic, and dig- 
nified. Devoted to the royal service and to the true 
interests of California, he formed and followed a well 
defined policy, rising above the petty obstacles thrown 
in his way by the friars. The dislike of the latter 
was caused almost wholly by Neve’s great influence 
in Mexico and Spain, and by his opposition to their 
far-reaching schemes of unlimited control. Personally 
he was courteous and agreeable, more so than many 
other officials; but while others followed more or less 
faithfully the policy laid down in superior’ instruc- 
- tions, he largely dictated that policy. Finding that 
the friars would not submit to amicable recognition of 
the secular authorities he proposed to restrict their 
control of the mission temporalities and of the natives 
in the interests of colonization, of real civilization, 
and the rights of man. Whether his system or any 


36 On appointment as inspector see chap. xviii. Made commandant general 
Feb. 15, 1783. Acknowledges Fages’ congratulations Feb. 6, 1784. April 5, 
1784, Fages learns that Neve has been granted $8,000 salary as commandant 
inspector. July 12, 1783, royal cédula confirming Neve’s appointment dated 
July 12, 1783. See Prov. Rec., MS., i. 166, 188; ili. 182; St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
xv. 18; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 62-4; v. 25, 88. 

37 He died probably on November 3d, and his death was announced to Gov. 
Fages on Nov. 30th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 63-4. Fages speaks of his 
death on Feb. 1, and April 22, 1785. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 201, ii. 93. Don 
Felipe de Neve was a major of the Querétaro regiment of provincial cavalry 
from its organization in 1766 until September 1774, when he was selected by 
Viceroy Bucareli to succeed Gov. Barri in the Californias. He assumed the 
office at Loreto on March 4, 1775. When the capital was changed he came 
to Monterey, arriving on Feb. 3, 1777. He made a beginning of colonization 
in 1777; offered his resignation, and was made colonel in 1778; prepared in 
1779 his new reglamento; and had his quarrel with Serra in 1780. Subse- 
quently he spent most of his time at San Gabriel superintending the founda- 
tion of Los Angeles and making preparations for the Channel missions. On 
Aug. 21, 1782, he started for the Colorado River on a campaign against the 
murderers of Rivera, but on the way, unexpectedly as it would seem, he re- 
ceived notice of his promotion dated July 12th to be inspector general. In 
September he received the cross of the order of San Carlos and at the same 
time or a little later the rank of brigadier general. He was made command- 
ant general Feb. 15, 1783, probably; was confirmed July 12, 1783; and died 
Nov. 3d of the next year. . 


448 FOREIGN, RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 


possible system could have been successful, considering 
the class of colonists obtainable, the character of the 
natives, the isolation of California, and the general cur- 
rent of Hispano-American affairs, I seriously doubt; 
but unlike some Mexican governors who affected a like 
position in later times, Neve was honest in his views 
and worked calmly and intelligently for their realiza- 
tion. Such men would have done all that it was pos- 
sible to do with half-breed colonists, stupid aborigines, 
and opposing priests. 

At Neve’s death José Antonio Rengel was ap- 
pointed by the audiencia of Guadalajara to the tem- 
porary command; and by royal order of October 6, 
1785, General Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola was placed in 
command, where he remained until 1790. During 
this period there were several subdivisions of the in- 
ternal provinces, but Ugarte always possessed power 
over those of the west, including California. During 
the term of Viceroy Galvez, 1785-7, he had authority 
over the commandant general, who had before been 
independent; and after his death the dependence con- 
tinued, though not very clearly defined, until 1788. 
In 1790 Ugarte was succeeded by Pedro de Nava 
under whose rule all subordination of the command 
was removed, and in 1792 or 1793 all the provinces 
were reunited in one independent command.” 

Viceroy Flores in his instructions to his successor 

38 Prov, St. Pap., MS., iv. 154-5; v. 63-4; vi. 106; Galvez, Jnstruccion 
Jormada de real érden, 1786, pp. 1-56. 

89 Ugarte commanded in person in Sonora and California; had a subordi- 
nate in N. Vizcaya and New Mexico, and another in Coahuila and Texas; was 
subordinate to Viceroy Galvez; but became independent at his death. Jnstrue- 
ciones de Vireyes, 124-5; Mayer MSS., No. 8. February 10, 1787, Ugarte in- 
forms Fages that by death of Galvez his command again becomes independent. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 48-5. March 2, 1787, royal order giving Viceroy Flores 
the same authority that Galvez had held. Jd., vii. 31, viii. 40-1. December 
3, 1787, comandancia divided into eastern and western provinces. St. Pap., 
Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 58, 61. May (or March) 11, 1788, king gave vice- 
roy increased and full powers over Provincias Internas. A/ayer MSS., No. 1; 
San Miguel, Rep. Mex., 13. July 9, 1788, Viceroy Flores gives Ugarte full 
powers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 5,6. March 7, 1790, Ugarte succeeded 
by Nava and Ugalde (in eastern provinces) by Rengel. Mayer MSS., No. 2; 
November 28, 1790, Nava announces his appointment. Prov. St. Pap., M'., 
ix. 348. 1792, all provinces reunited. Lscudero, Not. Sonvru, 71. 1793, Ln- 
strucciones de Vireyes, 201. 


MEASURES IN MEXICO AND SPAIN. 449 


Revilla Gigedo in 1789 devoted considerable atten- 
tion to California and to the importance of its defence 
and further colonization, recommending war-vessels 
to protect the coast, since an attack by foreigners 
was possible and the reconquest would be extremely: 
difficult. A reénforcement of soldiers who would later 
become settlers was likewise proposed for considera- 
tion; and the viceroy had also asked the king for a 
few families from the Canary Islands to take care of 
a large number of foundlings whom he intended to 
send to California. During the period, however, 
there was practically nothing done in behalf of colo- 
nization, beyond allowing discharged sailors in the 
ports to be enlisted as settlers or soldiers; yet Fages 
reported strongly in favor of colonization, since the 
missions with their increasing number of neophytes 
could not be depended on to supply grain for the pre- 
sidios.” 

The old desire for overland communication with 
California had pretty nearly died out. Fages at the 
beginning of 1785 proposed to lead an expedition and 
to open communication with New Mexico; but the 
scheme met with no favor, and was positively for- 
bidden by Viceroy Galvez in his instructions to Gen- 
eral Ugarte in.1786, on the ground that small parties 
would be exposed to great danger on the route, and 
large ones could not be spared. 

40 Tnstrucciones de Vireyes, 139-40; Florés, Instruccion, MS., 22-5. 

41 Prov. Rec:, MS., i. 203-4; St. Pap., Sac., ii. 17; Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
v. 164. Feb. 15, 1785, Gen. Rengel forwards orders of king for weather 
reports every 6 months. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 26. Dec. 31, 1785, the gov- 
ernor renders the only report extant for this decade, describing the climate 
as cold and humid, especially at San Francisco, but better for Spaniards than 
natives; yet the region is fertile and attractive with ample resources for col- 


onies. The spring rains are as in Spain, and this year have been very abundant. 
Relacion de Temperamento 1785, MS. . 

#2 Fages to Gen. Rengel, Jan. 14, 1785. Prov. Rec., i. 186, ii. 104-5; Ren- 
gel to Fages, July Ist. St. Pap., Sac. ., MS., xv. 23; Galvez, Instruccion, | 786, 
MS., 31; Escudero, Not. Son., 70; Mayer MSS.., No. 8. In the diary of an 
expedition to the Tulare region in 1806 P. Muiioz mentions a report by the 
chief of a San Joaquin rancheria that some twenty years before—1786—a 
party of soldiers had arrived from the other side, killed some of the natives 
when attacked, and retired. The padre thinks this must have been a party 
from New Mexico. Arch. Sta. Barbar a, iv. 25-6. 

Hist. Cau., Vout. I. 29 


CHAPTER XXII. 


RULE OF FAGES; LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 
1783-1790. 


Pian oF Loca ANNALS—SAN DiEGO PrEstp1AL DistRIcT—PRESIDIO OFFt- 
CIALS—ALFEREZ JOSE VELASQUEZ—FORCE AND PoPULATION—BUILD- 
INGS—GARRISON LirE—INDIAN AFFAIRS—EXPLORATIONS—SAN DIEGO 
Mission—Jvuan FiGguEROA—R10B00—MATERIAL AND SPIRITUAL PROG- 
RESS—SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO—GRECORIO AMURRIO—PABLO MuGAR- 
TEGUI—SAN GABRIEL—PUEBLO OF Los ANGELES—SETTLERS—FELIX AS 
COMISIONADO—PRESIDIO OF SANTA BARBARA—PLAN oF BurILDINGsS—A 
VoLCANO—SOLDIERS KILLED WHILE PROSPECTING FOR MINES—SAN 
BuENAVENTURA—PRESIDIO OF MONTEREY—OFFICIAL CHANGES—SURGEON 
DAvita—San CArLos—NorizeGa—San ANnToNIo—San Luis Oxsispo— 
Josk CAVALLER—PRESIDIO OF SAN FRANCISCO—LIEUTENANTS MoraGa 
AND GONZALEZ—LASSO DE LA VEGA—PRESIDIO CHAPEL—THE MIss1on— 
Francisco PaLou—Map oF THE Bay—SantTa CLARA—NEwW CHURCH— 
Murauia—PvEBLO DE SAN JOSE—VALLEJO AS CoMISIONADO. 


Durine the era of exploration, conquest, and foun- 
dation, which was for the most part ended soon after 
the beginning of the second decade, the local history 
of each new establishment has been a link in the 
chain of provincial development so closely united with 
affairs of government and the general march of events 
as to be susceptible of strict chronological treatment. 
Local annals will be to the end an important and 
deservedly prominent element in Californian history, 
as in any provincial history properly so called; but 
hereafter it will be best, that is,.most conducive to a 
clear presentment and easy study of the subject, to 
group these annals in decades, or other convenient 
periods, and to present them side by side with and to 


some extent independently of the more formal and 
( 450 ) 


f 


AFFAIRS AT SAN DIEGO. 451 


general narrative which they support and illustrate. 
The present chapter I devote to purely local annals 
of the missions, presidios, and pueblos during the rule 
of Pedro Fages, from 1783 to 1790, a period which 
may, however, be regarded practically in most respects 
as beginning a year or two. earlier, and thus compris- 
ing the second decade of Spanish occupation. 


To begin in the extreme south; the presidio of San 
Diego from 1781 to 1790 and for three years more 
was under the command of Lieutenant José de Zuiiiga, 
who, as habilitado, was also intrusted with the com- 
pany accounts. So far as the records show no com- 
plaint was ever made against him in either capacity, 
and he not only enjoyed the entire confidence of both 
governor and commandant general, but was popular 
with his men, and efficient in keeping the savages 
quiet. The second officer was at first Alférez José 
Velasquez, who like Zuiiga was one of the new officers 
sent to California under the regulation of 1781, who 
did good service among the southern and frontier sav- 
ages, some of whose explorations I shall have occasion 
to mention later, but who died at San Gabriel Novem- 
ber 2, 1785.2 During 1786 the position was vacant, 


1Fages to Gen. Ugarte Nov. 8, 1787, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 4, urges 
that it would be unsafe to remove Zufiiga in view of his success in ruling the 
natives. Capt. Soler wished to put him in command at Santa Barbara so that 
under his supervision a stupid alférez might be utilized as habilitado. Jd., vii. 
114-16. Lieut. Ortega, Zuniga’s predecessor, had practically commanded at 
San Diego since its foundation, at first as sergeant in charge of the escolta, and 
after March 1774, Id., i. 149, as lieutenant and commandant of the presidio. 
Rafael Pedro y Gil, who as guarda-almacen had charge of the accounts before 
Zuiiga’s time, gave them up on Oct. 19, 1781, and went to San Blas under 
arrest to account for a deficit of $7,000. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 118; ii. 70-1. 
Pedro y Gil was a native of Baroca in Aragon, married to Dojfia Josefa de 
Chavira y Lerma, a native of Jalisco, by whom he had several children, three 
of them born at San Diego. S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 12, 18, 20. He 
came as store-keeper in 1774, asked to be relieved the same year, had a deficit 
of $333 in 1775, and asked again for dismissal before he was ruined. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 234-5, 238. In 1782 his deficit was. $6,300. Monterey Co. Arch., 
MS., vii. 6. In 1791 he was a revenue-officer in Etzatlan, Jalisco, and again in 
debt to the government. Nueva Hspatia, Acuerdos, MS., 16. 

2 He was buried Nov. 3d by Sanchez in the mission church. San Gabriel, 
Lib. de Mision, MS., 8; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., vii. 2. His death was 
caused by a sore hand. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 160. In Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 


452 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


but early the next year Sergeant Pablo Grijalva of 
the San Francisco company was made alférez, or sub- 
lieutenant, and sent down to take the place, which he 
held for the rest of the period.® 

Grijalva, it will be remembered, had come from 
Sonora with Anza’s San Francisco colony in 1776. 
The sergeant of San Diego had been Juan José Robles, 
a victim of the Colorado River massacre, and after 
his death Guillermo Carrillo served for a time, but 
died in December 1782,* and after a vacancy of two 
years Ignacio Alvarado was promoted from among 
the corporals to fill the place from 1784. The pre- 
sidial force under these officers was by the regulation 
to be five corporals and forty-six soldiers, and the 
ranks never lacked more than three of being full. Six 
men were constantly on duty at each of the three 
missions of the district, San Diego, San Juan Capis- 
trano, and San Gabriel; while four served at the 
pueblo of Angeles, thus leaving a sergeant, two 
corporals, and about twenty-five men to garrison the 
fort, care for the horses and a small herd of cattle, 
and to carry the mails, which latter duty was the 
hardest connected with presidio service in time of 
peace. There were a carpenter and blacksmith con- 
stantly employed, besides a few servants, mostly 
natives. The population of the district in 1790, not 
including Indians, was 220.° 
132, it is implied that Velasquez had been habilitado, that the office fell to 
Zufiga at his death, and that Raimundo Carrillo was to be sent to aid Zuiiga 
in his new duties; but this is certainly an error. 

3 His commission as alférez of the San Diego company was sent by the gen- 
eral Feb. 9, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 45. 

4San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 79. 

> Company rosters, containing the names of all officers and men, were 
made out monthly for each presidio. In the early years only a few of these 
rosters for each year have been preserved; but in later times they are nearly 
complete. The reglamento gave San Diego $13,000 per year; but the aver- 
age annual expense as shown by the company accounts was about $16,000. 
The average pay-rolls were $12,000); Mexico memorias, $8,000; and San Blas, 
$3,500. In 1786 supplies to the amount of $3,653 were bought of the mis- 
sions. Between $400 and $500 were retained from soldiers’ pay each year for 
the fondo de retencion. Military accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 
i. 21; ili. 14; vi. 4; v. 9; viii. 3-5; xx. 6,7; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., 


i. 169-70; Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 6. For lists of arms and ammuni- 
tion see St, Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 26-7, v. 25; Prov. Si. Pap., MS., v. 17C-9. 








BUILDINGS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. 453 


Respecting the presidio buildings during this period 
the records are silent; but in view of Governor Neve’s 
efforts in this direction, of the fact that the work of 
collecting foundation stones was begun as early as 
1778, and especially because the correspondence of 
the next decade speaks of extensive repairs rather 
than original construction, I suppose that the pali- 
sades were at least replaced by an adobe wall enclos- 
ing the necessary buildings, public and private. Here 
on the hill lived about one hundred and twenty-five 
persons, men, women, and children. Hach year in 
summer or early autumn one of the transport vessels 
entered the harbor and landed a year’s supplies at the 
embarcadero several miles down the bay, to be brought 
up by the presidio mules. Every week or two small 
parties of soldier-couriers arrived from Loreto in the 
south or Monterey in the north with ponderous de- 
spatches for officials here and to the north, and with 
items of news for all. Hach day of festival a friar 
came over from the mission to say mass and otherwise 
care for the spiritual interests of soldiers and their 
families; and thus the time dragged on from day to 
day and year to year, with hardly a ripple on the sea 
of monotony. 

There was an occasional rumor of intended hostili- 
ties by the natives, but none resulted in anything 
serious, most of the trouble occurring south of the 
line in Baja Californian territory and requiring some 
attention from Fages during his southern trip in the 
spring of 1783. Here in the south, as in fact through- 
out the country, the natives were remarkably quiet 
and peaceful during Fages’ rule. This is shown by 
tlie meagre records on the subject in connection with 
the well known tendency of the Spaniards to indulge 
in long correspondence on any occurrence that can 
possibly be made to a#pear like an Indian campaign.° 


6 June 30, 1783, Fages to Padre Sales, in Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 218, says 
that he has ordered a sally against the Colorado Indians; and Oct. 26, /d., 
201, he orders Sergt. Arce with a guard of 4 or 5 men to watch those Indians, 


454 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


Neve’s instructions on leaving California had included 
a recommendation to open a new and safer route from 
San Diego to the peninsula. The exploration seems 
to have been made, and the result, saving ten or 
twelve leagues of distance and avoiding some danger- 
ous bands of coast natives, was approved by General 
Rengel in 1786.’ At the end of May 1783 Alférez 
Velasquez made a reconnoissance eastward from San 
Diego with a view to examine a new route to the 
Colorado River recommended by Lasuen. He went 
no farther than the summit of the mountains, found 
_ the route impracticable, and returned by another way 
after an absence of four days.* In October of the 
same year Velasquez had instructions from Fages to 
visit the Colorado, to examine a ford said by the 
natives to exist near the mouth, to recover as many 
horses as possible without using force, and to keep a 
full diary of the trip;? but it seems that no such ex- 
ploration was made. In 1785, however, Fages in 
person made a similar reconnoissance accompanied by 
Velasquez, whose diary has been preserved.” This 
trip was made from the frontier where Fages had 
been searching for a mission site, the outward march 
being in what is now Lower California, but a portion 
the guard to be relieved every 15 days. Aug. 21st, Zufiiga to Fages stateg 
that the Serranos have killed a neophyte and threaten to attack the mission. 
He has taken steps to keep them in check. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 77. 
Nov. 15, 1784, governor to general, that a deserter, Hermenegildo Flores (an 
Indian probably) has been killed by the Indians. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 181-2. 
Oct. 7, 1786, Zuniga to Fages, that he has sent 7 men to reconnoitre Tomga- 
yavit. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 88. Dec. 21, 1788, the soldier Mateo Rubio 
seriously injured while loading a gun. Jd., viii. 68. 

7 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 131-3; Jd., Ben. Mil., MS., iv. 18; vi. 113-14. 
Some details respecting the new route are given. 

8 Velasquez, Diarioy Mapa de un Reconocimiento desde 8. Diego, 1783, MS., 
with a rude sketch of the route, which although the earliest map of this 
region extant, I do not deem worth reproducing. 

® Prov. Rec., MS.., iii. 188-90. 

10 Velasquez, Relacion del Viaje que hizo el Gobernador Fages, 1785, MS. A 
continuation of the title explains the document: ‘Diary made by order of 
Gov. Fages of the exploration made by hinf& in person from the frontier, 
crossing the sierra, wandering from the mouth of the Colorado River to the 
gulf of California, passing through the country of the Camillares, Cucupaes, 
Guyecamaes, Cajuenches, and Yumas; and his return across said sierra to 


this presidio.’ Dated San Diego, April 27,1785. The trip lasted from April 
7th to 20th. 


SAN DIEGO MISSION. 455 


of the return north of the line across the sierra to 
San Diego. There was one fight in which the natives 
were punished for having killed a horse as well as for 
previous offences with which they were charged. The 
narrative is long and filled with petty details, without 
value for the most part, but which might be of some 
geographical interest if presented in full and studied 
in connection with an accurate topographical map, did 
such a thing exist. It may be noted here that Fages 


in 1782 had crossed directly from the Colorado to San 


Diego, the first recorded trip over that route. I ap- 
pend a chart made by Juan Pantoja in 1782, which 
was copied by La Pérouse in substance.” 

At the mission six miles up the river there was a 
total change in the missionary force about the middle 
of the decade, caused by the death of one of the 
ministers and promotion of another. Juan Figuer 
after seven years of service in this field died Decem- 
ber 18, 1784," and was buried in the mission church 
next day. For about a year Fermin Francisco de 
Lasuen served alone, until in November 1785 the 
duties of his new position as president called him to 
San Carlos, and his place was taken by Juan Mariner. 
Juan Antonio Garcia Rioboo was associate until Oc- 
tober 1786, and was then succeeded by Hilario Tor- 


1 Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas; La Pérouse, Voy., Atlas. I omit the 
soundings. 

“San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 80, containing his partida de entierro 
signed by Lasuen. Figuer was a native of Anento in Aragon, and became a 
Franciscan at Zaragoza. Of his coming to America and to San Fernando col- 
lege I have found no record. With 29 companion friars for the Californias 
he arrived at Tepic from Mexico at the end of 1770, and with about 19 of the 
number sailed for Loreto in February 1771. The vessel was driven down to 
Acapulco and in returning was grounded at Manzanillo. Most of the padres 
returned to Sinaloa by land, but Figuer and Serra intrusted themselves again 
to the sea, when the San Cdrlos was got off, and after a tedious voyage 
reached Loreto in August 1771. Figuer was assigned to the Baja Californian 
mission of San Francisco de Borja. In November 1772 he was sent up to 
San Diego by Palou in company with Usson, both being intended for the 
proposed mission of San Buenaventura; but that foundation being postponed 
Figuer became minister of San Gabriel in May 1773. He served at San 
Gabriel 1773-4; at San Luis Obispo Oct. 1774 toJune 1777; and at San Diego 
until his death in Dec. 1784. He was buried in the mission church on Dec. 
19th, by his associate Lasuen. In 1804 his remains, with those of the martyr 
Jaume and of Mariner, were transferred with all due solemnity to a new sep- 
ulchre under an arch between the aitars of the new church. 


456 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


rens. The three last named friars were new-comers, 
Rioboo having been sent up by the guardian in the 
vessel of 1783 at Serra’s request for supernumeraries, 
and the other two having arrived in 1785 and 1786, 


Mission de.S8.Diego é 































































































































































































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Map or San Drieco, 1782. 


doing their first work at San Diego. Rioboo is not 
heard of after he left this mission, and I suppose him 
to have retired to his college at the end of 1786.” 


% Juan Antonio Garcia Rioboo, who should properly be spoken of as 
Garcia-Rioboo, whose last name should perhaps be written Riobd, and of 





LASUEN’S REPORT. 457 


In June 1783 Lasuen sent to Serra a report on the 
mission of San Diego, which included an outline of its 
past history, already utilized in the preceding chap- 
ters, and a statistical statement of agricultural prog- 
ress, intended to show that the place was wholly unfit 
for a mission, although the spiritual interests of the 
converts made it necessary to keep up the establish- 
ment, there being no better site available. A de- 
scription of the mission buildings then in existence 
accompanied the other papers.“ There were at this 
_ time 740 neophytes under missionary care, and Lasuen 
estimated the gentiles within a radius of six or eight 
leagues at a somewhat larger number. In 1790 the 
converts had increased to 856, of this number 486 
having been baptized and 278 having died. Large 
stock had increased from 654 to 1,729 head, small 
stock from 1,391 to 2,116, and the harvest of 1790 
had aggregated about 1,500 bushels. In his general 
report of 1787 on the state of the missions Fages, 
repeating the substance of Lasuen’s earlier statements 
respecting the sterility of the soil, affirms that only 
about one half of the neophytes live in the mission, 
since they cannot be fed there, that the gentiles are 


whose early life I know nothing, came from San Fernando college to Tepic 
probably in the same company as Figuer (see note 12), in October 1770. He 
crossed over to the peninsula with Gov. Barri in January 1771, and was put 
in charge of the two pueblos near Cape San Liicas. In May 1773 he sailed 
from Loreto on his way to his college. We hear nothing more of him until 
he was assigned to the Santa Barbara Channel missions, but refused to serve 
under the new system proposed. Later, however, he was sent up with Noboa 
as supernumerary, arriving at San Francisco June 2, 1783, and spending his 
time at San Francisco, San Juan, and San Gabriel until he came to San 
Diego in 1785. It is probable that even here he was not regular minister. 

14 Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS.; Hayes’ Mission Book, 89-98. The report 
was first dated May 10th, but Serra having ordered it kept back—probably 
in the fear that he might have to show it to the secular authorities—the 
author made some additions under date of June 2lst. The buildings were: 
Church, 30 x 5.5 varas; granary, 25 x 5.5 varas; storehouse, 8 varas; house 
for sick women, 6 varas; house for men, 6 varas; shed for wood and oven; 2 
padres’ houses, 5.5 varas; larder, 8 varas; guest-room; ato; kitchen. These 
were of adobe and from 8 to 5.5 varas high. With the soldiers’ barracks 
these buildings filled three sides of a square of 55 varas, and the fourth side 
was an adobe wall 3 varas high, with a ravelin a little higher. Outside, a 
fountain for tanning, 2 adobe corrals for sheep, etc., and one corral for cows. 
Most of the stock was kept in San Luis Valley 2 leagues away, protected by 
palisade corrals, 


458 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


numerous and dangerous, and that it is only by the 
unremitting toil and sacrifice of the padres in connec- 
tion with the vigilance of governor and commandant 
that this mission has managed to maintain a preca- 
rious existence. He adds, however, that notwith- 
standing all difficulties San Diego was the first mission 
to register a thousand baptisms.” 


Of San Juan Capistrano there is little to be said 
beyond naming its ministers and presenting a few 
statistics of conversion and of industrial progress. 
Lands were fertile, ministers faithful and zealous, 
natives well disposed, and progress in all respects, sat- 
isfactory. F ages in his report of 1787 alludes briefly 
to this establishment as in a thoroughly prosperous con- 
dition. ‘The number of converts was nearly doubled 
prior to 1790, and an occasional scarcity of water was 
the only drawback, apparently not a serious one, to 
agricultural operations.“ Of the original ministers 
who served at San Juan from the founding in 1776, 
Gregorio Amurrio had left the mission and probably 
the country in the autumn of 1779,” and had been suc- 
ceeded by Vicente Fuster, who at the end of 1787 
was transferred to Purisima, his place being filled by 
Juan José Norberto de Santiago, who had come from 
Mexico the year before and from Spain in 1785. 


1 Fages, Informe General sobre Misiones, 1787, MS. Owing to peculiar traits 
of the San Diego Indians they were left more completely under missionary 
control than at other missions, there being no alcaldes. Id., 77-8. 

16Converts in 1783, 383; in 1790, 741; new baptisms, 569; deaths, 140. 
Large stock had increased from 473 to 2,473; and small stock from 1,175 to 
5,500. Agricultural products for 1790 were over 3,000 bushels. 

1 Amurrio was one of the party who with Figuer (see note 12) was wrecked 
at Manzanillo in attempting to cross from San Blas to Loretoin 1771. He 
came back to Sinaloa by land, reached Loreto in November, and served at Santa 
Gertrudis during the brief occupation of the peninsula by the Franciscans. 
At the cession he came with Palou to San Diego in August 1773. Here he 
remained until April 1774, when he sailed for Monterey, subsequently serving 
most of the time as supernumerary at San Luis Obispo until the attempted 
foundation of San Juan in October 1775. The next year he spent chiefly at 
San Diego, was present as minister at the successful foundation of San Juan on 
Nov. 1, 1776; and his last entry in the books of that mission was in September 
of 1779. I think he sailed in the transport of that year for San Blas, retiring 
on account of impaired health. 





ANNALS OF SAN GABRIEL. 459 


Pablo de Mugértegui, the other founder, left Cali- 
fornia at the end of 1789, Fuster having returned in 


September to serve with Santiago during the last year 
of the decade.” 


At San Gabriel, the third mission of the San Diego 
military jurisdiction, Antonio Cruzado and Miguel 
Sanchez served together throughout this decade as in 
the next anda large part of the preceding, the former 
having begun his service in 1771 and the latter in 
1775, while both died at their posts after 1800. They 
had José Antonio Calzada as a supernumerary asso- 
ciate from 1788 to 1790. They baptized on an average 
a hundred converts each year, half of whom soon 
died. In neophyte numbers San Gabriel was second 
only to San Antonio, while in live-stock and farm 
products this mission had in 1790 far outstripped all 
the rest.>. The governor alludes to it as having often 
relieved the necessities of other establishments in both 
Californias, and as having enabled the government to 
carry out important undertakings that without such 
aid would have been impracticable. Prosperity did 
not however carry in its train much excitement in the 
way of local events, and the calm of this mission of 


18 Pablo de Mugartegui came to California with Serra on that friar’s return 
from Mexico, arriving at San Diego March 13,1774. Being in poor health he 
remained for some time unattached to any mission, first serving as super- 
numerary at San Antonio from January to July 1775. He was minister at 
San Luis Obispo from August 1775 until November 1776, and at San Juan as 
we have seen from November 1776 until November 1789. He writes to Lasuen 
on Jan. 30, 1794, from the college, that he had been very ill but was now out 
of danger. From Aug. 16, 1786, he held the office of vice-president of the 
California missions, having charge of the southern district. Taylor, in Cal. 
Farmer, July 24, 1863, says, erroneonsly I suppose, that he died on March 6, 
1805, at San Buenaventura, 

19 Much of the information respecting the friars in charge I have obtained . 
from San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS. Among the visiting padres 
who officiated here during the period and before were Serra, Oct. 1778; Figuer, 
June 1780; Miguel Sanchez, May 1782; Lasuen, Oct. 1783; Rioboo, Feb. 1784; 
Mariner, Oct. 1785; José Arroita, Dec. 1786; José Antonio Calzada, April 1788; 
Torrens, Cct. 1788; and Cristébal Ordmas, Dec. 1788 to Jan. 1789. Thus we 
see that San Juan for some not very clear reason was much less_ isolated in 
respect of visitors than San Diego. 

20 Neophytes in 1783, 638; in 1790, 1,040. Baptisms during period, 818; 
deaths, 466. Increase of large stock, 860 to 4,221; small stock, 3,070 to 
6,018. Harvest in 1790, 6,150 bushels. 


460 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


the great archangel on the river of earthquakes was 
disturbed only by one or two slight troubles, or rumors 
of trouble, with the natives. In October 1785 the 
neophytes and gentiles were tempted by a woman, so 
at least said the men, into a plan to attack the mis- 
sion and kill the friars. ‘The corporal in command 
prevented the success of the scheme without blood- 
shed, and captured some twenty of the conspirators. 
Fages hurried south from the capital, put the four 
ringleaders in prison to await the decision of the 
commandant general, and released the rest with fifteen 
or twenty lashes each. Two years later came General 
Ugarte’s order condemning one native, Nicolas, to six 
years of work at the presidio followed by exile to a 
distant mission. ‘The woman was sent into perpetual 
exile, and the other two were dismissed with the two 
years’ imprisonment already suffered.” Again in July 
1786 a gentile chieftain was arrested on a charge pre- 
sented by the chief of another rancheria that he had 
threatened hostilities, but the accusation proved to 
have little or no foundation.” 

The annals of the adjoining pueblo, Our Lady, 
Queen, or Saint Mary, of the Angels on the Rio de 
Porciincula have already been brought down in a 
general way to the distribution of lands in the autumn 
of 1786.% By the end of the decade the number of 
settlers had been recruited, chiefly from soldiers who 
had served out their time, from nine to twenty-eight, 
who with their families made up a total population of 
one hundred and thirty-nine.* All of the original 
pobladores who received a formal grant of their lands 
in 1786 remained except Rosas.” Sebastian Alvitre 

"1 Fages to Gen. Ugarte Dec. 5, 30, 1785, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 131-2; 
Ugarte to Fages, Dec. 14, 1787, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 116-17. 

2 Zuniga to Fages, Aug. 15, 1786, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 35-6. 

23 See chapter xvi., this volume, 

4 An estado of August 17, 1790, makes the total 141. Males, 75; females, 
66. Unmarried, 91; married, 44; widowed, 6. Under 7 years, 47; 7 to 16 
years, 33; 16 to 29 years, 12; 29 to 40 years, 27; 40 to 90 years, 13; over 


90 years, 9. Europeans, 1; Spaniards, 72; Indians, 7; mulattoes,22; mestizos, 
39. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 152. 


* The 20 new settlers were: Domingo Aruz, Juan Alvarez, Joaquin Ar- 


HAPPENINGS AT LOS ANGELES. 461 


had proved unmanageable at San José and after four 
or five years of convict life at the presidio had been 
sent to Angeles for reform. The settlers were not a 
very orderly community, but they seem to haVe given 
some attention to their fields, since the pueblo pro- 
duced in 1790 more grain than ‘any of the missions 
except San Gabriel, its neighbor. Their dwellings, 
twenty-nine In number, were of adobes, like the public 
town hall, barrack, uard- house, and granaries; and 
all were enclosed within an adobe wall, there being 
also a few buildings outside the wall.” 

Vicente Félix was at first corporal of the pueblo 
guard furnished by the San Diego presidio; but he 
soon developed special ability and interest in general 
management and was made a kind of director before 
1784. Though some complaints were made against 
him by the settlers, and Zufiga at one time favored his 
removal, the governor’s confidence was not shaken, 
and he finally made him comisionado, intrusting to 
him the management not only of the pueblo but of 
its alcalde and regidores,” he being responsible to the 
governor through the commandant of Santa Barbara 
for any failure of those officials to attend properly to 
their duties. Fages’ instructions to Félix were dated 
Jan. 13, 1787, and required the latter to see that the 
menta, Juan Ramirez Arellano, Sebastian Alvitre, Roque Cota, Faustino José 
Cruz, Juan José Dominguez, Manuel Figueroa, Felipe Santiago Garcia, 
Joaquin Higuera, Juan José Lobo, José Ontiveros, Santiago de la Cruz Pico, 
Francisco Reyes, Martin Reyes, Pedro José Romero, Efigenio Ruiz, Mariano 
Verdugo, José Villa, besides Vicente Félix, corporal and comisionado, In 
1789 there had been 5 additional names: José Silvas, Rejis Soto, Francisco 
Lugo, Melecio Valdés, and Rafael Sepulveda, or at least lands were ordered to 
be granted to these men. Nine only drew pay and rations in 1789. Prov. Sé. 
Pap., MS., v. 29-36; ix. 120, 159-63; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., x. 2-6; 
St. Pap., Miss., i. 66-72, Large stock had increased from 340 to 2, 980 head; 
small stock from 210 to 438; and the crops of 1790 amounted to 4, 500 bushels, 

26 Prov, St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 68, 71. Aug. 10, 1785, 35 pounds powder 
and 800 bullets sent to Angeles as reserve ammunition for settlers. Prov. Rec., 
MS., ii. 7. Nov. 9, 1786, Goycoechea to Fages, will take steps to stop ex- 
cesses. Prov. St. Pap. by MS., vi. 57. May 8, 1787, commandant general con- 
gratulates Fages on progress "reported, Id., vii. 41. Pueblo called Santa Maria 
de los Angeles. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 125. 

27 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 163-4; Prov. St. Pap., Vv. 180; ix. 105, 119-20, 225-6. 
José Vanegas. was the first alealde:i in 1788; Tose Sinova the secontl in 1789, 


with Felipe ¢ rarcia and Manuel Camero as regidores; and Mariano Verdugo 
the third in 1790. 


462 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS, 


settlers performed all the duties, complied with all 
the conditions, and enjoyed all the privileges enjoined 
by the regulation; to watch and instruct and codperate 
with the“alcalde in his efforts to insure good order and 
justice and morality; and to attend to the carrying- 
out of some very judicious regulations which are 
included in the document respecting the treatment 
of the natives and their employment as laborers.” 


At the Channel presidio of Santa Barbara the force 
maintained was from fifty to fifty-four privates, two 
corporals, two or three sergeants, an alférez, and a 
lieutenant. Of this force fifteen men at first and 
later ten were stationed at San Buenaventura, fifteen 
at Purisima, and from three to six at Santa Bdrbara 
after those missions were founded, and two generally 
at Los Angeles. The so-called white population of this 
presidial district was about two hundred and twenty, 
or three hundred and sixty with Los Angeles.” 

Lieutenant José Francisco Ortega, the original 
commandant, retained his position together with that 
of habilitado, until January 1784, when he was sent 
to the peninsula frontier and Lieutenant Felipe de 
Goycoechea came up to take his place, which he held 
until 1804. Ortega was removed by the general at 
the request of Soler, who alone found fault with the 
lheutenant, and who as we know was a chronic fault- 
finder. Soler subsequently complained of the new 
commandant’s lack of application, and wished to put 
in the place Zufiiga with a stupid habilitado or Ortega 


28 Fages, Instruccion para el cabo de la Escolta del pueblo de Los Angeles como 
Comisionado por el gobierno para dirigir al alcalde y & los regidores, 1787, MS. 

The Santa Barbara sitwado by the reglamento was $14,472; average pay- 
roll, $13,500; average memorias of supplies, $12,500; average total of habili- 
tado’s accounts, $26,000, of which about $6,000 was a balance of goods on 
hand; fondo de gratificacion, $2,000, and fondo de retencion, $1,000 in 1784; 
Jondo de invdlidos and Montepio, $427 in 1782. Company accounts in Prov. St. 
Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 2, 90; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 1, 8, 20-2, 
38-9; iii. 18; iv. 22; vi. 3; viii. 13; ix. 3, 4; xiv. 6, 7. Inventories of arma- 
ment in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 96-9; vii. 86; St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 6, 7. 
A list of inhabitants with families, age, etc., showing 67 male heads of fami- 
lies, dated Dec. 31, 1785, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 4-9. 


SANTA BARBARA PRESIDIO. 463 


with an able one, but Fages could not spare Zuiliga 
from San Diego. In 1786, however, in consequence 
of the vacancy caused by the death of Moraga at San 
Francisco, the governor offered Ortega his choice of 
the presidios, and he at first chose Santa Barbara, but 
finally took command of Monterey. José Argiiello 
was company alférez from the beginning down to 
April 1787, when he was promoted to the command 
of San Francisco, leaving a vacancy not filled until 
after 1790. The sergeants were Pablo Antonio Cota 
and Ignacio Olivera, with Raimundo Carrillo after 
1781,” perhaps from 1788. 

Work on the presidio buildings was. pushed for- 
ward, in the Hispano-Californian sense, throughout 
the period, and the commandant’s communications to 
Fages on plans and progress, on delays and accidents, 
on the making of adobes and tiles or the receipt of 
beams, on laborers and their wages, and on other 
matters connected with the structure were very nu- 
merous.” The building material was chiefly adobe, 
though mortar, or cement, was used in some build- 
ings, and the outer or main wall stood on a founda- 
tion of stone. Roofs were for the most part of tiles, 
supported by timbers which were brought down by 
the transports from the north. The laborers were 


30Ortega appointed commandant of Sta. Barbara Sept. 8, 1781. Prov. St. 
Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 1, 2. Ortega removed for incompetency, not under- 
standing his own accounts. Soler, June 7, 1787, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 
115. Ortega and Goycoechea ordered to change places. Soler to Fages, May 
14, 1783, in Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 120-1, 182. Goycoechea’s commission sent to 
him Jan. 17, 1783. 7d., iii. 55. Goycoechea arrived at San Diego en route 
north Aug. 24, 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 78. Ortega gave up command 
Jan. 25, 1784. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 162; ii. 4. Ortega thanks Fages for offer 
of any presidio, and selects Santa Barbara Jan. 3, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS.., 
vii. 175. Soler’s complaints against Goycoechea and suggestion of changes 
March and June, 1787. Jd., 114-15, 185. Argiiello left for San Francisco in 
April, 1787. There was some correspondence about Goycoechea giving up the 
habilitacion. Id., 59, 67. Ugarte to Fages Oct. 25, 1787. The viceroy will 
fill the vacant place of alférez. Id., 31. Hermenegildo Sal was one of the 
sergeants at the foundation but left ‘the company very soon. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS. It would serve no useful purpose to refer here to the hun- 
dreds of company rosters and similar documents scattered through different 
archives and which have afforded me much information. 

31 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 143-44; v. 155, 167; vi. 48, 50, 55, 59, 62-3, 68, 
72; vii. 6, 7; vill. 90, 114; ix. 108, 168, 173; xii, 60-1. 


464 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


the soldiers themselves, some thirty sailors obtained 
at different times from the San Blas vessels, and na- 
tives who were paid for their work in wheat. The 
soldiers and officers contributed about $1,200 for the 
work from 1786 to 1790, an amount which seems 
however to have been returned to them later as a 


¢ 


q b 19] 
Ream - 


Ee a es ee Ee aracs TIC 


Ch PLAZA bt 
4 330 Feet Square 
one ot | 


| Bide Pet Tt Meee et 


LR eee 


PLAN oF Santa BARBARA PRESIDIO, 1788. 


oratuity. The best description of the result is the 
annexed plan which was sent by Goycoechea to Fages 
in September 1788. At that time the western line of 
houses were not roofed and the outer walls were not 
yet begun; but before the end of 1790 at least three 
sides of the main wall had been built. The natives 


321, chief entrance, 12 ft.; 2, storehouses, 16 x 61 ft.; 3, 18 family houses, 
15 x 24 ft.; 4, false door, roofed, 9 ft.; 5, church 24x 60 ft.; 6, sacristy, 12 x 


a 


EVENTS AT SANTA BARBARA, 465 


as hired laborers worked well, and the grain raised at 
the presidio to be dealt out in wages was so abundant 
that in 1785 orders came from the general not to sow 
any that year.* 

The discovery of a so-called volcano in 1784 was 
the source of some local excitement, and was duly 
reported to Mexico and Arizpe. The volcano was a 
league and a half west of the presidio at a bend or 
break in the shore line, and about a thousand varas 
in circumference. The ground was so hot that the 
centre could not be approached; fire issued from thirty 
different places with a strong fume of sulphur; and 
the heat of the rocks caused the water to boil when 
the spot was covered at high tide. There was no 
crater proper, or rather it was covered up with frag- 
ments of rock and with ashes. Fages went in person 
to examine the sulphurous phenomenon and learned 
from the natives that the volcano had been long in 
operation.” 

The aborigines in this district gave the Spaniards 
very little trouble beyond the occasional theft of a 
cow or sheep from the mission herds, engaging in 
hostilities among themselves, or rarely committing 
outrages on neophytes which called for Spanish inter- 
ference. In August 1790 Sergeant Olivera with eight 
men went in search of an Indian deserter, and were 

« instructed also to prospect for mines. While the force 
was scattered somewhat in the search for minerals, 
they were attacked by a large number of Indians 
of the Tenoqui rancheria and driven away with 
the loss of two soldiers killed, Espinosa and Car- 
lon. Goycoechea was blamed by Fages for having 


15 ft.; 7, alférez’ suite, 3 rooms; 8, commandant’s suite, 4 rooms; 9, 15 family 
houses, 15 x 27 ft.; 10 chaplain’s 2 rooms; 11, sergeant’s. house, 16 x 45 ft.; 
12, quarters and guard-room; 13, corrals, kitchen, and dispensa of alférez; 
14, corrals, kitchen, and dispensa of commandant; 15, chaplain’s corral; 16, 
western bastion; 17, eastern bastion; 18, corrals, 

83 Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 244; Prov. Rec., MS., i, 171, 185. In 1787, 
however, the wheat crop was destroyed by rain and snow, which caused the 
seedl to rot. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 65, 

§4 Prov. Ree., MS., i. 181; ii. 119-20; St. Pap.,. Sac., MS., xv. 19. 

Hist. CaL., VOL. 1. 30 


466 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


engaged in mining operations at the risk of his sol- 
diers’ lives.* 


At San Buenaventura, the southernmost of the 
Channel missions, Dumetz and Santa Marfa, the first 
regular ministers, served with much zeal and success 
throughout the decade, increasing the list of neophytes 
from 22 to 388, baptizing 498, and losing 115 by death. 
Large stock increased from 103 to 961; small stock 
from 44 to 1,503; and the crops of 1790 were over 
3,000 bushels. The surrounding gentiles were always 
friendly, but on account of their large numbers a 
larger guard was stationed there than at other mis- 
sions, 15 men at first, and later only 10. Sergeant 
Pablo Antonio Cota commanded until the end of 1788, 
when on complaint of the padres Sergeant Raimundo 
Carillo was put in his place.® 

The missions of Santa Barbara and Purisima, be- 
longing to this military district, as new establishments 
have been disposed of in the preceding chapter. 


The regulation called for a presidial force at 
Monterey of fifty-two men under a lieutenant and 


35Goycoechea to Fages, Sept. 2, 1790, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.., 
ix. 6-8; Fages to Romeu, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 148. Sept. 17, 1783, 
Attack on Conejo and Escorpion rancherias, who have stolen cattle, to be 
deferred. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 130. Indian Captain Chico killed by captain , 
of Najalayegui rancheria and others May 27, 1785. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 
157. July 1787, Four neophytes fled and with pagans attacked a rancheria, 
killing 5 in retaliation for the killing of 13 of their kinsmen. Jd., vii. 92. 
July 26th, Playanos have killed some cattle at Angeles, but sickness in the 
company prevents chastisement at present. Jd., 68. Oct. 30th, When Lieut. 
Gonzalez passed through Espada rancheria a woman was cut in pieces—or 
perhaps in several places—for refusing to yield to the wishes of a soldier. Jd., 
70-1, 91. In August 1787 there was an expedition to punish pagans for out- 
rages on neophytes. Several arrests were made and some fugitives brought 
in. The Calahuasat rancheria was the principal one involved. /d., 76-7. 
Jan. 1788, Sergt. Cota went to the Tachicos rancheria in the mountains to 
catch a neophyte thief, but was attacked and had to kill 3 and wound 8. Jd., 
Viti. iz. 

6 Pages in his report of 1787 refers to San Buenaventura as having 
made very satisfactory progress in all respects except that the church is a very 
poor affair. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 133-5. Seven houses for 
families completed by May 12, 1788. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii., 109. Olivera 
replaced by Carillo, Oct. 1788. Id. 118, 122. See 8. Buenaventura, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., for names of soldiers, children, etc. 


® 


ANNALS OF MONTEREY. 467 


alférez, and the number during this decade never fell 
below fifty, though, including invalids, it was sometimes 
as high as sixty-two; and there were, besides, a surgeon 
and two or three mechanics. A guard of six men 
was kept at each of the three missions of San Carlos, 
San Antonio, and San Luis Obispo; and four men 
were furnished for San José pueblo beyond the limits 
of the district, which had in 1790 a population of 
gente de razon numbering two hundred. At the same 
time the presidio herds numbered four thousand head 
of live-stock great and small.*” 

Lieutenant Diego Gonzalez, like Zuifiga one of the 
new officers who came under the regulation of 1781, 
was commandant until July 1785, when he was sent 
to San Francisco. The commandant at Monterey 
played a less prominent part in history, or at least in 
the records, by reason of the governor’s presence, and 
little is known of Gonzalez’ acts here save that he 
was arrested at the governor’s orders for insubordina- 
tion, gambling, and smuggling; but we shall hear of 
him again. The alférez of the company, and also 
habilitado, was Hermenegildo Sal, who had come to 
California as a private with Anza in 1776. Sal became 
acting commandant on the departure of Gonzalez, and 
held that position until 1787. He would probably 
have kept the command had it not been for his quarrels 
already alluded to with Captain Soler, whose ill-will 
he incurred and who claimed to have discovered a 
serious deficit in his accounts. It was in August 1787 
that the charge was made, and Sal was placed under . 
arrest by order of the governor, his property being 
attached and two thirds of his pay being kept back 
at first, and later all but two reals per day. Corre- 
spondence on this matter was quite extensive, and 


37 Situado allowed by reglamento, $17,792; pay-roll, about $13,000; total 
of habilitado’s yearly accounts, $35,000. Company accounts in Arch. Cal., 
passim. 

38 Letters of Sal, Soler, and Fages in Prov. Sit. Pap., MS., vii. 60-1, 120, 
130, 143, 167-8; viii. 41-2, 54-5; ix. 140-1; x. 162-3; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., x. 10, 11; iii. 9; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 33-4. 


468 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATIS'TICS. 


shows that though Sal was personally somewhat 
involved in debt, the charge of defalcation in con- 
nection with the company accounts was unfounded. 
Instead of owing the company $3,000, the company 
owed him about $600. It required three years to set 
Don Hermenegildo right, and in the mean time Ortega, 
whom it had been intended to restore to his old pre- 
sidio of Santa Barbara, came to take the command 
and the office of habilitado at Monterey instead, from 
September 1787.% The sergeant of the company was 
Mariano Verdugo until 1787, succeeded by Manuel 
Vargas. The surgeon was José Davila.” 

Beyond matters connected with the government, 
with the visit of La Pérouse, and with other events 
of general interest recorded in preceding chapters 
there is nothing to be said of this presidio except to 
note a conflagration that occurred August 11, 1789. 
In firing a salute to the San Cérlos on her arrival in 
port the wad of the cannon set fire to the tule roofing, 
and about one half of the buildings within the square 
were destroyed. Repairs were far advanced by the 
end of 1790." 


At the three missions of this presidial district, San 
Carlos, San Antonio, and San Luis Obispo, there is 
nothing in the way of local events to be noted during 
the period covered by this chapter; but the statistics 


Ortega gave up his command on the frontier to Gonzalez May 34, left 
San Miguel in May, was at San Diego on June 5th, arrived at Santa Barbara 
June 27th, and started north Aug. 2]st. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 71, 76, 78, 
81, 105-6. After his accounts were settled Sal did not resume the place of 
habilitado at Monterey, but was sent to San Francisco in April 1791, Argiiello 
coming to the capital. 

40Surgeon Davila came to San Diego in July 1774 and to Monterey in 
December. As early as 1781 Gov. Neve favored granting his petition for leave 
to quit the country as being incompetent and captious. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 
68. The exact date of his departure does not appear, but it was before Decem- 
ber 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 57-8. Davila’s first wife, Josefa Carbajal, 
died at San Francisco in November 1780. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 
12, 64, and in January 1782 he married Maria Encarnacion Castro, a daughter 
of Isidoro Castro, Sta. Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 40. 

*t Prov. St: Pap,, MS.) 1x1) 2) xo 1606p. 191s xxii. 87; Wid Ben, AGL, 
i. 9. The old presidio chapel stood in the middle of the square, and April 14, 
1789, Fages had ordered adobes male for a new one. 


MISSIONS OF MONTEREY DISTRICT. 469 


as given in connection with other missions are as 
follows: At San Carlos Junipero Serra and Matias 
Antonio de Santa Catarina y Noriega served until 
August 1784, when the former having died, the latter 
served till October 1787,” and José Francisco de 
Paula Sefian from that time on, having Pascual Mar- 
tinez de Arenaza as associate from 1789, and Lasuen 
as president from 1790. The friars named were the 
regular ministers so far as the records show, but other 
priests arriving by sea from San Blas or coming in 
from other missions often spent some time here, so 
that there were nearly always two and often more.“ 
At San Antonio de Pddua the founders of 1771, 
Miguel Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar, served 
throughout this decade, having at its close 1,076 neo- 
phytes under their charge—the largest mission coin- 
munity in California.“ At San Luis Obispo José 
Cavaller served continuously from the foundation in 
1772 to his death on December 9, 1789.* His asso- 
ciate was Antonio Paterna until December 1786, 
when he went to found Santa Barbara, and Miguel 
Giribet came in December 1787. Between the two 
I find that Faustino Sola had charge of the mission 


42 Matias Antonio de Santa Catarina (written also Catharina and Catalina) 
y Noriega, who was best known by the name Noriega, came up as chaplain on 
the transport of 1779, and took Cambon’s place at San Francisco. He re- 
mained there until 1781, and then served at San Carlos until 1787, when he 
retired to his college. 

48 Increase of converts 1783 to 1790, 614 to 733; baptisms, 639; deaths, 
425; large stock, 628 to 1,378; small stock, 245 to 1,253. Cropsin 1790, 3,775 
bushels. Fages in his general report of 1787 alludes to the climate with its 
sudden changes of heat and cold, as having something to do with the great 
mortality. Crops have been good, though arrangements for irrigation have 
not yet been completed. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 139-40. 

*4 Increase in neophytes, 585 to 1,076; baptisms, 773; deaths, 333; large 
stock, 429 to 2,232; small stock, 466 to 1,984; crops in 1790 onty 1,450 bushels. 
Fages says the soil is tolerably good though irrigation is difficult, and the 
mission has raised enough for her own use andasurplus for sale. San Antonio 
had the best church in California excepting, perhaps, Santa Clara. St. Pap., 
Miss. and Colon., i. MS., 145-7. 

5 José Cavaller was a native of the town of Falcet in Catalonia. He left 
the college in Mexico in October 1770, sailed from San Blas in January 1771, 
reached San Diego in March and Monterey in May, remaining there as super- 
numerary until he went to found San Luis in Sept. 1772. His remains were 
buried in the mission church, and he left the reputation of a zealous and suc- 
cessful missionary. S. Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 38; autograph in S. 
Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 4. 


470 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


for a few months, but am unable to completely fill the 
vacancy even with one padre.” 


Lieutenant José Moraga was commandant and 
habilitado of San Francisco until his death, which 
occurred on July 18, 1785, from which date Gon- 
zalez, transferred from Monterey, became comman- 
dant for two years, and José Ramon Lasso de la 
Vega, the alférez, served as habilitado. Durmg the 
two years there was trouble with both these officials. 
Before leaving Monterey Gonzalez had once been put 
under arrest for insubordination, gambling, failing to 
prevent gambling, and for trading with the galleon. 
At San Francisco his irregular conduct continued in 
spite of warnings and re-arrest; and in 1787 the gov- 
ernor was obliged to send him to the frontier. He 
never returned to California. 


*6Tncrease in neophytes, 492 to 605; baptisms, 332; deaths, 130; large 
stock, 815 to 3,810; small stock, 960 to 3,725; crops for 1790, 2,840 bushels. 
Want of water was the chief drawback according to Fages’ report. 

7Of José Joaquin Moraga, or as he always signed his name, Josseph 
Moraga, little is known beyond what has been told in the text. He came 
with Anza in 1776, and was commandant of San Francisco from the first, 
founding the presidio, the two missions, and the pueblo of San José. He 
was godfather of the tirst neophyte at San Francisco, who received his name; 
and he was secular sponsor at the laying of the corner-stone of the mission 
church still standing, as also at the dedication of the Santa Clara church. 
His record as an officer was an honorable and stainless one. His wife was 
Maria del Pilar de Leon y Barcelé, who died in October 1808 and was interred 
in the San Francisco cemetery, her husband’s remains resting in the church. 
He brought a son Gabriel to California who afterwards became a lieutenant, 
a famous Indian fighter, and the ancestor of a family still surviving. Don 
José’s niece, Maria [gnacia, was the wife of José Argiiello. The commandant 
is described as having been 5 ft. 2 inches and 2 lines in height; but there is 
reason to suppose that the pié del rey used in measuring the height of soldiers 
was bea than the ordinary Spanish foot, which was 8 per cent shorter than 
our foot. 

‘8 Gonzalez’ arrest at Monterey in August 1784. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 186; ii. 
102-3; Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 41. Soler alludes to his mucha ridicules 
Nov. 14, 1786, and proposes Argiiello as a successor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
vi. 198; vii. 114-16. Gonzalez arrested at San Francisco by Lasso at Soler’s 
order Feb. 4, 1787, and sent south to meet Fages March 18th. Jd., vii. 93-9; 
Piov. Rec., MS., iii. 39. Fages tells the story to his successor, Romeu, Feb. 
26, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 162-3. General approves measures against 
Gonzalez. Jd., vii. 50. Gonzalez was born at Ceste del Campo in Spain, and 
enlisted as a private at about the age of 26 in 1762. He served 3 years as a 
private, 2as corporal, 10 as sergeant, and a little over one year as alférez. 
Having seen much service in Indian campaigns in the Provincias Internas, he 
was promoted to be lieutenant for California service in December 1779. //oja de 
Servicios, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 12-18; iv. 15. Fages says of 


SAN FRANCISCO OFFICIALS. 471 


Lasso the habilitado was a stupid fellow, though 
neither dishonest nor dissipated, always in trouble 
with his accounts, and always recommended to the 
executive clemency. During his first brief term in 
1781-2 he managed to leave a deficit of about $800; 
and early in 1787 Captain Soler discovered a still more _ 
serious and inexcusable defalcation. His usual excuses 
of forgetfulness, stealing by soldiers and convicts, and 
the melting-away of sugar during transportation would 


no longer save him; he was suspended from office, 


_ placed under arrest, and obliged to live on twenty-five 


cents a day, the rest of his pay as alférez being reserved 
to make up the deficit in his accounts. This state of 
things continued for over four years, and then, the 
amount having been in great part repaid, he was dis- 
missed from the service; but the king subsequently 
granted him retirement and half-pay.” José Argiiello 
was taken from Santa Barbara and promoted to be 


him after he was sent to the frontier ‘no tiene narizes ni asiento.’ Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., x. 148. In Nov. 1791 the king’s permission was,sent to the gov- 
ernor to put Gonzalez on the retired list. /d., 94. He retired as invdlido to 
Rosario in Sonora, and his name was dropped from the company rolls after 
Jan. 1, 1793. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 157. 

#9 On Lasso’s San Francisco troubles see correspondence in Prov. Rec., MS., 
li. 136-9; iii. 35-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 93-4; vil. 114-17, 121-3, 128, 
141-2; viii. 7-9; xi. 179; xxi. 157; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 10. 
Sept. 16, 1786, Fages speaks of the appointment of Sergt. José Perez Fernan- 
dez as alférez of San Francisco; but it was not done before 1790. On same date 
he orders the deficit charged to the company. July 6, 1787, Fages blames Soler 
for not having been more strict in Lasso’s case. Soler went up to straighten 
out Lasso’s accounts, but himself made a blunder, probably in 1782. Aug. 9, 
1788, the general orders Lasso’s dismissal when the deficit is paid. Dec. 1, 
1791, Gov. Romeu suspends him from rank and pay. Lasso was commissioned 
alférez Feb. 10, 1780. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iv. 14-15. In 1790 he 
was 34 years old and single. St. Pap. Miss., MS., 1. 84, though he had wanted 


. to marry in 1781, and Gov. Neve had been ordered to dismiss him from the 


service if he persisted in his intention. Prov. Rec., MS., ii., 84. Again in 
1787 in the midst of his troubles he wished to take a wife, but his petition for- 
warded by Lasuen was refused. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 8364-5. The royal 
order of retirement was forwarded by the viceroy, applied for in 1794, viceroy 
to Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 179, April 11, 1795, and by the governor 
Aug. 24th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 105; Prov. Rec.. MS., v. 61; and Aug. 
27th the governor writes to Arrillaga ‘our poor Lasso has received his retirement 
with halt-pay as alférez, as petitioned by you, for which may God reward you.’ 
Prov. Rec., MS., v. 320-1. Though ‘quiso la naturaleza negarle una precisa 
parte de espiritu’-—Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 114—yet by birth he was enti- 
tled to be called ‘Don.’ He was of Spanish blood and anative of Chihuahua. 
He was school-master at San José in 1795-6, as late as Aug. 19, 1797, is urged 
to pay a balance still due, Prov. I’ec., MS., v. 266, and he died Nov. 30, 1821, 
at the age of 64, Leing buricd at San Lafael, Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 965. 


472 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


lieutenant from June 1787, taking charge at the same 
time of the accounts.” Juan Pablo Grijalva was the 
company’s sergeant until 1787, when he was sent as 
alférez to San Diego, and Pedro Amador was promoted 
to fill his place. 

The presidial force was thirty-four men besides the 
officers, from fifteen to twenty of whom served in the 
garrison while the rest did guard duty at the mission, 
at Santa Clara, and at San José. With their families 
they amounted to a population of about one hundred 
and thirty. Of the presidio buildings there is noth- 
ing to be said beyond the fact that from want of tim- 
ber, bad quality of adobes, and lack of skilful workmen 
no permanent progress was made during the decade. 
Some portion of the walls was generally in ruins, and 
the soldiers in some cases had to erect the old-fash- 
ioned palisade structures to shelter their families.* 
Local events as recorded were neither numerous nor 
very exciting. The natives gave no trouble save by 
the rare theft of a horse or cow, for which offence 
they were chastised once or twice in 1783; and in 
1786 neophytes were arrested and flogged for ravages 
among the soldiers’ cattle.” These cattle became so 
numerous as to be troublesome, and slaughter was 
begun as early as 1784 to reduce the number to eight 
or nine hundred.* Captain Soler complained much 
of the bad climate of the place, and even advocated, 
as we have seen, its abandonment; but in the eyes of 
higher officials the importance of the location on San 
Francisco Bay, and the duty of protecting the mission, 
outweighed the peculiarities of the peninsula climate.” 

50 Argiiello’s commission was forwarded by the general Feb..9, 1787. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., vii. 45. He left Santa Barbara April 12th. Jd., 67. Took 
possession of office at San Francisco June 12th. 

51 Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 166; xi. 53. In January 1784 the corner of the 
presidio was blown down in a gale. Jd., v. 69. 

6? Prov, St. Pap. MS.j ives 21) 30 fF aeenec,, MS. . 41, 134. 

8 Sergeant Grijalva had over 50 head, and was ordered to remove the sur- 
plus where they would not interfere with the mission herds. Prov. Rec., MS., 
1.173, 181. January 23, 1788, Fages says that he will send men to build a 
corral at San Mateo and there to gather stock from San Bruno to Santa Clara 


if pasturage grows scarce. /d., iii. 40. 
54 Prov. St. Pap.) MS., vii. 117; v. 4, 5. 


AFFAIRS AT SAN FRANCISCO. 473 


There was some trouble about the performance of a 
chaplain’s duties at the presidio, and for over two 
years the soldiers heard no mass unless at the mis- 
sion; but in February a chapel was completed, aftcr 
which time the friars made occasional visits. San 
Francisco was honored by several visits from the gov- 
ernor, and in August 1784 was the birthplace of his 
daughter. A sailor from the Princesa, who had 
served out his time, remained at San Francisco in 
1784, intending to establish a school; but it does not 
appear that he succeeded.” 

The mission of San Francisco in respect of neophytes 
was the smallest of the old establishments, having 
increased in the eight years from 215 to 438. Bap- 
tisms had been 551, and deaths 205. The increase 
of herds was, of large stock from 554 to 2,000, and of 
small from 284 to 1,700. Notwithstanding the small 
area and barren nature of the soil, which, as Tages 
states in his general report, had yielded but small 
crops, we find that the yield in 1790 was 3,700 bushels, 
excelled by only four in the list of missions. It ap- 
pears, however, that the sowing was done mostly 
at a spot ten or twelve miles distant down the penin- 
sila.” 

In the ministry Pedro Benito Cambon, the founder, 
served throughout the whole period; and Francisco 
Palou, also a founder, until 1785, when he retired to 
his college at a ripe old age.” Miguel Giribet was 

55 Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 99; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 192. 

56S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20-1. 

57 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 183. 

58TIn 1784 the governor reports it also as having one of the poorest churches. 
St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 145-7. 

599¢. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 148. 

6° Francisco Palou, sometimes written with an accent Palovi, without any 
good reason so far as I know, was born at Palma in the Island of Mallorca, 
probably in 1722. Mr Doyle in his introduction to the reprint of Palou, Noti- 
cias, 1. ili., infers that the date was about 1719; butin a letter dated 1783, 
Ifist. Mag., iv. 67-8, the padre calls himself 61 years of age. Taking the 
habit of San Francisco he entered the principal convent of the city, and in 
1740 became a disciple of Junipero Serra, with whom and with Juan Crespi of 
the saine convent he contracted a life-long friendship. With his master he 


volunteered for the American missions in 1749, left Palma in April, Cadiz in 
August, and landed at Vera Cruz in December. Joining the college of San 


474 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


stationed here in 1785-7; Santiago in 1786-7; Sola 
and Garcia in 1787-90; and Danti from 1790. 

Before leaving San Francisco I present a map which 
belongs to the period under consideration, being a 
copy of a Spanish chart published in La Pérouse’s 
atlas and probably obtained by that voyager at Mon- 
terey in 1786. 

At Santa Clara Mission the new adobe church was 
dedicated on Sunday, May 15, 1784, by Serra, Palou, 
and Peiia, in the presence of Fages and Moraga, the 


Fernando, he was assigned to the Sierra Gorda missions, where he served from 
1750 to 1759, subsequently living at the college for 8 years. Appointed to 
Baja California he arrived at Loreto in April 1768, took charge of San Francisco 
Javier; and in 1769 after Serra’s departure for the north became acting presi- 
dent. In May 1773 he surrendered the missions to the Dominicans and 
soon started north, arriving at San Diego at the end of August and at Mon- 
terey in November of the same year, sending in the first annual report on the 
missions, and acting as president until Serra’s return at the beginning of 
1774. For two years and a half he served at San Carlos, and in June 1776 
went to found the San Francisco establishments, having previously visited 
the peninsula twice, in Nov. 1774 and Sept. 1776. His first entry in the 
mission registers bears date of Aug. 10, 1776, before the mission was form- 
ally founded, and his last was on July 25, 1785, and not July 20, 1784, as 
Doyle says. See S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 2. There is another 
entry of July 13, 1785. About 1780, by reason of ill-health, he asked leave 
to retire, which was granted; but which he could not profit by at first for 
want of transportation, then for want of a substitute, and finally on account 
of new instructions connected with the foundation of a custody; but in 1783, 
fearing by longer delay to be incapacitated for so long a voyage, he wrote to 
Don José de Galvez to obtain from the king new permission to retire. Letter 
of Aug. 15, 1783, in Hist. Mag., iv. 67-9. The result was a royal order of 
Oct. 5, 1784, and a corresponding decree of the audiencia of Feb. 18, 1785, 
that Palou return to his college. /d., 69. Meanwhile Serra died in Aug. 
1784 and Palou as senior missionary was obliged against his own wishes to 
serve as acting president, residing part of the time at San Carlos, but chiefly 
at San Francisco engaged in writing his Life of Serra, until Lasuen received 
the appointment in Sept. 1785. Palou was now free to go, and sailed, I sup- 
pose, on the Yavorita late in September, which touched at Santa Barbara 
with a load of lumber, Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 166, and arrived at San Blas 
on Nov. 14. Gaceta de Mex.,i. There is, however, a difficulty; for the Favo- 
rita touched at Santa Barbara Oct. 1st, and Fages in Monterey wrote on Oct. 
od, wishing the padre a pleasant voyage. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 55. There may 
be an error in one of these dates, or else possibly Palou departed in the 
Manila galleon San José which touched at Monterey in November. Prov. Rec., 
MS., ii. 95. In any case he reached the college on Feb. 21, 1786. Arch. Sta. . 
Barbara, MS., xii. 29; and on July 1st was elected guardian. /d., xi. 214-15. 
Sometime before Jan. 12, 1787, he presented a report to the government on the 
state of affairs in California. Id., viii. 39. Nothing further is known of him, 
but he seems to have lived only a few years. I think he died before 1790. 
The guardian in 1798, mentioning the death of Viceroy Galvez, which occurred 
in Nov. 1786, says that Palou died ‘a little later,’ and implies that it was 
before Romeu’s rule which began in 1790. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., 
i. 48. The earliest communication that I have seen signed by his srecessor 
as guardian is dated November 1792, though it is of course possible that 






SAN FRANCISCO AND VICINITY. 














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La PrRovse’s Map or SAN FRANCISCO. 


476 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


former serving as padrino, with all the solemnities 
prescribed by the Roman ritual.” 

This church was the finest yet erected in California; 
yet its dedication was a sad occasion, since under the 
edifice lay the body of its architect and builder, the 
founder of the mission, Father Murguia, who had died 
only four days before, a missionary well beloved and 
mourned by all.” His companion founder, Tomas de 
la Pena, served until 1794, although there were com- 
plaints against him for cruelty to the neophytes under 
his charge.* Murguia was succeeded by Diego de 
Noboa, and President Lasuen seems to have resided 


Palou resigned. Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii. No. 28, 171, says he seems 
to have died about 1796. For a sample of his handwriting with autograph 
signature see S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 13. 

It is chiefly through his writings, the Vida de Juntpero Serra and the 

Joticias de Califoruia, both of which have been noticed fully in a preceding 
chapter, that Palou’s fame will live; yet as a missionary and as a man he 
deserves a very high place among the Californian friars. I regard him as 
but little inferior to Serra in executive ability and in devotion to his work, 
while in every other respect, save possibly in theological and dogmatic learn- 
ing, he was fully his equal. His views as expressed in his writings are nota- 
bly broad, practical, and liberal. Palou, Serra, and Crespi presented three 
good types of the missionary. Their friendship did not result from similarity 
of character, but rather from opposite qualities; and ‘their reciprocal confi- 
dence and zeal for a common object,’ as Doyle remarks, ‘could not fail to 
prove most beneficial to the enterprise in which they all felt the greatest 
interest.’ 

1 Santa Clara, Arch. Parrog., MS.,12. Roof of beams ‘labradas y curiosa 
lo posible.’ Fages to general, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 172; Hall’s Hist. S. José, 
418-20; Levett’s Scrap Book. The date has been incorrectly givenas May 16th. 

2 Joseph Antonio de Jesus Maria de Murguia was born Dec. 10, 1715, at 
Domayguia, Alava, Spain. He came to America as a layman, but became a 
Franciscan at San Fernando college June 29, 1736; was ordained as a priest 
in 1744; and was assigned to the Pame missions of the Sierra Gorda in 1748. 
Here he toiled for 19 years and built the first masonry church in the district; 
that of San Miguel. Transferred in 1767 to Baja California he reached Loreto 
April 1, 1768, and was assigned to Santiago mission, where he served until 
March 1769. In June he was at San José del Cabo waiting to embark for Cal- 
ifornia; but sickness saved his life by preventing him from sailing on the ill- 
fated Sun José. He subsequently served at San Javier, but in July 1773 
joined Palou at Santa Maria and accompanied him to San Diego, arriving Aug. 
30th. Residing for a while as supernumerary at San Antonio, he became 
minister of San Luis Obispo in October 1773, and in January 1777 founded 
Santa Clara where he served continuously until his death. He died while pre- 
paring for dedication the church on which he had worked so hard as architect, 
director, and even laborer. He was buried on May 12th in the presbytery of 
the new edifice by Palou, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 33-4, Ly whom as 
by Serra and others he had been regarded as a model friar. Palou, Vida, 265-6. 

°§ Fages ina report to the general in 1786 speaks of these complaints, stating 
that one or two Indians have died from the effects of his severity, and that he 
will be retired to his college. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 136. 





PUEBLO PROGRESS AT SAN JOSE. 477 


here much of the time from 1786 to 1789. There 
were no serious troubles with the natives, though the 
neophytes were sometimes inclined to take part in the 
petty wars of the gentiles.“ In agricultural advan- 
tages Santa Clara was deemed superior to any other 
mission except San Gabriel, and crops of grain and 
fruit were usually large, although in 1790 the harvest 
of 2,875 bushels was less than that of San Francisco. 
Large stock had increased since 1783 from 400 to 
2,817, and small stock from 554 to 836 head. Baptisms 
had been 1,279, many more than elsewhere, but deaths 
had been 639, a proportionally large figure; yet with 
an increase from 338 to 927, Santa Clara stood third 
in the list in respect of the number of converts. 


Of the nine settlers of San José to whom lands 
were formally distributed in 1783, but who had be- 
come settlers in 1780 or earlier, the term of the last 
one, Claudio Alvires, expired in August 1785, and no 
rations were subsequently supplied by the govern- 
ment. Sebastian Alvitre had been expelled for bad 
conduct; but in 1786 eight of the original nine re- 
mained, and ten new names had been added as sol- 
diers or agregados. ‘Ten more were added before 
1790. This latter class was composed of discharged 
soldiers who became settlers, differing from the pobla- 
dores in receiving no pay or rations. The soldiers of 
the guard were practically settlers from the first, men 
being selected for the duty usually whose time of dis- 
charge was near, and who intended to remain perma- 
nently at the pueblo. In 1790 the total population 


6! Two or three neophytes were chastised by the padres for being present 
at a gentile fight, and Sergt. Amador was sent to warn the pagans not to tempt 
the converts. A pagan laborer of San José was flogged and imprisoned for 
inciting hostilities. This in 1786. Argiiello to Fages, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
viii. 76-7. Sergt. Cota ordered to explore from Santa Clara to Santa Rosa on 
the other side of the sierra, May 2, 1785. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 7. 

6 The ten names of 1786 were: Manuel Butron, Ignacio Castro, Manuel 
Higuera, Ignacio Linares, Seferino Lugo, Hilario Mesa, Nasario Saez, Ignacio 
Soto, Felipe Tapia, Atanasio Vazquez. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 24-5, 27-8. 
Four received rations during the year, doubtless as invalids. See also Sé, 
Pap., Sac., MS., i. 36. Manuel Valencia was a settler who died in 1788. Prov. 


478 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


was about eighty. Agricultural products amounted to 
about 2,250 bushels; while large stock had increased 
from 417 to 980, and sheep had decreased from 800 
to 600. 

San José was less prosperous than Los Angeles, at 
least during the first half of the decade. Several 
causes contributed to this result, one of which was 
inefficient management and local government. The 
regulation allowed the governor to appoint alcaldes 
the first three years, after which time they were to be 
elected by the people. Fages, however, permitted an 
election, Ignacio Archuleta was chosen for 1783, and 
Mesa, corporal of the guard, was removed in Septem- 
ber of that year for inharmonious relations with the 
alcalde. Who held the position of alcalde in 1784 the 
records fail to show; but by reason of irregularities 
and slow progress the governor was obliged to resume 
the power of appointment, naming Manuel Gonzalez 
as alealde for 1785 with Romero and Alvires as 
regidores, and also appointing a comisionado to man- 
age these officials. Corporal José Dominguez, the 
successor of Mesa, was at first made comisionado but 
died probably before the appointment reached him.” 
Ionacio Vallejo, who had been sent to San José in 
January to make a survey for a new dam or reservoir, 
remained as corporal to succeed Dominguez, and in 
May was appointed comisionado by Fages, with duties 
St. Pap., MS., viii. 71. Mesa, Tapia, Higuera, and Lugo were soldiers in 
1784 and the question came up whether they ought like the original settlers 
to be exempt from tithes since they cultivated lands like the rest. Prov. Rec., 
MS., i. 163-4. July 30, 1788, Argiiello reports having gone to San José to 
put Ignacio Castro and Seferino Lugo in possession of lands, but did not do 
so because they claimed pay and rations, only allowed to the original settlers. 
St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 50-1. In the list of 1790 the name of 
Tapia disappears and there appear those of Joaquin Castro, Antonio Alegre, 
Antonio Aceves, Ignacio Higuera, and Pedro Cayuelas, agregados; Gabriel 
Peralta, Ramon Bojorges, and Juan Antonio Amézquita, invdlidos; and 
Macario Castro, corporal of the guard. Argiiello’s report in St. Pap., Miss., 
MS., i. 18, 60-3. 

6 Fages to general Feb. 1, 1785, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 187-8. He 
announces the changes mentioned in my text, and asks if he cannot reappoint 
Gonzalez the next year. The records do not show if this was permitted, the 
next alcalde mentioned being Antonio Romero in 1790. Dominguez died on 


Jan. 31st, the day before the date of Fages’ letter. Sta. Clara, Lib. de 
Mision, MS., 35. 


OFFICIALS AND EVENTS AT SAN J OSE. 479 


like those of Vicente Félix at Angeles.” Vallejo had 
some special fitness for directing agricultural opera- 
tions, was allowed to cultivate vacant lands on his own 
account, and held his position for seven years though 
not without opposition. To him, or rather to the wise | 
instructions given him, Fages attributed the pueblo’s 
later prosperity.® 

The ‘pueblo did not make much advance in the 
matter of buildings, since nothing but palisade struct- 
ures with roofs of earth were erected; but there was 
good reason for this. The site at first selected for 
the house-lots proved to be too low, and exposed to 
inundation in wet seasons. There was a proposition 
in 1785 to move the town a short distance to a higher 
spot. In 1787 General Ugarte authorized the trans- 
fer, and it was made soon after, certainly before 1791, 
the slight nature of the buildings making the opera- 
tion an easy one.® 

One of Fages ae acts on taking command was to 
march in January 1783 against the gentiles of the 
San José region who had stolen some horses from 


67 'Vallejo’s appointment dated July 18,1785. Instructions in Prov. Pec., 
MS., ii. 121-5. Jan. 24th, Vallejo named to make explorations for the reser- 
voir. Dept. St. Pap., 8S. José, MS., i. 2. 

6 Faces to Romeu, Feb. 26, 1791, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 153. In 
October 1787 Capt. Soler went to San José to investigate certain charges of 
the people against the comisionado. All that the fault-finding inspector could 
find against Vallejo, in his official capacity at least, was a mando instpido, 
whatever that may be. He recommended that he be put to personal labor in 
the fields; but nothing was done in the matter. Jd., vii. 132. 

eo Hall, Hist. San José, 46-50, erroneously states that there wasa long cor- 
respondence on the subject i in 1797, and that the removal was effected in that 
year; but the quarrel of that year was about boundaries between mission and 
pueblo, and in the correspondence the site of the ‘old town’ is mentioned; 
moreover Fages in his instructions of 1791 to Romeu speaks of the change 
as already effected. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 152. Vallejo first urged the 
removal on Feb. 20, 1785, in a communication to Moraga. The latter found 
it dificult to decide because the land on the proposed site had already been 
distributed to settlers. He accordingly addressed Fages on April Ist. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., v. 26. On March 9th Fages writes to Vallejo approving the 
scheme. "Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 25; and on July 7th he assures the 
people of San José that they shall be at no expense in the removal, and that 
the pueblo shall lose no land—for it seems there was a fear that to move the 
pueblo would also move the boundary between the pueblo and mission lands. 
Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 30-1. Fages refers the matter to Ugarte on Aug. Sth, 
Ld., ii. 126; and that official on June 21, 1787, grants the petition of the 
settlers, and orders that there be no change i in the boundary lines. St. Pap., 
Miss. and Colo... wp DL das 2a. 


480 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 


the settlers. The warlike governor killed two of the 
enemy, frightened the rest into complete submission, 
and for years after attributed to this campaign the 
prevailing quiet among gentiles. But again in 1788 
it was necessary to place fifteen natives, including 
three chiefs, at work in the presidio, for hone 
stealing.” There is little more to be said of local 
happenings at San José for this period. Some of 
the settlers were imprisoned and put in irons for 
refusing to work on a house for the town council, 
Tonacio Archuleta, ex-alcalde, being ringleader. The 
river broke through the old dam and the governor 
resolved to build a new one of masonry. Two boys 
drowned an Indian to amuse themselves, but in con- 
sideration of their tender years were dismissed with 
twenty-five lashes administered in presence of the 
natives. All this in 1784; the tithes for which year 
amounted to $428.7 


7 Palou, Not., ii. 392; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 98; 7d., iii. 98, 170. Thirty- 
five lbs. powder, 800 bullets, and 100 flints sent to San José as reserve ammu- 
nition in August 1785. Id., iii. 31. 

11 Prov. ec., MS., i. 168, 172; iii. 22-3. A wooden granary had been 
completed in December 1782. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 166-7. A settler put 


in the stocks in 1788 for assaulting his corporal, and corporal reprimanded 
for his violence. /d., vii. 134. 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


RULE OF ROMEDU. 
1791-1792. 


RESIGNATION OF PEDRO FAGES—TRANSFER OF THE OFFICE AT LORETO— 
INSTRUCTIONS TO THE NEW GOVERNOR—LAST AcTS oF FaGEs—LIFE AND 
CHARACTER—ARRIVAL OF RoMEU—FAILING HEALTH—J OURNEY TO Mon- 
TEREY—POoLicy WITH THE F'RIARS-—RomMEv’s DEATH—VIsIT OF MALAS- 
PINA IN THE ‘DESCUBIERTA’ AND ‘ATREVIDA’—THE Frrst AMERICAN IN 
CALIFORNIA—PREPARATIONS FOR NEw Misstons—LASUEN’s Errorts— 
EsTABLISHING OF ‘SANTA CrRUZ—ANNALS OF First DEcADE—INDIAN 
TROUBLES—STATISTICS—CHURCH DeEDICATED—FLovRING Mit~t—Muis- 
FORTUNE—QUARRELSOME PapRES—ALONSO IstpDRO SALAZAR—BALDO- 
MERO LoPEZ—MANUEL FERNANDEZ—FOUNDING AND EARLY ANNALS OF 
SoLEDAD Miss1on—ImMMorAL FrRIARS—MARIANO RvuBi—STArTISTICs. 


Prpro Fagess, worn down by work, and more by 
the anxieties imposed on a nervous temperament 
growing out of the responsibilities of his position as 
governor, asked to be relieved of the office and to be 
eranted leave of absence that he might revisit Spain. 
In May 1790 his resignation was accepted by Viceroy 
Revilla Gigedo, and he was ordered to Mexico to 
receive twelve months’ advance pay as colonel with 
which to defray his expenses in Spain; José Antonio 
Romeu was named as his successor. This informa- 
tion reached Fages at Monterey in September, and 
was all the more agreeable from the fact that Romeu 
was his personal friend. In February 1791 Fages, 
who had awaited letters announcing his successor’s 
coming to Monterey, received orders from the viceroy 
by which, after setting the commandants and_habili- 
tados at work upon their respective presidio accounts, 


he was to proceed to Loreto and there make formal 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 31 (481 ) 


482 RULE OF ROMEU. 


delivery of his office to Romeu; or, if not able to do 
this, he was to send orders to Arrillaga, the command- 
ant at Loreto, to surrender the office in the governor’s 
name. As the state of Fages’ health would not per- 
mit a journey overland to the peninsula, he forwarded 
the necessary orders to Arrillaga, lieutenant governor 
of the Californias, who accordingly transferred the 
command to Romeu at Loreto on April 16, 1791, 
which is therefore the date when Fages ceased to 
rule.? 

With his orders to Arrillaga under date of Febru- 
ary 26th, Fages transmitted the instructions which 
it was customary for a retiring governor to prepare 
for the use of his successor, outlining the country’s 
past history and present condition, and embodying the 
results of his own experience in recommendations re- 
specting future policy. The historical portions of this 
important document have already been utilized largely 
in the preceding chapters; but a brief consideration 
of the paper as a whole, will throw light on the con- 
dition of affairs at the time of Romeu’s accession. 
The development of the two pueblos, says the retir- 
ing governor, and the settlement in them of retired 
soldiers, has received and still merits the deepest 
attention. ‘Their products are purchased by the pre- 
sidios and paid for in goods and drafts. The distribu- 


1 The viceroy’s order granting Fages’ request and appointing Romeu, dated 
May 16, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 8-10. May 27th seems to have 
been the date of the viceroy’s communication to king; but of the king’s 
approval and confirmation of Romeu we only know that it reached Mexico 
before May 18, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 139. September 1, 10, 13, 
1790, the viceroy instructs Fages about the transfer. IJd., ix. 308, 346-7. 
September 14, 1790, Fages to Romeu, expressing his pleasure at the latter’s 
appointment, describing the presidio, saying something of the condition of the 
country, and saying: ‘ You will find in this casa real, which is sufficiently 
capacious, the necessary furniture; a sufficient. stock of goats and sheep which 
I have raised; and near by a garden which I have made at my own expense, 
from which you will have fine vegetables all the year, and will enjoy the fruits 
of the trees which I have planted.’ He asks for information as to when and 
by what route Romeu will come. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS.,i. 8-10. Romeu takes 
possession April 16, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 124; St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
v. 86-7; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 414-15. February 26, 1791, Fages 
notifies Romeu that he has ordered Arrillaga to make the transfer, and has 
directed presidial accounts, etc., to be made ready. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 
144-5, 


FAGES’ FINAL INSTRUCTIONS. 483 


tion of lands has been made in due form, and—together 
with certain changes at San José rendered necessary 
by the moving of the houses—approved by the superior 
authorities. It was intended at first to remove the 
pueblo guards after two years, but they are to be 
maintained as long as necessary. In the first years, 
on account of bad management, San José made little 
progress; but the appointment of a comisionado as at 
Angeles and the subjection of the alcalde to him, have 
restored prosperity; and these measures were approved 
in 1785-6. 

In the missions great care must be taken to guard 
against the increase of veneral diseases which are 
causing such ravages in the peninsula. The sending 
of soldiers for escaped neophytes is extremely dan- 
gerous, and should be avoided, being resorted to only 
after other means—the best being for the friars to 
send other natives with flattery and trifling gifts to 
enlist the-services of chiefs—have failed, and then 
with every possible precaution. The granting of 
escorts whenever asked for has also proved dangerous 
and inconvenient, since only two men could be spared, 
leaving the mission exposed and the friar only slightly 
protected. It has therefore been restricted, and the 
soldiers are not allowed to pass the night away from 
the mission. This policy, notwithstanding protests, 
and in consequence of Neve’s confidential reports, has 
been approved by superiors and by the king. 

In the case of mail-carriers and escorts passing from 
one presidio to another, careful orders have been given 
to prevent disaster and at the same time to insure 
humane treatment of the gentiles. Each presidio has 
in its archives properly indexed the orders that have 
been issued for its government and the prevention of 
all disorder. The abundance of products in proportion 
to consumers has led to a reduction of some of the 
prices affixed by Neve to grain and meat. Cattle 
belonging to the crown are kept from excessive in- 
crease and consequent running wild by annual slaugh- 


484. RULE OF ROMEU. 


ters for the supply of presidios and vessels with beef. 
The breeding of horses and mules, just beginning to 
prosper, should be encouraged. The friars often wish 
to buy these animals, but have been uniformly refused. 
All trade with the Manila ship is strictly prohibited; 
but trade with San Blas is free for five years from 
October 1786, and subject to only half duties for five 
years more—a trade which is bad in its effects, lead- 
ing to ‘immoderate luxury,’ for the inhabitants can 
buy all they really need at cost prices from the memo- 
vias. To provide the wasting of clothing and other 
useful articles in barter with the sailors, Fages has 
forbidden the opening of the bales ufitil the vessel 
leaves the port. 

In articles 21-3 of his papel, Fages tells the tale 
of three or four incorrigible rogues, Alvitre and Na- 
varro of Angeles, Avila of San Jose, and Pedraza, a 
deserter from the galleon, whose scandalous conduct 
no executive measure has been able to reform. Arti- 
cles 24-7 are devoted to past troubles between Cap- 
tain Soler and the habilitados, with which the reader 
is already familiar; and finally, after devoting some 
attention to the condition of the different presidios, 
the author closes by alluding to the charges of cruelty 
pending against Father Pefia of Santa Clara, and to 
the orchard of six hundred fruit-trees, besides shrubs 
and grape-vines, to which since 1783 he has given 
much of his attention.’ 

? Fages, Papel de varios puntos concernientes al Gobierno de la Pentnsula de 
California é Inspeccion de T'ropas, que recopila el Coronel D. Pedro Fages al 
Teniente Coronel D. José Antonio Romeu, 26 de Febrero 1791, MS. On May 
28th Fages wrote again to Romeu a most interesting letter in which he gives 
his opinion of various persons with whom his successor will come in contact. 
He speaks very highly of Arrillaga, Zuniga, and Argiiello, deems Goycoechea 
somewhat prone to carelessness, says nothing of Ortega, and pronounces 
Gonzalez fit only for his present position on the frontier. None of the ser- 
geants are suitable for habilitados, though Vargas is faithful and can write. 
With the Dominicans there has been no serious trouble, and President Gomez 
is disposed to sustain harmonious relations; but with the Fernandinos quar- 
rels have been frequent, since they are ‘opuestésimos 4 las mdximas del regla- 
mento y gobierno’ and insist on being independent and absolute each in his 
own mission. Fages doubts that Romeu will be able to endure their inde- 


pendent way of proceeding. The priests at San Francisco and Santa Clara 
are forming separate establishments at some distance from the mission, which 


Pal dad 


LIFE AND CHARACTER OF FAGES. 485 


Don Pedro sent his wife and children southward in 
advance of his own departure, probably on board the 
San Carlos, or Princesa, which left Monterey for San 
Blas in the autumn of 1790.° He remained at Mon- 
terey, though he made a visit to San Francisco in 
May,* and still exercised by common consent a kind 
of superintendence over the actions of his former sub- 
ordinates, though now addressed as colonel instead of 
governor. There are letters of his in the archives 
dated at Monterey July 13th.° His intention was to 
remain until October or November, and I suppose he 
embarked on the San Carlos for San Blas November 
9, 1791, though possibly his departure was a month 
earlier.© In 1793 he made a report on the California 
presidios, and in October 1794 was still residing in 
Mexico. Of Pedro Fages before he came to Califor- 
nia in 1769 and after his departure in 1791 we know 
little; with his career in the province the reader is 
familiar,’ and will part with the honest Catalan, as I 
do, reluctantly. 


matter needs looking after. Mission stock is increasing too much, and the 
neophytes are becoming too skilful riders and acquiring ‘ Apache insolence.’ 
Some advice is given about the journey north. A promise is made of more 
letters, and Fages closes by making a present of his famous orchard, well 
pleased that the fruits of his labors and expenditures are to be enjoyed by 
his friend. ages, Informes Particulares al Gobr. Romeu 28 de Mayo 1791, 
MS. On May Ist he had written to Romeu that he was permitted to take 
away with him six mules and as many horses if the commander of the vessel 
had no objections. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 147. There are also communica- 
tions of Fages to Romeu on matters of trifling importance dated May 26th, 
30th, June Ist, July 4th, 13th. /d., 141-70. 

3 In his letter of May 28, 1791, Fages expresses his pleasure that Romeu on 
his journey—probably at San Blas or between there and Mexico—had met his 
family. He states his intention of staying at Monterey until October or 
November. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 148, 150. 

Ffd.; x, 44. 

5 Jd., x. 142-3, 169. In one of the letters he says that, suffering in his foot, 
he is unable to review the troops at Santa Barbara. 

6 Sailing of the San Carlos Nov. 19th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 91. Accord- 
ing toa letterin Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 184, however, the schooner Saturnina 
from Nootka was at Monterey on Oct. 14th and ready to sail for San Blas, so 
that Fages may have sailed in her; yet if there is no error it is strange that 
while the arrival of the San Carlos was announced to Gen. Nava on Nov. 30th, 
that of the Saturnina was not announced until Dec. 22d. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
iv. 3. 

7 Pedro Fages, a native of Catalonia, and first lieutenant of a company of 
the 1st battalion, 2d regiment, of the Catalan Volunteer Light Infantry, probably 
left Spain with his battalion in May 1767, and soon after his arrival in Mexico 


486 RULE OF ROMEU. 


He was a peculiar man; industrious, energetic, and 


brave, a skilful hunter and dashing horseman, fond of 
children, who were wont to crowd round him and 
rarely failed to find his pockets stored with dulces. 
Of fair education and executive abilities, hot-tempered 


was sent with Col. Elizondo’s expedition against the Sonora Indians. In the 
autumn of 1768 by order of the visitador general, Galvez, he was sent over from 
Guaymas to La Paz by Elizondo with 25 men of his compania franca for the 
California expedition. In January 1769 he embarked with his men on the San 

Carlos and arrived at San Diego May Ist. Fages was military chief of the sea 
branch of the expedition, and commandant on shore from May Ist to June 

29th, thus being California’s first ruler. After Portola’s arrival on June 29th, 

he was second in command and Capt. Rivera’s superior. With seven of his 

men, all that the scurvy had not killed or disabled, he accompanied the first 

land expedition from San Diego to Monterey and San Francisco from July 14, 

1769, to Jan. 24, 1770. He started north again April 17th with Portola and 

reached Monterey May 24th. When Portola left Monterey July 9th, Fages 

was left as commandant of the Californian establishments, a position which 

he held until May 25, 1774. His commission as captain was dated May 4, 

1771, and in the same year he went down to San Diego by water, returning 

by land. In March and April 1772 he led an exploring expedition up to what 

are now Oakland, San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and the mouth of the San 

Joaquin. In May 1772 he proceeded to the San Luis region and spent some 

three months hunting bears to supply the Monterey garrison with meat. 

Perhaps it was here that he gained the sobriquet of El Oso often applied to 

him in later years, though there is a tradition that the name Old Bear was 

given him for other reasons. He went to San Diego in August, and there: 
incurred Padre Serra’s displeasure by refusing a guard for the founding of a 

new mission. The object of Serra’s journey to Mexico was chiefly Fages’ re- 

moval. The friar represented him as a man hated by all the soldiers, incom- 

petent to command, and a deadly foe to all mission progress. The charges 

were largely false, but they served Serra’s purpose whether believed or not, 

for the government could not afford at the time a quarrel with the mission- 

aries; and Rivera was sent to supersede Fages, taking command on May 25, 

1774. Subsequently Serra wrote a letter to the viceroy in which he expressed . 
regret at Fages’ removal, commendation of his services, and a desire that he 
be favored by the government. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 379-80. The 
friars regarded this as a praiseworthy return of good for evil; others might 
apply a different name. 

Fages sailed from San Diego Aug. 4, 1774, on the San Antonio with orders 
to join his regiment at Pachuca. On the way to Mexico at Irapuato, Guana- 
juato, he was robbed of a box containing his money, by his own servants as it 
seems. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 190. He reached Mexico before the end of 
1774 in poor health. He dated in Mexico, Nov. 30, 1775, a report on Cali- 
fornia, addressed to the viceroy, and devoted chiefly to a description of the 
province, its natives, animals, and plants; but also giving a tolerably complete 
sketch of the first expeditions and the condition of the missions at the author’s 
departure. This document, of great importance and interest, was translated 
from the original in the library of M. Ternaux-Compans and published as 
ages, Voyage en Californie, in Nouv. Ann. des Voy., ci. 145-82, 311-47. At 
the beginning the author says: ‘Ayant été chargé du commandement militaire 
du poste de Monterey, depuis le commencement de l’année 1769, et mon chef 
don Diego Portola qui s’embarqua le 9 de Juillet & bord du paquebot le San 
Antonio, m’ayant fortement recommandé de m/’occuper des établissements 
situés dans la partie septentrionale de la Californie, je m’y suis livré pendant 
plus de quatre ans. J’ai rassemblé le plus de renseignements qu’il m’a été 


THE OLD AND NEW GOVERNOR. 487 


and inclined to storm over trifles, always ready to 
quarrel with anybody from his wife to the padre pres- 
idente, he was withal kind-hearted, never feeling and 
rarely exciting deep-seated animosities. He was 
thoroughly devoted to the royal service and attended 
with rare conscientiousness to every petty detail of 
his official duty; yet his house, his horse, and above 
all his garden were hardly second in importance to his 
office, his province, and his nation. He possessed less 
breadth of mind, less culture, and especially less dig- 
nity of manner and character than Felipe de Neve, 
but he was by no means less honest and patriotic. 
The early rulers of California were by no means 
the characterless figure-heads and pompous nonenti- 
ties that modern writers have painted them, and 
among them all there is no more original and attrac- 
tive character than the bluff Catalan soldier Pedro 
Fages. j 


José Antonio Romeu, a native of Valencia, Spain, 
had served in the Sonora Indian wars with Fages in 
and before 1782 as captain. As we have seen, he 
took part in the campaigns following the Colorado 


possible sur ces provinces ¢loignées, sur les nations qui les habitent, la nature 
de leur territoire, ses productions, les moeurs et coutumes de la population, 
et beaucoup d’autres sujets dont je traiterai dans le cours de cette relation.’ 

Capt. Fages was in garrison with his company at Guadalajara, when he 
was ordered, perhaps in 1777, to the Sonora frontier; and there he served in 
the wars against Apaches and other savages for five years, receiving in the 
mean time a lieut. colonel’s commission. In 1781-2 he made several expedi- 
tions from Sonora to the Colorado to avenge the death of his former rival, 
Rivera; and visited California twice in 1782 before he came as governor, mak- 
ing the first trip from the Colorado direct to San Diego. He was in the Colo- 
rado region when on Sept. 10th, by an appointment of July 12, 1782, he 
took possession of his office as governor, and reached Monterey in November. 
1783 was spent chiefly in a journey to Loreto whence he brought his wife, 
Doiia Eulalia de Callis, and son to the capital. He had at least two children 
born in California, In 1785 he had trouble with his wife, which does not 
seem however to have outlasted the year. From August 1786, by Gen. 
Ugarte’s order of Feb. 12th, Fages became inspector of presidios. His com- 
mission as colonel was dated Feb. 7, 1789. His governorship ended April 16, 
1791, and he sailed from Monterey in the autumn of the same year. ‘Taylor, 
Discov, and Founders, ii. 179, says he died in Mexico before 1796, but it is by 
no means certain that he had any authority for the statement. Aug. 12, 
1793, he makes a report on Monterey Presidio buildings at Mexico. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xiii. 191; and in Oct. 1794 he resided in the city of Mexico. Cos- 
tansdé, Informe, MS. : 


488 RULE OF ROMEU. 


disaster. In May 1790, when appointed governor he 
was major of the Espatia dragoon regiment, also hold- 
ing the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was probably i in 
Mexico at the time of his appointment and proceeded 
to his province by way of San Blas, since he met the 
family of his predecessor and friend on their way 
from California. Accompanied by his wife, Josefa de 
Sandoval, and daughters Romeu arrived March 17, 
1791, at Loreto by the schooner Santa Gertrudis. On 
April 16, as already stated, he took formal possession 
of the governorship, Captain Arrillaga representing 
Fages in the transfer of the necessary papers.* The 
reason why the new governor was ordered to assume 
his office at Loreto instead of proceeding directly to 
the capital was that he might attend to his duties as 
inspector of presidios in the south, thus avoiding a 
useless repetition of the journey, and that he might 
make certain investigations of presidial accounts. 
These Californian accounts had been in some confusion 
since 1769. Details it is undesirable as well as im- 
possible to explain; but many men had unsettled ac- 
counts running back to the earliest period of Spanish 
occupation. The treasury officials in Mexico, attrib- 
uting the prevalent confusion to the incompetence 
of habilitados, were themselves greatly puzzled,’ and 
Romeu seems to have been selected with a special 
view to his fitness for unravelling past financial com- 
plications and effecting a final adjustment. 

Whatever may have been his abilities in this special 
direction, he had very slight opportunity to show 
them; for from the moment of embarking on the 
Santa Gertrudis his health failed; indigestion, sleep 
less nights, and an oppressive pain in the chest left 


8 See references in note 1 of this chapter. Also letter of Arrillaga to 
Fages March 21,1791, announcing Romeu’s arrival. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 38. 

* The Informe sobre los ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Los Angeles y 
demas de las Provincias de Californias, MS., a report of the contador mayor 
dated Mexico, Dec: 30, 1789, and filling above 60 pages, is a specimen of the 
many wordy communications on the subject which are extant in the archives. 
I have made no attempt to reach the bottom of this financial puzzle. Vice- 
roy’s orders to Romeu on this subject Sept. 1, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., ix. 313-19. 


tie. 


DEATH OF ROMEU. 489 


him but little opportunity of attending to public 
duties. Yet he did not lose courage, and late in 
the summer, after communicating his instructions to 
presidal officers and satisfying himself of Arrillaga’s 
entire competence, he proceeded north, reached San 
Diego in August," and arrived at Monterey October 
13th, doubtless before the departure of his prede- 
cessor.” Through the winter his ill-health continued, 
and he was barely able to attend to the routine duties 
of his office. His official communications in the 
archives are few, brief, and unimportant. His cor- 
respondence with President Lasuen both at Loreto 
and Monterey, though containing httle more than 
the formal expressions required by courtesy, indicate 
a desire on his part, such as most rulers entertained 
when they first came to California, to preserve har- 
monious relations with the missionaries. In fact 
either by natural disposition or by reason of feeble 
health he was evidently more fraiero than Fages or 
Neve. On December 1st he received the royal con- 
firmation of his appointment as governor.” 

Late in March 1792 Romeu’s condition became 
critical, and after a series of convulsions it became 
evident that he had but a few days to live. The sur- 
geon, Pablo Soler, made a written report to this effect 
on April 5th, and the last rites of religion were ad- 
ministered by the friars in attendance. He died at 
Monterey April 9th and was buried at San Carlos 


10 Romeu,Carta al Virrey, 21 de Nov. 1791, MS., in St. Pap., Sac., v. 91-2. 

1 He was at San Diego from Aug. 20th to 31st if not longer. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., x. 40-3. 

12Nov. 28, 1791, the viceroy acknowledges the receipt of his letter of Oct. 
14th, announcing his arrival on the 13th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 184. 

13 Romeu, Cortas al Presidente Lasuen, 1791, MS. On July 16th from Ro- 
sario he writes: ‘Aunque mi caudal de mérito no es otro que el tener unos 
buenos y constantes deseos de llenar el cumplimiento de mi obligacion, y ser 
Util y sin embargo de carecer de aquellas apreciables circunstancias condu- 
centes 4 su logro de que la bondad de V. R. me supone acompafado, espero 
merecerlo de la piedad del Altisimo al verme auxiliado de las fervientes oraci- 
ones de V. R. y de esos RR. PP. misioneros 4 los que de nuevo me en- 
comiendo correspondiendo con iguales 4 las expresiones finas conque me 
honran.’ 


14 St. Pap., Sac., MS. v. 92. The confirmation was dated Feb. 15th. 


490 RULE OF ROMED. 


the day following. By his will the widow was made 
executrix of his estate and guardian of their daugh- 
ters. Dota Josefa embarked for San Blas in Octo- 
ber. Alférez Sal in a letter says that California was 
not worthy of a governor like Romeu. At his funeral 
all who knew him displayed deep grief.” 


Local annals as well as certain general topics of 
commercial, industrial, and mission development, I 
shall treat collectively for the decade from 1791 to 
1800, in subsequent chapters. Besides such topics 
the visit of a scientific exploring expedition and the 
founding of two new missions are to be noted during 
Romeu’s short rule. The expedition referred to was 
that of Alejandro Malaspina in command of the royal 
corvettes Descubierta and Atrevida,” the latter being 


S 
under the immediate command of José de Bustamante 


'y Guerra, and the scientific corps including Bauza 
and Espinosa.” Malaspina sailed from Cadiz in July 
1789, for a tour round the world, and after making 
explorations on both coasts of South America, and 
from Panama to Acapulco, left the latter port in May 
1791 for the Northwest Coast, which he struck a little 
above 60° and carefully explored southward, sighting 


15 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 7-9, 14; x. 139; xxi. 71, 89; St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., vi., 76; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 152; San Carlos, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Tay- 
lor’s Discov. and Founders, ii. 179; Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 96-7. 

16 The vessels had, like nearly all in the Spanish navy, each a double name, 
being called respectively Santa Justa and Santa Rujina. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
v. 96. 

1 A full list of officers made at Monterey, is as follows: Captains Alejan- 
dro Malaspina and José de Bustamante y Guerra; lieutenants Dionisio Gali- 
ano,* José Espinosa, Cayetano Valdés, Manuel Novales,* Fernando Quintano, 
Juan Bernaci, Secundino Salamanca, Antonio de Tova, Juan Concha, José 
Robredo, Areaco Zeballos, Francisco Viana, and Arcadio Lineda;* alféreces 
Martin Olavide,* Felipe Bauzd4, Flavio Aleponzoni, and Jacobo Murphy; con- 
tadores Rafael Rodriguez de Arias and Manuel Esquerra; chaplains José de 
Mesa and Francisco de Paula Afiino; surgeons Francisco Flores and Pedro 
Gonzalez; pilotos Juan Diaz Maqueda, José Sanchez, Gerdénimo Delgado, Juan 
Inciarte y Portu, and Joaquin Hurtado; apothecary Luis Nee* and Tadeo 
Haenek; pintor de perspectiva Tomas Suria; disecador y dibujante de plantas 
José de Guio.* The names marked with a star remained behind in Mexico. 
Malaspina, Nota de Oficiales de Guerra y Mayores, Naturalistas, Botdnicos, 
Dibujantes, y Disecadores, que tienen destino en las corbetas de S. M. nombra- 
das Descubierta y Atrevida, que dan vuelta al Globo...que salieron de Cadiz en 
30 de Julio de 1789, MS. 


MALASPINA’S EXPEDITION. 491 


Cape Mendocino September 6th, being off San Fran- 
cisco the 10th,” and anchoring the 13th at Monterey, 
where his vessels remained till the 25th, thence con- 
tinuing the survey down to Cape San Liicas, San 
Blas, Acapulco, and returning to Spain by the Phil- 
ippines and Cape Good Hope.” 

Of the stay at Monterey, of scientific observations 
there, of Malaspina’s impressions of California and 
its people we know little. The archives contain only 
the merest mention of the arrival and of courtesies 
exchanged between the visitors and Lasuen, who 
aided in gathering specimens,” Malaspina seems 
entitled to the honor of having brought to Cali- 
fornia the first American who ever visited the 
country, and he came to remain, his burial being 
recorded on the mission register under date of Sep- 
tember 13th, and name of John Groem, probably 
Graham, son of John and Catherine Groem, Presby- 
terians, of Boston. He had shipped as gunner at 
Cadiz.2 The reports of this expedition were never 
published. The commander was imprisoned for cer-. 
tain crimes or irregularities, and it 1s only through 
Navarrete’s brief résumé, and an abridged narrative 
by one of the officers, that anything is known of 
results.” 


As early as 1789 it was determined to found two 
new missions, in honor of ‘our lady of solitude’ and 


18 At least 4 or 5 shots were heard from a fog-hidden vessel on that date. 
Bustamante, in Cavo, T’res Siglos, iii. 106-7, says he left Nootka August 25th, 
and anchored at Monterey September 11th. 

19For account of Malaspina’s explorations in the north, see Hist. N. W. 
Coast, i. 249; and Hist. Alaska, this series. 

20 Sept. 21, 1791, Malaspina and Bustamante to Lasuen thanking him for 
aid. Lasuen in reply gives thanks for presents. The letters are full of flat- 
tering expressions, and the voyagers promise to make the king and the world 
acquainted with their favorable impressions of California and with the suc- 
cess and zeal of the padres. Malaspina and Bustamante—Carta al P. Lasuen 
y respuesta de dicho Padre, Sept. 1791, MS. March 27, 1792, Gen. Nava has 
learned of Malaspina’s visit. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 19. 

7 4 Taylor, in Pacific Monthly, xi. 649-50, from San Carlos, Lib. de 
ision. 

22 Navarrete, Viages Apdcrifos, 94-8, 268-70, 313-20; Id., in Sutil y Mexi- 
cana, Viaye, Introd., cxxii.-iii. Taylor, in Pacific Monthly, xi. 649, and L. Cal., 


492 RULE OF ROMEU. 


of the holy cross. The necessary preliminaries were 
arranged by correspondence between president, guar- 
dian, and viceroy, and four new friars were selected 
to take charge, or enable others to do so, of the new 
establishments.” The information reached California 
at the end of July 1790 together with the friars, 
Danti, Miguel, Rubi, and Tapis; and all the necessary 
effects except the church vestments and utensils. 
This omission caused delay, for the priests were not 
disposed to take anything on trust in dealing with 
the government, and it was not until July 1791 that 
a positive assurance came from the viceroy that the 
sacred utensils would be sent, together with an order 
to proceed at once, borrowing the needed articles from 
the other establishments.* Subsequent preliminary 
work is best described in the words of Lasuen, who 
writes the 29th of September: “In view of the 
superior order of his excellency I at once named the 
missionaries. J asked and obtained from the com- 
mandant of this presidio the necessary aid for explor- 
Ing anew the region of Soledad, and there was chosen 
a site having some advantages over the two previously 
considered. I applied to the missions for vestments 
‘and sacred vessels; and as soon as the commander of 
the Aranzazu furnished the sirvientes allowed for the 
new establishments I proceeded to Santa Clara in 
order to examine anew in person the site of Santa 
Cruz. I crossed the sierra by a long and rough way, 
41, says that Malaspina, through the jealousy of Godoy, was imprisoned for 
14 years and finally liberated when Marshal Soult took Corufia in 1809. 

*s Guardian Noriega to viceroy, Sept. 22, 1789; viceroy to guardian, Oct. 
31; guardian to Lasuen, Dec. 10, in Arch. Sta. Bérbara, MS., vi. 280-2. 
Two thousand eight hundred dollars was to be paid to the sindico, $1,000 for 
each mission, and $200 for travelling expenses of each friar. April 1, 1790, 
the sindico, Fr. Gerénimo de Sampelayo, sends provisions and tools for Santa 
Cruz to value of $1,021. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3. 

74 Aug. 3, 1790, Lasuen to Fages, announces arrival of padres; nothing 
lacking but for the government to deliver the sacred vessels; he is ready. 
Arch. Arzobispado, MS.,i. 10; Jan. 20, 1791. Viceroy to Lasuen and to gov- 
ernor, orvamentos, etc., will be sent; let the old missions lend. July 15th, 
Lasuen replies: all right. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 8-10; Prov. St. Pap., 
Ms., x. 1388. July 22, 1791, Lasuen issues a circular to the padres making 


known viceroy’s orders; let each padre mark on the margin the articles that 
he can lend. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 316-17. 


PREPARATIONS FOR MISSIONS. 493 


and I found in the site the same excellent fitness that 
had been reported to me. I found, besides, a stream 
of water very near, copious, and important. On the 
day of San Agustin, August 28th, I said mass, and a 
cross was raised in the spot where the establishment 
is to be. Many gentiles came, large and small, of 
both sexes, and showed that they would gladly enlist 
under that sacred standard, thank God! I returned 
to Santa Clara by another way, rougher but shorter 
and more direct. I had the Indians improve the road 
and was perfectly successful, because for this as for 
everything else the commandant of San Francisco, Don 
Hermenegildo Sal, has furnished with the greatest 
activity and promptness all the aid I have asked for. 
I ordered some little huts made, and I suppose that 
by this time the missionaries are there. I found here 
in Monterey the two corvettes of the Spanish expedi- 
tion, and the commander’s power of pleasing obliged 
me to await their departure. I endeavored to induce 
them to transport the Santa Cruz supplies by water, 
but it could not be accomplished. Day before yester- 
day, however, some were sent there by land, and with 
them a man from the schooner which came from 
Nootka under Don Juan Carrasco.* The plan is to 
see if there is any shelter for a vessel on the coast 
near Santa Cruz, and there to transport what is left. 
To-morrow a report is expected: This means is 
sought because we lack animals. To-day eleven Ind- 
ians have departed from here with tools to construct 
a shelter at Soledad for the padres and’ the supplies. 
I and the other padres are making preparations, and 
my departure thither will be, by the favor of God, the 
day after San Francisco, October 8th, at latest.” 

The preliminaries having been thus arranged Alférez 
Sal started from San Francisco September 22d with 

25 This schooner was the Horcasitas, which under Narvaez had taken part 
in Elisa’s northern explorations. See //ist. N. W. Coast, i. 244-250. The 
Aranzazu had also made a trip to the north, under Matute. 


' 26 Lasuen, Carta al Sr. Gobernador Romeu, sobre fundacion de Misiones, 
29 de Sept. 1791, MS. : 


494 RULE OF ROMEDU. 


Corporal Luis Peralta and two privates, arriving at 
Santa Clara in the afternoon.” Next morning he 
proceeded to Santa Cruz, his force being increased by 
fathers Alonso Salazar and Baldomero Lopez, while 
the rest of the mission guard with six or seven servants 
were left to bring supplies and cattle. On the 24th 
some Christian Indians of Santa Clara were set at 
work cutting timber and building a hut for the friars, 
who busied themselves seeking a spot for sowing 
twenty-five fanegas of wheat. A fine plain was found 
well adapted for the purpose, capable of irrigation 
from a small stream called by the explorers of 1769 
Arroyo de San Pedro Regalado. The mission site 
was about five hundred yards from the Rio San 
Lorenzo, also named in 1769. The chief Sugert came 
in with a few of his followers, and promised to become 
the first Christian of his tribe, Sal agreeing to be 
godfather. On Sunday, September 25th, as soon as 
the soldiers and horses arrived from Santa Clara, 
Sugert and his people having been fortified by assur- 
ances against the noise of exploding gunpowder, and 
the friars having donned their robes, Don Hermene- 
gildo took formal possession as he says, “in such words 
as my moderate talent dictated,” and at the conclusion 
the guns were discharged. Five more salutes were 
fired while the padres said mass and chanted a te 


27 Sept. 17, 1791, Sal to Romeu, excusing himself for sending, without 
having awaited Romeu’s arrival or orders, at Lasuen’s request, a guard and 
mule train for the new mission. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 18-20. The corporal 
of the mission guard was fully instructed respecting his duties under date of 
Sept. 17th. Sal, Instruccion al Cabo Luis Peralta al cargo de la Escolta de la 
Mision de Santa Cruz, 1791, MS. The general purport was, constant pre- 
cautions, kindness to gentiles, harmony with padres, strict performance of 
religious duties, and the details of routine. The details were much the same 
in all missions. It is to be noticed, however, that in the matter of escorting 
the priests the soldiers were strictly limited, and were not allowed to pass 
the night away from the mission. If a priest desired to go to a distant mis- 
sion, word must be sent to San Francisco and a guard obtained from the 
presidio. On the 29th or 30th of each month a report to Sal must be sent by 
two soldiers to Santa Clara, where the two must wait till two Santa Clara 
men carried the despatch to San Francisco and returned. As the rainy season 
was drawing near, the gentiles. might be induced to work on the warehouse 
ng guard-house by presents of food, etc., even against the wishes of the 
padres. 


FOUNDING OF SANTA CRUZ. 495 


deum, and thus the mission of Santa Cruz was 
founded.” 

Local annals of Santa Cruz to 1800 are best pre- 
sented here and may be briefly recorded. Often there 
were apprehensions of trouble with the natives, but 
the fears of the friars rested for the most part on 
nothing more solid than rumor, the occasional flight 
of a neophyte, or the loss of an animal. To keep the 
soldiers of the guard on the alert they were once 
ordered to hunt bears for target practice.” The neo- 
phytes numbered 84 at the end of the year 1791. 
They had increased to 224 in another year; in 1796 
the number was 523, the highest ever reached, and in 
1800 they were 492. There had been 949, according 
to the registers, baptized, 271 couples married, and 477 
_buried. Large stock increased during the decade from 
202 to 2,354 head; small stock from 174 to 2,088. 
Agricultural products in 1792 were about 650 bushels; 


Sal, Diario del Reconocimiento de la Mision de Santa Cruz, 1791, MS. 
Certificate on foundation of the mission, dated Sept. 25th, and signed by Sal, 
Corp. Peralta, and soldier Salvador Higuera. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 187. Sal 
returned to Santa Clara Sept. 26th, and San Francisco Sept. 27th. Sept. 25th, 
the padres announce the foundation to-day in a letter to Romeu; site fine and 
prospects flattering. Lopez and Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Santa Cruz 
al Gobernador, 1791, MS. Title-pages of mission registers. Santa Cruz, Lib. 
de Mision, MS., 28. Santa Clara furnished for Santa Cruz 64 cattle, 22 
horses, 76 fanegas of grain, and 26 loaves of bread; San Francisco, 5 yoke of 
oxen, 70 sheep, and 2 bushels of barley; San Carlos, 7 mules and 8 horses, 
The guard furnished the padres $42.50 worth of provisions, to be repaid. A 
list of the church vestments and sacred vessels is also given. Copy from 
mission records in Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 102-3. See also 
Willey’s Centennial Sketch of Santa Cruz, 11, 12. Santa Cruz Sentinel, Aug. 
12, 1865. Another record makes the contribution of Santa Clara 151 cattle, 
19 horses, 18 fanegas of grain; San Francisco, 6 yoke of oxen, 100 hogs, 12 
mules; and other missions 8 beasts of burden. Salazar, Condicion actual de 
California, 1796, MS. 

29'This was in 1797. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 106. Jan. 1794, Mission guard 
increased to 8 men, but reduced to 5 before May 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xiii, 231; xii. 77, April 1798, 90 fugitives gathered in by Corp. Mesa. Zd., 
xxii. 101. Road from Monterey threatened; a soldier nearly attacked in 1792, 
St. Pap., Sac., MS. vi: 70-1. Feb. 1793, 9 neophytes brought in 9 pagans. 
Mountain Indians said to be making arrows. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 152-3. 
Dec. 1793, the corporal and a soldier wounded; two parties sent from San 
Francisco to punish the natives. Jd., xxi. 176. Jan. 1795, Sergt. Amador 
sent to capture 2 Indians who were making trouble on the Rio Pajaro. Prov, 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 47. March 7, 1796, P. Sanchez asks for aid. 
Indians threatening, St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 3. Feb. 29th, Amador sent to 
investigate a rumor that the Indians would rise and kill the padres. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xiv. 18. 


496 RULE OF ROMEU. 


3,400 in 1796, and 800 in 1799; in 1800 were 4,300 
bushels; total yield of the decade, 17,590 bushels. 
The church, whose corner-stone had been laid with 
due ceremony on February 27th of the preceding 
year, was formally dedicated to its holy use the 10th 
of May 1794, by Father Pefia from Santa Clara, with 
the aid of Gili and Sanchez, besides the ministers of 
the mission. Alférez Sal was present and as godfather 
of the church received its keys. All the ceremonies 
prescribed by the Roman ritual were solemnly per- 
formed in presence of neophytes, servants, and troops, 
and next day a mass was celebrated in the new edi- 
fice.’ The church was about thirty by one hundred 
and twelve feet and twenty-five feet high. The 
foundation walls to the height of three feet were 
of stone, the front was of masonry, and the rest of 
adobes.*° ‘There is some evidence that the site of the 
mission had been slightly changed in 1792 to avoid 
danger from inundation.** About the mission build- 
ings but little is recorded except that the last two 
sides of the square were completed in 1795; and a 
flouring-mill was built and began to run in the au- 
tumn of 1796, but was badly damaged by the rains of 


30 A full account of the ceremony and of the building, signed by the six 
persons named and by Francisco Gomez, José Maria Lopez, Ignacio Chuma- 
zero, and José Antonio Sanchez, is given in Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 
38-40. Mr Willey, Centennial Sketch Sta. Cruz, 12, gives the date as March 
10th, and this may possibly be correct, as it is often difficult to distinguish in 
old Spanish manuscript Marzo from Mayo. Progress made on church in 1793, 
and it was finished in 1794. St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 122; ii. 17. Being dam- 
aged by rains in 1797. Id., ii. 122. Account of dedication in Sta. Cruz Sen- 
tinel, Aug. 12, 1865. According to a scrap in Hayes’ Mission Book, i. 130, 
some coins and relics deposited in the corner-stone gave rise to rumors of 
treasure for which search was made when the building fell in 1856; but not 
even the stone was found. 

31 Sept. 12, 1792. Letter of the governor in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 139. 
Inhabitants in 1795: Corporal José Antonio Sanchez; soldiers Joaquin Bernal, 
José Acéves (whose marriage with a neophyte woman was the first recorded 
at Santa Cruz on March 3, 1794, Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 29), Ramon 
Linares, Joaquin Mesa, and José Vizcarra; sailor sirvientes, Lopez, Carrillo, 
Arroyo, Barajas, Rodriguez, and Soto; and the artisan Antonio Henriquez. 
All but the sailors had families. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 234. Nov. 1, 1794, 
the padres complain that the sailor laborers know nothing of their work and 
should be transferred to the presidio. Jd., xii. 40. Supplies to presidios in 
1795-6, about $2,000. Id., xvi. 203, 206; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 76. Due from 
presidio to mission in 1800, $183. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 19. 


EARLIEST ANNALS OF SANTA CRUZ. 497 


December.” The annual election of mission alcaldes, 


which was required by the regulation, but had been 
for a long time neglected here as elsewhere, began by 
Borica’s orders in 1797." 

In these later years the mission prospects were far 
from encouraging, if we may judge from the tone of 
missionary correspondence. At the beginning of 1798 
Fernandez writes that everything is in a bad way. A 
hundred and thirty-eight neophytes have deserted, 
leaving only thirty or forty to work, while the land is 
overflowed and the planting not half done. The 
church has been damaged by the flood; the live-stock 
is dying; and a dead whale on the beach has attracted 
an unusual multitude of wolves and bears. The es- 
tablishing of Banciforte across the river, of which I 
shall speak in another chapter, had much to do with 
the friars’ despondency. | 

The missionary founders, Lopez and Salazar, served 
here, the latter till July 1795 and the former to July 
1796, at or about which dates they departed from the 
country to seek the retirement of their college.® 


82 In March artisans were sent to build the mill and instruct the natives. 
In August a smith and miller were sent to start the mill. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
224, 232; v. 50, 58, 65-6, 98, 115; vi. 68; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ii. 78; St. 
Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 30. Four millstones were ordered made at Santa Cruz 
for San Carlos. A house for the mill was also built; and in 1793 a granary of 
two stories and a house for looms had been finished. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 
BY, 75. 
33 Santa Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 15, 16. 

3t Fernandez, Carta del Padre Ministro sobre la condicion de Santa Oruz, 
1798, MS. Aug. 1, 1798, Engineer Cérdoba reports that Santa Cruz has 
3,435,600 sq. varas of irrigable lands of which 1,120,000 are sin abrir. Pas- 
tures 1.5x8 or 9 leagues with seven permanent streams. Prov. Rec., MS., 
vi. 99. 

3>Of Alonso Isidro Salazar we know nothing till he became minister of 
Santa Cruz in Sept. 1791, having probably arrived from Mexico a little earlier 
in the same year. He and Lopez did not get along amicably together, and 
the archives contain an order of the guardian to the president to send Salazar 
to some other mission since he and his confrére would not ‘listen to reason,’ 
and in order ‘ to reduce their pride.’ Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 251-2. He 
never served at any other mission, and his license to retire, dated by the vice- 
roy Jan. 23, 1795, reached him before June 10th of the same year. Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 47. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 50. Noreason for his retirement is given. 
He doubtless sailed in the transport of that autumn; and on May 11, 1796, 
he wrote at the college of San Fernando a long report on California, of which 
T shall have something to say elsewhere. Condicion Actual de Cal., MS. 

Baldomero Lopez, like Salazar, came to California in 1791, like him served 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 32 


498 — RULE OF ROMEU. 


They were succeeded by Manuel Fernandez and José 
de la Cruz Espi, the latter being replaced in May 
1797 by Francisco Gonzalez, while the former left the 
country in October 1798 and was replaced by Domingo 
Carranza. 


We come finally to the other new mission of 1791, 
Lia Soledad. True to the condition expressed in the 
name, ‘Our Lady of Solitude’ has left but a meagre 
record either of foundation or subsequent career. As 
we have seen, Lasuen had personally selected a site. 
The 29th of September a party of natives departed 
from San Carlos to erect a shelter.’ The friar, delayed 
by Malaspina’s visit, intended to go to Soledad again 
by October 9th at the latest.” He did go on that 
date or perhaps the day before, for on the 9th with the 
aid of Sitjar and Garcia, and in the presence of Lieu- 
tenant José Arguello, the guard, and various natives, 
he sprinkled holy water on the site, blessed and raised 
the cross which all adored, and performed all the nec- 
essary rites by which the mission of Nuestra Senora 
de la Soledad was ushered into existence. The site 
was called by the natives Chuttusgelis,and the region 


only at Santa Cruz, and like him was ill-tempered to such an extent that his 
constant bickerings with his companion received the reproof of his superiors. 
His temper was, “however, largely the result of ill-health. He was the vic 
tim of hypochondria which unfitied him for missionary duties and he retired 
in August 1796. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 228, xi. 56-7; Prov. Rec., MS., 
vi. 163. In Mexico it seems his health was restored, for on Aug. 8, 1818, he 
was elected guardian of San Fernando. 

36 P, Manuel Fernandez was a native of Tuy in Galicia, Spain, born in 
1767, who became a Franciscan at Compostela in 1784, and joined the college 
of San Fernando in 1793, being sent to California in 1794. Arch. Sta. Barbara, 
MS., xi. 248. He was one of five priests who came recommended by Mugiar- 
tegui as of a different kind from several who had exhausted Lasuen’s patience, 
these being in fact model missionaries. Mugdrtegui, Carta al P. Lasuen 30 de 
Enero 1794, MS. An original letter. He was impetuous, violent, cruel, and 
a bad manager of neophytes. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 103; or at least over-zeal- 
ous in converting pagans, and was admonished by the ‘president to moderate 
his zeal. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 125-32. This was at Santa Clara where he 
served in 1794. He was much at San Francisco in the early part of 1795. 
During his service at Santa Cruz in 1795-8 we hear no complaint against him, 
and in October 1798 he obtained license to retire on account of sickness. Arch. 
Arzobispado, MS., i. 52. 

37 See p. 493, this volume. 2 


ae 


FOUNDING OF SOLEDAD. 499 


had been known to the Spaniards as Soledad since 
the first occupation of the country.” 

Beyond the names of officiating missionaries and 
the usual statistics Soledad has no recorded history 
for this first decade. One entry in the mission books 
however deserves mention, by which it appears that 
on May 19, 1793, there was baptized a Nootka Indian, 
twenty years of age, ‘“Iquina, son of a gentile father, 
named 'Taguasmiki, who in the year 1789 was killed 
by the American Gret (Gray) captain of the vessel 
called Washington belonging to the Congress of Bos- 
ton.” *° 

Fathers Diego Garcia and Mariano Rubi were the | 
first ministers of Soledad, the former being present at 
the founding and the latter arriving shortly after. 
Rubi left the mission in January and the country in 
February or March 1793. Garcia left Soledad in 
February 1792, but he returned, serving there from 
December 1792 to March 1796, when he was trans- 
ferred to San Francisco. These two were of the 
class alluded to by Mugdrtecui as having exhausted 
the president’s patience. They were even worse than 
Salazar and Lopez at Santa Cruz, for Rubi was an 
immoral man, while Garcia, if not partially insane, 
was unpopular and disobedient.” After the terms of 


38 Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 1, 2. Narrative signed by Lasuen. Romeu 
to viceroy Dec. 1, 1791, in St. Pap. Sac., MS., v. 93. The first baptism of an 
aboriginal was on Nov. 23d. The following names from the mission records 
are those of the soldiers and sirvientes during the decade: Soldiers, Macario 
Castro, corporal in 1792, Ignacio Vallejo, corporal in 1793, José Dionisio Ber- 
nal, Leocadio Cibrian, Teodoro Gomez, José Ignacio Mesa, Antonio Buelna, 
Marcos Villela, Manuel Mendoza, Salvador Espinosa, Miguel Espinosa, Ca- 
yetano Espinosa, Marcos Briones, Bartolomé Mateo Martinez, José Maria 
Soberanes, Juan Maria Pinto, and Manuel Rodriguez. Servants: Antonio 
Santos, Leocadio Martinez, Matias Solas, Pedro Bautista Leonardo, José 
Bernardino Flores. 

39 Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 4. 

*°Mariano Rubi was one of the four padres who arrived in California in 
July 1790 sent expressly for the new establishments. He served at San 
Antonio 1790 to Sept. 1791, and from Oct. 1791 to Jan. 1793. He retired 
under a provisional license, being in ill-health. Arch. Arzobispado, MS.., i. 33; 
Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 160. In Oct. 1793 and again in Feb. 1794 the guardian 
wrote to the president asking for detailed reports on Rubi’s conduct and 
excesses, and an official certificate on the nature of his disease, which was 
doubtless venereal. He was to be expelled for the honor of the college. Arch. 


500 RULE OF ROMEU. 


these first ministers the following missionaries served 
for brief periods: Father Gili, like Rubi more muge- 
riego than was well for his reputation and health, ir 
1793, Espi in 1794-5, Martiarena in 1795-7, and Car- 
nicer in 1797-8. At the end of the decade the min- 
isters were Antonio Jaime and Mariano Payeras, since 
March 1796 and November 1798 respectively. In 
neophyte population Soledad counted eleven converts 
only at the end of 1791, but 493 in 1800, the baptisms 
having aggregated 704, deaths 224, and marriages 164. 
Large stock gained from 194 to 1,383 head; small 
stock from 213 to 3,024. Agriculture yielded 525 
bushels in 1792; 350 in 1794; 2,000 in 1797, and 
2,600 in 1800. Total yield of decade 14,800 bushels. 
In 1797 this mission possessed an adobe church with 
roof of straw.* 


Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 229-31, 255. Of Garcia’s shortcomings I shall have 
more to say hereafter. At Soledad he once neglected to sow grain on some 
frivolous pretext, and the neophytes were near starving in consequence. 

“1 St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 120. Supplies to the presidio in 1796 $418. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 203. 


2m 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


RULE OF ARRILLAGA—VANCOUVER’S VISITS. 
1792-1794. 


Counci, AT MonTEREY TO APPOINT A TEMPORARY GOVERNOR—ARRILLAGA’S 
ACCESSION—ARRIVAL AT MOoONTEREY—CALIFORNIA SEPARATED FROM 
Provincias INTERNAS—ARRILLAGA’S Poticy AND AcTts—THE JORDAN 
CoLony—MARITIME AFFAIRS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS—NORTHERN Ex- 
PLORATIONS—SPANISH PoLicy—THE NooTKA QUESTION— VOYAGE OF THE 
‘SuTIL’ AND ‘ MExIcCANA’—BOUNDARY COMMISSION—VANCOUVER’S First 
VisIT—RECEPTION AT SAN FRANCISCO, SANTA CLARA, AND MonTEREY— 
EneGuisH DESERTERS—THE GOVERNOR IN A DILEMMA—PRECAUTIONS 
AGAINST FOREIGN VESSELS—REVILLA GIGEDO’S REPORT—ATTEMPTED 
OccUPATION OF BODEGA—VANCOUVER’S SECOND VIsIT—A DisGustED ENG- 
LISHMAN—SUSPICIONS OF ARRILLAGA—HOSPITALITIES IN THE SoUTH— 
END OF THE NooTKA SETTLEMENT—VANCOUVER’S Last VisIt—His Os- 
SERVATIONS ON CALIFORNIA. 


In view of the governor’s illness a council was held 
at Monterey April 5, 1792, by call of Lieutenant 
Argiiello,’ to decide on whom the command should 
fall in the event of Romeu’s death, which Surgeon 
Pablo Soler pronounced to be near. The council con- 
sisted of Argiiello, Ortega, Goycoechea, and Alférez 
Sal. The decision was that according to the regula- 
tion the governorship ad interim would belong to 
Captain José Joaquin de Arrillaga, commandant at 
Loreto and lieutenant-governor of the Californias; 
that the provincial archives should be kept tempo- 
rarily by the council, and that Arrillaga should be 
notified at once of the state of affairs. Goycoechea 
and Sal should return to their presidios, and Ortega 


? Argiiello had succeeded Ortega in the spring of 1791, and Alférez Sal had 


been put in command at San Francisco, 
( 501 ) 


502 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


on Romev’s death should proceed directly to Loreto.? 
This decision was communicated on the same day to 
Arrillaga and to the commandants not present at the 
council. The date of Arrillaga’s accession may there- 
fore be considered as identical with that of Romeu’s 
death the 9th of April. On May 4th Arrillaga an- 
nounced his succession to the viceroy, and on the 7th 
to the officials in California, who acknowledged the 
receipt in June.® 

Arrillaga chose to take a modest view of his own 
abilities and a rather exalted one of his new duties, 
asking for counsel and suggestions from his subordi- 
nates. “From this moment I unload my conscience 
upon each,and hold him responsible for results,” writes 
the new ruler, “since an officer must be directed in 
his acts more by his own honor then by fear of 
authority.” Viceregal authority for his exercise of 
the chief command bore date of the 8th of July. It 
was his intention to remain at Loreto; but on Sep- 
tember 28th he was ordered to Monterey, where he 
arrived early in July 1793, soon visiting San Fran- 
cisco and returning to the capital the 17th of Sep- 
tember.* 

Arrillaga’s attention was given almost exclusively, 
during this first term of office and long after, to the 
inspection of the presidios and to the adjustment of the 
old presidial accounts in continuation of the task that 
had been intrusted to Romeu. He worked diligently 


2 Junta de & de Abril de 1791 en Monterey, MS. Argiiello’s letters to com- 
mandants Zuiiga and Gonzales, same date. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 138-15. 

3 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 4, 7, 8. May 4th, Arrillaga to viceroy. Jd., 
xxi. 71. May 7th, Id., to Goycoechea and Argiiello. Jd., xi. 25; St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., i. 115. May 7th, Jd., to Lasuen, and the padre’s congratulations 
on June 25th. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 27-8. May 10th Gen. Nava sends 
to the governor a copy of Neve’s previous instructions to Fages; but this 
document was probably intended for Romeu since Nava first announces knowl- 
edge of Romeu’s death on June 17th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 72-3; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xi. 59. 

‘June 8, 1792, Arrillaga to commandants in St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 76-8. 
Viceroy to governor, July 8, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 3. 
Sept. 28, 1792, Arrillaga ordered to Monterey. Jb. At San Diego in March 
1793; at Monterey, before July 8th; went to San Francisco July 27th; 
returned Sept. 17th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi, 92-3, 101, 109, 116. His last 
communication from Loreto is dated Dec. 29th. 


i es 





a 


A NEW GOVERNOR. . 603 


at the complicated task and with much success, though 
many years passed before it was completed. Beyond 
the details of this adjustment, and the ordinary routine 
of official correspondence with commandants, general, 
or viceroy—for early in 1793 California became by 
royal order separated from the Provincias Internas 
and subordinate directly to the viceroy°—the archives 
contain but little on this administration, which con- 
tinued until 1794. 

Arrillaga carried out conscientiously the imstruc- 
tions of general and viceroy on the strengthening of 
coast defences and assistance to north-coast establish- 
ments. He met the English navigator Vancouver on 
his second visit to Monterey, leaving a not very favor- 
able impression on the mind of his visitor, and urged 
the viceroy to put the presidios under captains, who 
should have nothing to do with the financial accounts.° 
He granted lands provisionally to three or four men 
in the Monterey region,’ issued in the interests of 
agriculture a proclamation forbidding the natives to 
kindle fires in the fields, and in the direction of public 
works opened a new road and ford at the Pajaro River. 
By Arrillaga’s advice the proposition of the clergy- 
man, Alejandro Jordan, to found a colony in Califor- 
nia for the supply of San Blas with products at cheaper 
rates, was declined by the king in 1794.° Besides 


’ The king resolved in council of Sept. 7, 1792, on making the Provincias 
Internas independent of the viceroy; but the Californias and some eastern 
provinces were excepted in military and political matters. Revilla Gigedo, 
Bandos, 63. Feb. 12, 1793, viceroy gives corresponding orders to the gov- 
ernor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 106. 

6 July 18,1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. In 1791 the office of habili- 
tado general of the Californian Presidios had been created with Manuel Car- 
caba as first incumbent. Jd., x. 136-7. 

7 Arrillaga says that his predecessors had not granted any lands, he favors 
it and has granted ranches to several invalids on the river 3 or 4 leagues from 
Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., xii. 45-7, 189; xxi. 132. It was in his rule, 1793, 
that General Nava’s order, allowing commandants of presidios to grant lands 
within 4 leagues, was approved by the viceroy. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., 
MS., i. 320-1, 341-2. 

8 Arrillaga to viceroy, November 8, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 85-6. 
Jordan is said to have spent 8 months in Alta California at some previous 
time, and to have caused some dissatisfaction by his intrigues, though I find 
no other record of his presence than Arrillaga’s statement. Jordan asked for 


504 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


ordering the appropriate manifestations of rejoicing at 
the queen’s happy delivery in 1793, the governor con- 
tinued the collection of alms for the Capuchin nuns of 
Granada authorized before his accession, and in 1794 
had the pleasure of forwarding California’s contribu- 
tion of $154 for so pious an object.? 

From what has been said it will be apparent to the 
reader that little occurred to distract Arrillaga’s atten- 
tion from his figures. ‘The period was one of quiet 
prosperity for the missions, and no new establishments 
were founded. The governor was liked by the friars, 
with whose management he made no attempt to inter- 
fere. He had no quarrels; introduced no reforms; met 
with no disasters, but regarding himself as merely an 
accidental and temporary ruler he was content with 
the performance of routine duties until a successor 
could be selected. We shall hear more of him later. 
Local events during this and the preceding and _ fol- 
lowing administrations I shall group into the annals 
of a decade. General topics of provincial progress I 
shall group practically in the same way by attaching 
the little that belongs to Romeu and Arrillaga to the 
much that is to be said of Borica’s time. 


Maritime affairs and foreign relations, or the dread 
of foreign relations and consequent precautions, form 
the only general topic of Arrillaga’s term which de- 
mands extended notice. The subject is somewhat 
closely connected with the annals of the Northwest 
Coast, fully recorded in another volume of this work, 


$4,000 salary, 18 men, and a supply of implements. Arrillaga thought that 
the expense of a colony would outweigh its advantages, since the supply- 
ships might take south produce obtained from the settlers. August 7, 1794, 
the viceroy communicates to the governor the king’s decision against the pro- 
posal, on the ground that free trade with San Blas would of itself accomplish 
quite as satisfactory results. Jd., xi. 192-3; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 145. The 
king’s order was dated March 7, 1794. Nueva Espafia, Acuerdos, MS., 179. 

*May 8, 1793, order for te deum on queen’s delivery. Prov. Rec., MS., 
i. 210; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 34. December 1, 1791, authorization of 
Capuchin collection by general. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 23. June 6, 1794, 
viceroy acknowledges receipt of $154 collected at Monterey and San Fran- 
cisco. /d., xi. 172-3; $32 at San Francisco. Jd., x. 14, 40; xxi. 116, 132, 164; 
Prov Rec., MS., i. 213. 





THE NORTHWEST COAST. 505 


and therefore briefly referred to here.’? Spain no 
longer attached the same importance as in former 
years to her exclusive claims in the far north, now 
that the geographical relations of America and Asia 
were approximately known, and the occupation of Cal- 
ifornia had furnished suitable ports for the Philippine 
trade. After the explorations of 1774—9 to latitude 
60° nothing was done for a decade. Had it not been 
for the possible existence of an interoceanic strait and 
the ever present fear of foreign encroachment from 
the north, the Spaniards would have given no more 
thought to these far-off coasts. New rumors came, 
however, that the Russians were advancing south- 
ward, rumors proved to be of no serious importance 
by the expedition of 1788; but this expedition brought 
the more alarming report of a British plan to occupy 
Nootka. Therefore Martinez was sent in 1789 to pre- 
vent this step and establish a Spanish post at that place. 
In the execution of his duty Martinez seized several 
Iinglish vessels as prizes. This led to complications 
between the two nations which nearly: plunged Europe 
in war, but were settled by a treaty of 1790. By this 
treaty Spain virtually relinquished all her claims to 
exclusive sovereignty on the Northwest Coast, the 
right of navigation, fishery, and settlement being made 
common to both nations. | 

The establishment at Nootka was kept up, however, 
from the spring of 1790, before the date of the treaty, 
and was regularly supplied from San Blas by the Cal- 
ifornia transports which often went direct to the 
northern post and touched at Monterey on the return. 
Nootka was simply an extension of the Californian 
establishments. Spain had, as already explained, no 
desire for northern possessions, but she maintained 
the post for five years for two reasons—first, because 
if astrait or an inlet leading to New Mexico could be 
found it would be important to hold it, and to that 
end exploration was zealously prosecuted; and second, 


10See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. chap. v.-ix. 


506 “RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


because if there were no strait the position could be 
used in diplomatic negotiations to secure a favorable 
boundary further south, such as the strait of Fuca, 
the main object being to secure a broad frontier be- 
tween San Francisco and the first foreign post. It is 
only certain voyages connected with the explorations 
and negotiations referred to that have a bearing on 
California history. The touching on the coast of 
several Nootka vessels connected with the expedi- 
tions of Elisa, Fidalgo, Quimper, Saavedra, Matute, 
and Malaspina in 1790-1 has already been noticed. 
In the spring of 1792 three vessels sailed from San 
Blas for Nootka, one of them bearing Juan Francisco 
de la Bodega y Cuadra as Spanish commissioner to 
settle certain questions still pending with England. 
At Nootka he met Vancouver, the British commis- 
sioner. By the treaty Spain had agreed to restore all 
lands of which England had been dispossessed. Cuadra 
claimed, as was indeed the fact, that there were no 
such lands and therefore proposed to fix a boundary, 
offering to give up-Nootka and make Fuca Strait the 
line. Vancouver demanded the unconditional surren- 
der of the port, and declined to treat on the boundary 
question at all. The commissioners not being able to 
agree, left the matter to be settled by their respective 
governments, and soon all the vessels, Spanish and 
English, sailed for the south. ; 
The Sutil and Mexicana had been sent from Aca- 
pulco in March under captains Dionisio Galiano and 
Cayetano Valdés to explore the strait of Juan de 
Fuca and:the coast to the south. After exploring the 
sound in company with Vancouver's fleet the two ves- 
sels returned to Monterey" where they arrived Sep- 
tember 22d and remained till the 26th of October. 


For northern explorations see Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 270, etc. Previous 
arrivals of 1792 had been the Concepcion, Captain Elisa, from Nootka, leaving 
supplies at Monterey July 9th, at Santa Barbara, Sept. 8th, and at San Diego, 
Oct. Sth; the Santa Gertrudis, Capt. Torres, from Nootka, touching at Monterey 
Aug. 11th to Oct. 26th, en route for San Blas; and the Saturnina, which arrived 
from San Blas at San Francisco Sept. 10th and at Monterey Oct. 17th. For arri- 





‘SUTIL’ AND ‘MEXICANA.’ 507 


The author of the diary devotes two chapters to Cal- 
ifornia, which contain a description of Monterey and 
its surroundings, a somewhat extended account of 
aboriginal manners and customs, and a superficial but 
not inaccurate view of the provincial establishments, 
including a table of mission statistics. He speaks 
highly of the country and of the missionaries; but 
there is nothing in his observations on California that 
possesses any special value as throwing new light on 
her condition or institutions. He presents, however, 
the following not very well founded complaint: “These 
deserving soldiers, and not less useful colonists, live 
with the affliction that when with failing strength they 
can no longer support the fatigues of their profession, 
they are not permitted to settle there and devote 
themselves to agricultural occupations. This prohi- 
bition of building houses and tilling lands near the 
presidio seems directly opposed to all the purposes of 
utility, security, and prosperity of those establish- 
ments, and contrary perhaps to what good policy 
should dictate. Were the soldiers permitted while in 
the service to employ their savings and moments of 
leisure in forming a hacienda and raising cattle, both 
for their families’ convenience and as a resource 
against poverty...it is very likely that within a few 
years there would be planted a flourishing colony most 
useful for its inhabitants and of great service to Span- 
ish navigators.” After leaving Monterey Galiano and 
Valdés sailed’ down the coast, making some obser- 
vations without anchoring, and communicating with 
the transport Concepcion as they passed San Diego. 
Most of their stay in California had been spent in— 
preparing their reports and charts of northern re- 
gions.” I reproduce the general map of the Califor- 
nia coast. 


vals and departures of vessels see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 75-6, 88-9, 159, 
162-3; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii. 17; vi. 68, 72; ix. 82-3; Prov. Ree., MS. oul: 
141, 157; Nawarrete, Introd., xxiii. -xxxi, There is some confusion respect- 
ing duties. 

2 Sutil y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana 
en el ato de 1792 para reconocer el Estrecho de Fuca; con una Introduccion, 


508 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 








Co. Perpetua 


fPo.de Sidman 


PC.Redondo 
=} C,Toledo 


——— 


<<C.Blanco de Martin de Aguils 


Ensa.de Indios Bravos 


tay Pto.de Trinidad 


: C.Mendocinof o 


Co.Vizcayno 







































































































































































































































































































































































jon de S.Luis 





} 
pra.d 














e ja Concepcion 
oPresidio de Sta.Barbara 
i o Mision de Sn/Buensventura 

















































































































Ensa.de.Siin 
wan Capistrano 
























































































































































Map oF 1792. 





ARRIVAL OF SPANISH VESSELS. 509 


The probable arrival of the Spanish and English 
commissioners had been announced in advance, and 
the Californian authorities were instructed to main- 
tain by a cordial reception the Spanish reputation for 
hospitality.” Cuadra on the Activa from the north 
arrived at Monterey the 9th of October. The Satur- 
nina, bearing important despatches for him, had been 
lying at San Francisco for a month and came down 
as soon as his arrival was known. These despatches, 
in accordance with a late royal order, contained new 
instructions from Revilla Gigedo by which Nootka 
was not to be surrendered as the viceroy had at first 
proposed. Since the proposal had not been accepted, 
there was no special haste about the new orders; 
yet they were sent up to Fidalgo at Nootka by 
the Horcasitas,“ and Cuadra remained in California 
through the winter. Before the end of October the 
Aranzazu, under Caamaiio, arrived at Monterey from 
the north. 


etc. Madrid, 1802, 8vo, 71. clxviii. 185, 20 pages with folio atlas. Chapters 
on California, 157-77. The atlas contains a general map of the whole coast, 
including California, and a chart of Monterey, made by these explorers; a 
chart of San Diego, made by Pantoja in 1782 (given in chap. xxii. this vol.); 
and a map of the coast from Vizcaino’s survey of 1602-3 (see chap. iii. this 
vol.) The most valuable part of this work, however, is Navarrete, Introduc- 
cion en que se da noticia de las Hxpediciones executadas anteriormente por los 
Espaiioles en busca del Paso del Noroeste de la América, i.—clxviii. This work, 
which has often been cited by me, is probably the best résumé of Spanish 
voyages on the Pacific coast. It was written by Martin Fernandez de Navar- 
rete, whose name does not appear as the author, but whose facilities were of 
the best, by reason of access to Spanish archives and of ability. Greenhow’s 
charge, Or. and Cal., 241, of ‘gross and palpable misstatements of circum- 
stances, respecting which he undoubtediy possessed the means of arriving at 
the truth,’ has, I believe, no just foundation. Galiano, Valdés, and Alava 
who visited Monterey a little later, all fell at the famous naval battle of 
Trafalgar. The viceroy had at first intended Lieut. Maurelle to make this 
exploration. Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 141; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xi. 40. 

13 Arrillaga, still at Loreto, communicated this order to the presidio com- 
mandants on Sept. 16, 1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 35; St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
i. 42-3. Orders had also been given in the spring of 1792 for the friendly 
reception and aid of the French expedition in search of La Pérouse, which 
never arrived. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 73; St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 112. 

14 Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 137. Oct. 31st, Sal writes 
to Gov. Arrillaga that he judges from Cuadra’s remarks that the en 
want the mouth of San Francisco Bay for a boundary. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
119. Sept. 9th, Sal had written to Arrillaga that he had seen a saaricane 
vessel off the port on the 7th, and fired 6 shots at her. She anchored for the 
night about a league from Mussel Point. /d., i. 69-71. 


510 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


In April of this year Captain George Vancouver 
in the Discovery with the Chatham under Lieutenant 
Broughton, on a grand exploring voyage round the 
world, had crossed over from the Sandwich Islands 
and made observations on the California coast as he 
sailed northward from just below Cape Mendocino.” 
Now six months later, coming from Nootka, the 
English navigator sailed down the coast without 
anchoring, and on November 14th, in the Discovery, 
entered San Francisco Bay at nightfall and anchored 
in front of Yerba Buena Cove, having received a salute 
of two guns as he passed the fort.* Next day he was 
visited in the morning by Sergeant Pedro Amador 
and Padre Landaeta, and later by Commandant Sal 
and Father Danti; while on the 16th by advice of the 
Spaniards, Private Miranda serving as pilot, the Dis- 
covery was transferred to the usual anchorage nearer 
the presidio.” 

Vancouver's reception at San Francisco was most 
cordial and satisfactory. Every attention was shown 
and every possible aid furnished the visitors by Com- 
mandant Sal and his wife and the friars at the mission. 
Couriers were despatched to Monterey with a message 
for Cuadra. Facilities were afforded for obtaining wood 
and water; feasts were given at both presidio and mis- 
sion, and meat and vegetables were sent on board the 
vessel. Indeed everything the Spaniards had in this 
the most poverty-stricken of their establishments was 
at the disposition of the strangers. On the 20th of 
November Vancouver and seven of his officers made 
an excursion on horseback to Santa Clara, being the 
first foreigners who had ever penetrated so far into 

8 Vancouver's Voyage, i. 196-200. For his northern explorations with 
maps, see /Tist. N. W. Coast, i. 274, et seq. 

16 Td., i. 432; Sal to Arrillaga Nov. 14, 1792, in St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 115-~ 
17; Id. to Id., Nov. 30th, in Jd., iii. 22. It is strange that Sal makes the day 
of arrival Nov. 13th, while the voyager’s diary has it Nov. 14th. The same 
discrepancy exists respecting the date of changing anchorage. On the location 
of Yerba Buena, see chap. xxx. of this volume. | 

17The commander of the Santa Gertrudis had left a note for Vancouver, and 


a horseman had therefore been stationed at the heads to give notice of his 
approach, St. Pap., Sac., vi. 72. 





GT LE 


VANCOUVER’S FIRST VISIT. 511 


the interior. They were escorted by Amador with 
a squad of five soldiers, and were delighted with much 
of the intermediate country. After most hospitable 
treatment by fathers Pefia and Sanchez at Santa 
Clara, they returned to San Francisco on the 22d. 
The Chatham had meanwhile arrived, and preparations 
were hastened for departure. For supplies furnished** 
Don Hermenegildo would take no pay, acting as he 
said under instructions from Bodega y Cuadra; but 
he accepted from Vancouver some implements and 
ornaments besides a hogshead each of wine and rum, 
all to be distributed to the presidio and two missions. 
The two vessels sailed away the 26th and anchored 
next morning at Monterey.” 

Vancouver found lying at anchor in the harbor of 
Monterey the Dedalus, his store-ship which had 
joined the fleet at Nootka, the Actwa bearing 
Cuadra’s broad pennant, the Aranzazu, and the [or- 
casitas. ‘The presidio and Cuadra’s flag each received 
a salute of thirteen guns and each returned the com- 
pliment. From Cuadra, Argiiello, Caamaiio, and all 
the Spanish officials the Englishmen received the 
same courteous attentions as at San Francisco, and a 
series of social entertainments followed on shore and 
on deck which were mutually agreeable and produc- 
tive of good-feeling. Orders recently received from 
Spain not to molest English vessels but to capture 
all those of other nations led both commanders to 
believe that the Nootka difficulties had been settled 
by their respective governments; consequently Van- 
couver made arrangements with Cuadra to send 
Broughton to England via San Blas and Mexico, to 

18 These supplies were, according to a list in St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii. 21-2, 
for acct. of Cuadra—1l1l cows, 7 sheep, 10 arrobas of lard; free from Sal—2 
cows, 2 calves, 4 sheep, 190 pumpkins, 10 baskets vegetables, a cart-load of 
ditto, 95 fowl, 400 eggs. 

19On Vancouver’s stay at San Francisco, visit to Santa Clara, and voyage, 
see Voyage, ii. 1-30. Argiiello reports to Arrillaga on Nov. 30th, the arrival 
of thé Dedalus on the 22d ‘commanded by Geo. Anson,’ and of the Discovery 
and Chatham on the 25th, one day before Vancouver’s date, as at San Fran- 


cisco, St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 97. The date is given as Nov. 25th also in 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 938. 


512 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


which end the Spanish commander offered every fa- 
cility. The Discovery and the Chatham remained at 
Monterey for about fifty days for reloading and 
repairs. A tent and observatory for astronomical 
observations were set up on the beach, and the De- 
dalus sailed in December for New South Wales with 
a load of cattle and other supplies generously fur- 
nished by the Spaniards. 

Vancouver and party went over to San Carlos the 
2d of December, and were hospitably entertained, as 
La Pérouse had been six years before, by President 
Lasuen and the other friars. The natives gave an 
exhibition of their skill in killing deer by stratagem. 
Back at the port a dinner was given on board the 
Discovery which proved agreeable until Sefora Argii- 
ello and other ladies as well as some gentlemen were 
forced by sea-sickness to retire to tierra firme. A pic- 
nic dinner at the presidio garden several miles away 
was another day’s programme. Subsequently a dis- 
play of fireworks delighted the Spaniards and aston- 
ished the aborigines. When this pleasant intercourse 
was over and the day of departure drew near Bodega 
y Cuadra, who in addition to constant kindness had 
prolonged his stay at Monterey for no other purpose 
than to carry Broughton to San Blas, refused to take 
pay for cattle or other stores supplied to the fleet; 
and Vancouver was obliged to be content with a new 
distribution of such useful utensils as his vessels could 
supply.” At last January 15, 1793, after an ineffectual 
pursuit of two deserters” and the reluctant acceptance 

*0 Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril, 139, says Vancouver’s gifts were 
worth about $2,000. Salazar, Condicion actual de Cal., MS., 67, estimates 
all of Vancouver’s presents in his three visits at $10,000, and says that Santa 
Cruz received $1,000 with which a mill was built. By the viceroy’s order of 
Sept. 30, 1794, any debts on Vancouver's account except expenses for secur- 
ing deserters were charged to the San Blas department as expenses of the 
boundary commission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 200. 

21A bout these deserters there is no lack of information in the archives. 
Besides the 2 from the Chatham there were 3 from the Dedalus. Governor 
to viceroy March 16, 1793, says that 3 are Catholics and deserted because not 
allowed to attend mass; the others desire to become Catholics. They were 


prisoners at Monterey. Cuadra on Jan. 19th had ordered them sent, if 
caught, to Nootka via Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi, 94-7. Gov. to ‘Ar- 





VANCOUVER’S DEPARTURE. 513 


by Vancouver of the only smith at the presidio in 
place of the lost armorer, the fleet of five sail, two 
English and three Spanish, disappeared in the south- 
west behind Point Pinos and left to Monterey its 
usual solitude.” 

Governor Arrillaga was not pleased when he heard 
of the excessive freedom that had been allowed Van- 
couver, and especially did he disapprove of the Eng- 
lishman’s visit to Santa Clara. He felt that a kind 
reception to the boundary commission according to 
viceregal instructions did not include such extraordi- 


giiello March 27th, Deserters not to be delivered to any English vessel except 
Vancouver’s and then only on his paying the expenses. The 2 not to be 
admitted to Catholic faith until further orders, except in danger of 
death. To be supplied at rate of 18 cents per day for rations and clothes. 
May be employed at their trades. Arrillaga disapproves sending them 
to Loreto. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 107, 109-10; vii. 82; Prov. Rec., 
MS., ii. 161-2. Aug. 10th, They must be given up to an English vessel 
_ or sent to San Blas. Clothes furnished to be charged to account of boundary 
commission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 95-6. In Sept. 1793 the 5 deserters 
were sent to San Blas on the Princesa. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 117. Jan. 
9, 1794, viceroy tells gov. that they will be sent back for delivery to Van- 
couver. Jan. 22d, Vancouver is charged with $250 expenses at San Blas. 
He must return the three borrowed sailors. /d., xi. 153, 158, xxi. 142. ‘May 
16th, viceroy to gov., The 5 have been sent by the Concepcion; charges $228 
to be paid by Vancouver; else they are to be sent to Nootka for delivery to 
some English vessel. Jd., xi. 171-2. June 9th, Id. to Id. Another deserter 
taken at San Diego is to be given up. /d., xi. 173-4. June 12th, Gov. to viceroy, 
As Vancouver had no Spanish money he has presented the amount in the 
name of the Spanish nation. /d., xxi. 144. Sept. 12th, Arrillaga to Argiiello, 
Arrival of the 6 in Concepcion, the $288 and rations to be collected from 
Vancouver. /d., xii. 167-9. Sept. 30th, Argiiello to Arrillaga, keeps the 6 
under surveillance; will deliver them to Vancouver, to an English vessel, or 
to a Spanish vessel bound for Nootka. Some want to be Catholics and some 
to enlist. Jd., xii. 148-9. Nov. 5th, Argiiello to Capt. Puget of Chatham, sur- 
rendering 2 of the 6. Total bill $747. Jd., xii. 170-1. Nov. 16th, Vancouver 
to gov., Finds that 3 of the 6 are not British subjects and will not claim 
them. Has no instructions to pay the bill but will lay the account before 
the admiralty. Jd., xli. 154-5. Nov. 16th (or 17th}, Gov. to Vancouver inter- 
ceding for the 3 deserters given up and charging $325 for expenses. The three 
not given up were 2 Portuguese and one Dane. Jd., xii. 172-38. The purport 
of 2 preceding communications in Vancouver’s Voyage, ili. 333-4. Nov. 20, 
1794, Fidalgo takes the 3 remaining deserters on board his vessel to work out 
the $421 of charges. Id., xii. 171-2, 174. 

22Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and round 
the World. ..1790-5. London, 1798, 3 vols. 4to, and folio atlas. On this visit 
to Monterey, see vol. ii. 29-49, 99-105. Other editions and translations of 
Vancouver’s voyage with numerous abridged narratives and references all 
drawn from this original source I do not deem it necessary to notice here. 
Dec. 15, 1792, Lasuen writes to Vancouver thanking him for his gifts to the 
missions. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 260-1. March 13, 1793, Viceroy to 
Vancouver, has given Lieut. Broughton all possible aid, and with the greatest 
pleasure. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 93-4. 

Hist. Cau. Vou. I. 33 


514 RULE OF ARRILLAGA 


nary license to a foreign power. He was only tem- 
porary governor and he entertained a nervous dread 
of overstepping the literal instructions of his superiors. 
He feared that what had taken place*would be disap- 
proved, and that he would be held responsible. His 
trouble was increased by an order from the viceroy 
dated November 24, 1792, to be on his guard against 
English ships, and especially to prevent the weakness 
of the Spanish establishments from becoming known 
to foreigners.” No wonder he was alarmed and that 
on his way up to Monterey in the spring of 1793 he 
wrote to chide Sal for having permitted Vancouver to 
gain a knowledge of the country, at the same time 
instructing him and other commandants to limit their 
courtesies to foreign vessels in the future to the mere 
granting of needed supplies as demanded by the laws 
of hospitality. The presence of two English vessels 
on the coast in March did not tend to allay the gov- 
ernor’s fears.” Sal humbly confessed that in permitting 
the visit to Santa Clara he had committed an inex- 
cusable fault. “Iam human and [I fell into an error 
which I cannot mend,” says he. But he claims that 
with Father Landaeta he endeavored to dissuade his 
gucst from his purpose, thus exciting his displeasure, 
and that there was no other way to prevent the intru- 
sion but to remove the horses. This differs materially 
from Vancouver's account, where no trouble is hinted 


23 Prov. St... Pan, ben. Mi, MS. sixes Jy 23 xX. 3,.4. 

*4 Arrillaga to Sal, March 26, 1793. Only the commander or his represent- 
ative must be permitted to land. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 142-4. May 2d, Arri- 
llaga says he has given orders not to let any English land. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xxi. 98-9. April lst, meat and vegetables to be supplied sparingly as a 
matter of policy only. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162. 

*° March 16, 1798, Sal to governor, announces the arrival of an English 
vessel under Captain Brown, asking for water, wood, and meat. She had a 
suspicious appearance, said she came from Monterey and was bound for 
Nootka, and was said by the natives to have been hanging about the coast for 
two months. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 131-2. Two English vessels, one of them 
the Princess, obtained wood and water at Monterey early in March. Prov. 
Rec., MS., ii. 162. March or February, an English vessel at mouth of San 
Francisco, and another at Bodega with guns landed. The presidios are unde- 
fended and the English have noticed it, saying that pirates are numerous and 
a ike not unlikely. Sosa s the governor to the viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., 

ep xxi, 94: 








COAST DEFENCES. 515 


at, and it is only said that in consequence of despatches 
received by Sal, and the indisposition of one of the 
friars, they begged leave to decline the engagement.” 

Together with his order requiring precautions 
against the English and other foreigners with a special 
view of keeping Spanish weakness from their knowl- 
edge, and subsequently, the viceroy announced his 
intention of remedying that weakness by strengthen- 
ing the four presidios and by the immediate occupation 
of Bodega. The 16th of July Arrillaga sent in a 
report on the state and needs of Californian defences.” 
Vancouver, unwisely permitted to investigate, had 
been surprised to find California so inadequately pro- 
tected, and the Spaniards seem to have realized the 
utter insufficiency of their coast defences at about the 
same time; but nothing was accomplished: in 1793 
beyond an unsuccessful effort to occupy Bodega Port. 
Their Bodega scheme and the whole project of 
strengthening the Californian defenses were devised 
by Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, and urged most ably in 
his report of April 12, 1793, a document which covers 
the whole northern question from a Spanish stand- 
point, and although little consulted by modern writers 
is really a most important authority.” After giving 


26 April 30, 1793, Sal to Arrillaga in St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 6; Vancouver's 
Voyage,ii.16. Isuspect that a night’s sleep calmed the Spaniards’ enthusiasm 
somewhat, and showed them that they were going too far; therefore they 
made excuses intended as a hint which the Englishman did not care to take. 

1 Arrillaga, Informe al Virey sobre defensa de la Costa, 1793, MS. Feb. 
16, 1793, viceroy to governor, approves fortification of the presidios and has 
ordered artillery and other material sent. /d., xx. 4. The governor says that 
Monterey has 8 guns and 3 pedreros; San Francisco 2 useless guns; Santa 
Barbara 2 guns and a pedrero with nobody to manage them; and San Diego 
3 guns dismounted. The nominal force free for action in the 4 presidios is 35, 
but after deductions only one or two men to each fort. He recommends a 
force of 264 men; wants a vessel at Monterey or San Francisco; and approves 
the occupation of Bodega. 

8 Revilla Gigedo, Informe de los Sucesos ocurridos en la Peninsula de Cali- 
Jornias y departamento de San Blas, desde el ano de 1768. Mexico 12 de Abril 
de 1793, in Bustamante, Suplemento a la Hist. de los Tres Siglos de Mexico, iii. 
112-64. Another important work belonging to this year and written by the 
same author is Revilla Gigedo, Carta dirigida a la corte de Espatia contestanlo 
ala real drden sobre establecimientos de misiones, Mexico, 27 de Diciembre de 
1793, in Diccionario Universal, v. 426-70. The part relating, to the California 


516 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. © 


a complete history of his subject the distinguished 
author argues that distant and costly outposts in the 
north are not desirable for Spain; and attention 
should be given exclusively to the preservation and 
utilization of the establishments now existing in Calli- 
fornia, and to the prevention of too near approach by 
any foreign power. To this end Bodega should be 
held and the English plan of making a boundary of 
San Francisco Bay be thus defeated. Probably this 
one measure may suffice in the north; Nootka may be 
given up, and Fuca, and also the Entrada de Heceta, 
or Columbia River, unless it should prove to afford a 
passage to the Atlantic or to New Mexico. Mean- 
while the presidios should be put in an effective con- 
dition; a new one should be founded on the Rio 
Colorado, and an able successor to Romeu be selected 
as governor. The department of San Blas should be 
transferred to Acapulco, and certain reforms be intro- 
duced in the management of the pious fund and of 
the salt-works. 

Because of its supposed excellence as a harbor, and 
because of its vicinity to San Francisco, making its 
occupation by England equivalent to an occupation of 
that harbor for purposes of contraband trade, it was 
decided to found a Spanish settlement at Bodega. 
Moreover there were rumors that forelgners were 


already taking steps in that direction.” To this end. 


the 10th of February the viceroy announced the giving 
of orders to the commandant at San Blas to despatch 
a schooner and long-boat for the service, and Arr'- 
llaga was directed to go to San Francisco to meet the 
vessels. He gave orders the 20th of March to have 


missions is found on pp. 427-80; and this portion in manuscript is also in St. 
Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 2-28. See also extracts in Jones’ Report on 
Land Titles, No.6; Hayes’ Mission Book, 176. This report is a careful statement 
of the mission condition and system at the time, and is used in another chapter. 

7° Oct. 8, 1792, Sal informs the governor that according to Indian reports 
two vessels—presumably English, for the men wore red—were at Bodega, got 
“wood, water, and deer, and asked the natives to get cattle forthem. St. Pap., 


Sac., MS., vi. 67-8. Jan. 15, 1793, two English ships said to be at Bodega. 


Five shots heard off San Francisco on 16th and 17th. Id., vi. 98. 


ATTEMPT TO OCCUPY BODEGA. 517 


a road opened from San Francisco across to Bodega. 
These instructions came up on the Aranzazu, which 
arrived at San Francisco the 24th of July.” Arrillaga 
obtained boats from the vessels, set across some thirty 
horses, and on the 5th of August Lieutenant Goycoe- 
chea with a sergeant and ten men set out to open the 
road and to meet at Bodega Matute, who with the 
Sutil and Mexicana had probably been sent direct to 
that port from San Blas. Unfortunately I have not 
found Goycoechea’s diary which was sent to Mexico, 
and we know absolutely nothing of either the explora- 
tion by sea or land, save that Matute returned to San 
Francisco on August 12th, and five days later Arri- 
llaga informs the viceroy that the occupation of Bodega 
is put off for this year. The postponement proved to 
be a permanent one, for some unexplained cause, and 
the ten soldiers and five mechanics with some stores 
intended for Bodega were retained by Sal at San 
Francisco,” 


Coming from the Hawaiian Islands Vancouver 
touched again the shores of California, or of New 
Albion as he is careful to call it, in the spring of 1793. 


From the 2d to the 5th of May the Discovery was at 


30 The Princesa, Fidalgo, from Nootka, arrived at San Francisco June 21st, 
San Diego, Oct. 24th; Aranzazu, Menendez, from San Blas, San Francisco, 
July 24th, Monterey, Aug. 25th, San Diego, Oct. 24th; Activa, Elisa, from 
San Blas, San Francisco, Aug. llth, San Diego, Oct. 24th; Sutil and Mez- 
icana, Matute, from San Blas, San Francisco, Aug. 12th—Oct. 16th; Van- 
couver’s vessels, Trinity Bay, May 2d, San Francisco, Oct. 19th, Monterey, 
Nov. Ist, Santa Barbara, Nov. 9th, San Diego, Nov. 27th. On the arrivals 
and departures of vessels for 1793, there being as usual some confusion in the 
dates, see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 163; xxi. 101, 109, 111, 121-2; St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., i. 61; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162. 

31 Governor to viceroy, July 16th, Aug. 17th, 20th, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xxi. 107, 111, 118. Aug. 3d, gov. orders Sal to receive the men and stores. 
Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 144-5. Aug. 4th, gov. instructs Goycoechea to use cau- 
tion, treat the Indians well, etc. Jd., i. 206. Sept. 24th, gov. to viceroy, 
asking for a boat for Bodega to carry timber; so that the project was not 
yet quite abandoned. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 117. Feb. £8, 1794, viceroy 
has heard that the Sutil and Mexicana have sailed, leaving the 10 soldiers and 
a bricklayer for Bodega. Jd., xi. 160. As late as July 6, 1793, the viceroy 
repeated the orders to open a road. Jd., xi. 92; but June 9, 1794, he answers 
the request for a boat by saying that it will not be needed, as the new estab- 
lishment is suspended. Jd., xi. 175. July 25, 1794, Sal mentions the suspen- 
sion. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 5. 


518 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


anchor in Trindad Bay, where Vancouver found the 
cross set up by Cuadra in 1775 with its inscription 
Carolus III. Det G. Hyspaniorum Rex. Obtaining 
water, surveying and sketching the region, after some 
intercourse with the natives the voyagers departed 
with a very unfavorable idea of the harbor, and sailed 
northward.” 

Returning southward some months later the Dis- 
covery anchored at San Francisco the 19th of Octo- 
ber.” Commandant Sal came on board, courteous 
as before, with welcome European news; but mindful 
of his former indiscretion™ he sent letters asking a 


formal statement, for the governor, of Vancouver’s 


object, the length of his stay, the supplies needed; 
also making known the current orders respecting for- 
eign vessels, and politely informing the visitor that 
only himself and one officer could be permitted to 
land and visit the presidio. This restriction seemed 
to Vancouver “ungracious and degrading, little short 
of a dismission from San Francisco,” due as he was 
given to understand to “sentiments apparently not 
the most favorable towards foreign visitors” enter- 
tained by “a captain named Arrillaga,” who had taken 
command the preceding spring, and whose orders Sal 
seemed to obey with reluctance. It was a chilling 
reception certainly in comparison with that of the 


year before and with the Englishman’s glowing ex- : 


pectations. But he complied with the formalities, 
and on the 24th as soon as he had been joined by the 
Chatham, which had been exploring Bodega and had 
obtained a supply of water, he sailed for Monterey.” 

Having anchored at Monterey November lst, Van- 


32 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 240-50. Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 291, for northern 
voyage. . 

a Strangely enough in this case as in that of the former visit the Spanish 
records make the arrival a day earlier than the voyager’s narrative. 

34 Oct. 21st, the governor had ordered Sal to furnish Vancouver what he 
absolutely needed, and to insist on his sailing at once without visiting any 
other port. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 145-6. 

35 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 432-8. Pugetina slight examination of Bodega 
had understood from the natives that the Spaniards were then in possession 
of a part of the bay. Just out of San Francisco the Dedalus from across 








VANCOUVER’S SECOND VISIT. 519 


couver held a short interview with Arrillaga, and a 
written correspondence followed, in which the gov- 
ernor explained the hospitalities to which foreion 
vessels were entitled in Californian ports, asked for 
a formal statement of the voyager’s aims, and, while 
desiring harmony, insisted on the enforcement of orders 
that only the commander with one or two officers could 
land. Vancouver replied explaining the scientific na- 
ture of his voyage, and the benefits to be derived 
from its results by Spain as well as England, alluding 
to his kind reception of the year before, inclosing let- 
ters of the viceroy which approved the attentions pre- 
viously shown him, and stating his desire to refit his 
vessels, transfer stores, make ‘astronomical observa- 
tions, and give his men some exercise and recreation 
on shore. Arrillaga’s answer was that the viceroy 
had sent no orders respecting a second visit, that there 

were no royal orders in Vancouver’s favor as in the 
case of La Pérouse, and that Cuadra even had left 
instructions that the former attentions were for that 
time only and need not be repeated.* Yet as he 
desired to render all possible aid to so worthy a cause, 
he would permit the landing of stores, which might be 
deposited in the warehouse at the landing under lock 
and key or elsewhere if the warehouse were not deemed 
suitable, in care of one or two men from the vessels 
and protected by a Spanish guard; but on the condition - 
that all the rest of the Englishmen retire to the vessels 
at night. Astronomical observations must have been 
well advanced during the former long stay, yet an 
observatory, to be used in daytime only, might be 


the ocean joined the fleet. Mention of arrival and departure from San 
Francisco in St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 90-1, iv. 9; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 160; 
xxi, 121-2. A fourth vessel, the V’ ucas, is mentioned. Supplies amounting 
to $737 were furnished. Sal says the vessels left on Oct. 29th. 

36 These instructions or similar ones dated Jan. 12, 1793, and addressed to 
Argiiello are in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xil. 163. The ‘letter of the viceroy to 
Vancouver dated Feb. 18, 1793, in answer to Vancouver’s letter of Jan. 13th 
’ is found in /d., xi. 112-13. Init the writer says: ‘Iam glad that as you say in 
your letter of Jan. 13th ofthis year all the subjects of His Majesty under my 
orders and residing in the regions of New Orleans (sic) of this America where 
you have been have treated you with the greatest hospitality and friendship.’ 


520 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


erected near where the cargo was deposited. The 
naturalists might make their investigations and the 
men might take exercise on foot in the vicinity of the 
presidio. Water and wood might be procured without 
restriction save that the men must not pass the night 
on shore and the work must be completed with all 
possible despatch. In his official capacity this was, 
he said, as far as he could go; but to personal ser- 
vice he placed no limit, being desirous of proving his 
regard.” 

The governor thus courteously tendered to Van- 
couver all the hospitalities that he had a right to offer, 
or the navigator to expect; but the contrast was so 
great between them and those previously tendered 
by Cuadra in the absence of any responsible author- 
ity, that Vancouver was offended. ‘On due con- 
sideration of all these circumstances,” he says, “I 
declined any further correspondence with, or accept- 
ing the incommodious assistance proffered by Senor 
Arrillaga; and determined, after finishing our investi- 
gation of these shores, to retire to the Sandwich 
Islands, where I had little doubt that the uneducated 
inhabitants of Owyhee, or its neighboring isles, would 
cheerfully afford us that accommodation which had 
been unkindly denied us at San Francisco and Mon- 
terey.” ® 

He did, however, here as at San Francisco accept 
some live-stock and other supplies, payment for which, 
according to the records, he was obliged to defer until 


37 Arrillaga, Borrador de Carta al Capitan Vancouver, Nov. 1793, MS. 
I have given the purport of this letter somewhat at length because Vancouver 
misrepresents it by stating that there was no choice offered of a spot to 
deposit the cargo, the place suggested being the slaughter-house in the midst 
of putrid offal and inconvenient ou account of high-running surf; by omitting 
to state that an English guard for the stores was permitted; and by other 
slight changes not favorable to the Spanish governor. Blotters of Arrillaga’s 
and translations of Vancouver's other letters in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 100-4. 

38 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 442. In other parts of his narrative the author 
treats Arrillaga very unjustly, accusing him of having misrepresented the 
viceroy’s orders, and making him responsible for matters over which he had 
no control. In a letter of Feb. 28, 1794, the viceroy fully approves Arrillaga’s 
policy and orders a continuance of it, though he desires harmonious relations 
with Vancouver. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 162-3. 


VANCOUVER AND THE GOVERNOR. 521 


some more convenient occasion; and on the 5th of 
November he sailed southward to make further ex- 
plorations on the coast of this inhospitable province 
before he departed to take advantage of barbaric hos- 
pitality. 

If Vancouver was offended at Arrillaga’s actions, 
the governor had his suspicions aroused by those of 
his visitor in departing without water and leaving 
some supplies that had been prepared for him. It 
seemed to him that Vancouver’s displeasure was ex- 
aggerated, and he feared that his object was not so 
much to obtain necessary supplies as to make obser- 
vations respecting the Spanish establishments. Ac- 
cordingly he despatched orders to the commandants 
of presidios forbidding the furnishing of aid or facili- 


ties for investigation.” Vancouver continued his 


observations along the coast southward, naming Point 
Sal and Point Argiiello in honor of his friends, re- 
ceived visits from the Channel aborigines, and anchored 
November 10th at Santa Barbara. Here he found 
Goycoecha very friendly, for at first he had not re- 
ceived Arrillaga’s strict orders and was inclined to 
construe preceding ones liberally. Hence as Van- 


39 Nov. 5th, Vancouver to Arrillaga, regrets that he has to depart without 
paying for supplies obtained at Monterey and San Francisco. He may be able 
to get the money from some English vessel. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 98. 
Arrillaga to Vancouver, urges him to feel no anxiety about leaving the debt 
unpaid; returns the draft in favor of Sal; and asks him to accept some calves 
as a present. /d., xi. 99-100. 

40 While the vessels were in port Arrillaga sent to the commandants an 
order in which he says: ‘I kave offered all the aid they need to undertake 
their voyage; therefore if they touch at any of the ports under the pretext 
of getting food or water their request is to be denied, and with politeness 
they are to be made acquainted with the orders that require them to retire.’ 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 97. Attached to this order is a document which 
seems to be secret—reservadisimas—instructions to the governor from the 
viceroy requiring him in the most positive terms to allow no intercourse with 
any foreign vessel except to furnish, in case of urgent need, such relief as is 
demanded by the law of nations—and especially to prevent any knowledge 
of the country being acquired. There is little doubt therefore, though this 
paper is unsigned and undated, that Arrillaga acted under direct orders from 
his superiors. See also Jd., xxi. 121. Jan. 15, 1794, Arrillaga says.to the 
viceroy that Vancouver apparently did not want supplies but merely to explore, 
and he has warned the commandants accordingly. Jd., xxi. 1380. Nov. 14, 
1793, Arrillaga to Goycoechea of Santa Barbara, Vancouver is to be refused 
supplies since he has declined them at Monterey. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 207. 


522 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


couver’s anticipations were less high than formerly 
the Englishman was in good- humor. True Goycoe- 
chea required the men to retire to their ships at night, 
and Vancouver himself ordered his men to keep al- 
ways in sight of the presidio in.their recreations ; and 
though personal kindness from officials with permis- 
sion to obtain wood and water and meat and vegetables 
were the only hospitalities extended, yet the visitor 
was delighted with his reception, and it never occurred 
to him that it was not so very different from that in 
the north. Fathers Miguel and Tapis were very kind, 
though it does not quite appear that they entertained 
their guest at the mission; and Santa Maria hastened 
up from San Buenaventura with a flock of sheep and 
as many vegetables as twenty mules could carry. 
After spending a most agreeable week the navigators 
set sail on the 18th. 

Santa Maria returned to San Buenaventura in the 
Discovery, and Vancouver spent a day at that mission, 
where he had the good fortune to intercept a courier 
bound for Monterey with the latest European news. 
Naming on the way points Felipe, Vicente, Dumetz, 
Fermin, and Lasuen, he arrived at San Diego Novem- 
ber 27th and was kindly welcomed by Grajera and 
Atihiga, who had, however, received from Arrillaga 

“many severe and inhospitable injunctions” which 
they were obliged against their imclinations to obey, 
though they received some packets to be forwarded to 
‘San Blas and Mexico. Lasuen arrived from San 
Juan Capistrano just before the departure of the ves- 
sels, too late to bring supplies from San Juan as he 
wished, but in time to receive a handsome barrel- 
organ as a gift for his San Carlos church. Vancouver 
left the port of San Diego December 9th to cross the 
Pacific. During this second visit to the coast he had 
learned nothing respecting the Nootka question; 
neither had he recovered his deserters, who had been 
sent to San Blas as already related." In March of 


‘1 On this voyage after leaving Monterey, see Vancouver’s Voy., ii. 443-76. 





MARITIME AFFAIRS. 523 


this year Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Cuadra, 
commander at San Blas, and discoverer of the Cali- 
fornian bay that bears his name, died, and was suc- 
ceeded by General José Manuel de Alava. 

Once more did Vancouver visit the coast, and be- 
sides his visit there is not much to be said of mari- 
time affairs or foreign relations during the year 1794. 
The viceroy approved Arrillaga’s policy and acts 
toward foreign vessels.“ A report was received from 
Saavedra, now commanding at Nootka, that a forty- 
gun ship was coming from England to relieve Van- 
couver and settle the northern question; but Arrillaga 
replied that a treaty had been formed and no danger 
need be apprehended.” The Concepcion, Menendez 
in command, brought up the supplies and five padres 
to San Francisco in June, and during the year visited 
all the Californian ports. Two Manila vessels, the 
Valdés under Bertodano, and Horcasitas, under Mon- 
dojia, touched at Monterey in July and August.“ The 
Aranzazu made two trips down from Nootka arriving 
in July and September. On the former voyage she 
was under an American commander, John Kendrick. 
He came for supplies and also for the men that had 
been destined for Bodega; but the latter had already 
been shipped on the Concepcion. Father Magin 
Catalé came down with Kendrick and refused to re- 
turn to Nootka, though the president had no author- 
ity to send another chaplain in his place and though 
the pious captain vowed he would hold the padres 
responsible before God and the king for the lack of 
spiritual rations on board his vessel. The difficulty 
seems to have been sett!ed by Gili going on board the 

” June 11, 1794, viceroy to governor, approving the reception of Van- 
couver and orders given to commandants to prevent an examination of the 
country and the shipment of cattle to foreign establishments. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xi. 177-8; but the day before he had forwarded aroyal order of March 
25, 1793, granting shelter to English vessels in Spanish ports. Jd., 176. 

*° Saavedra to Arrillaga, June 15, 1794, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 207. 
Arrillaga to Saavedra, July 15th. Jd., 208. 

44On movements of vessels for 1794 see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 160, 195- 


6; xii. 12, 14, 106-7, 121, 150-1, 198, 201-2, 211; xxi. 146-7; Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 28, 30, 43; viii. 146. 


524 . RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


Concepcion, whose regular chaplain was transferred to 
the Aranzazu. Kendrick was unable to obtain all 
the supplies he desired, especially in hogs and medi- 
cine; neither were there men enough that could be 
spared as substitutes for the sick he brought down, 
though two or three were sent.” 

About the Nootka settlement in connection with 
California I have only to say here that the reasons for 
its maintenance by Spain had ceased to exist, and by 
the terms of a treaty of January 11, 1794, it was 
abandoned by both powers in March, 1795, California 
obtaining apparently a few of the retiring soldiers.“ 


Vancouver came back across the Pacific and ar- 
rived at Nootka in September 1794. He found there 
Alava, the successor of Cuadra.*7 Alava’s instructions 
had not however arrived, and after waiting till the 
middle of October both commissioners went down to 
Monterey, in the Princesa, Discovery, and Chatham, 
arriving on the 2d, 6th, and 7th of November.* The 
old slights were still weighing on the English com- 


4 Kendrick, Correspondencia con el Gobernador Arrillaga sobre cosas de 
Nootka, 1794, MS; Catala, Carta sobre Nootka, 1794, MS. See also Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xii. 198-9, 209-13; xxi. 195. There had been some minor corre- 
spondence that has not been mentioned about supplies, etc., for Nootka in 1791. 
Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 118; Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 1, 2, 45-6, 140. 

6 See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 300-1, this series. Dec. 10, 1794, governor to 
viceroy asking that the unmarried soldiers from Nootka be retained to fill 
vacancies in California. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 32. Granted March 14, 1795. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 122-3. The Activa, Capt. Bertodano, arrived at 
Monterey, Feb. 18, 1795, and sailed March 12th, having on board Pierce and 
Alava, the English and Spanish commissioners for the ‘disoccupation.’ The 
Princesa under Fidalgo left Monterey for San Blas April 8th. The San Carlos 
under Saavedra arrived from Nootka May 12th,and sailed for San Blas in June. 
Saavedra brought down 21 natives from Nootka who were baptized at San 
Carlos as 17 others had been in November 1791. Gaceta de Mezx., vii. 266; 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 80, 89; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 37, 46; Taylor's Dis- 
coverers and Founders, No. 25, p. 141, No. 28, p. 177; Id., in Cal. Furmer, April 
20, 1860. Taylor repeats a groundless story that the Nootka chief Maquinna 
came down with a son and daughter; Gregorio and José Tapia, living at Santa 
Cruz in 1854, being his grandsons. 

47 May 10, 1794, viceroy to governor, Alava to sail in the Princesa and to 
receive all aid and attention in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 171. Aug. 
20, 1794, this order communicated by governor to commandants. Prov. Rec., 
MS:; ive 117% 

48 Nov. 3d, Argiiello to governor, announcing the Chatham’s arrival on 
Nov. 2d and Nov. 7th, that of the Discovery on Nov. 5th; delivery of desert- 
ers; sending a courier to San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 144-7. 








r eon sal RE aI TO 


VANCOUVER’S THIRD VISIT. 525 


mander’s mind; but he was comforted by learning 
from Alava that the viceroys ‘‘very humane and 
liberal intentions had no doubt been materially mis- 
understood by Sefior Arrillaga;” and still more when 
he knew that, ‘“Arrillaga having been ordered to 
some inferior establishment,” Argiiello was tempo- 
porarily in command until the governor should arrive. 
Argiiello placed everything at his visitor’s disposal, 
and as the latter had now learned not to construe 
Spanish expressions of courtesy too literally, all went 
well.” No instructions for either Vancouver or Alava 
had arrived, and a courier was sent to San Diego. 
On November 11th Governor Borica arrived to con- 
firm and continue the courtesies offered by the com- 
mandant. The same day despatches came for Alava, 
who confided the information that the Nootka ques- 
tion had been amicably adjusted at court, and that a 
new commission had been issued relieving Vancouver. 
Borica received similar information from the new 
viceroy, Branciforte, with instructions to receive the 
new commissioner.” 

Remaining at Monterey till December 2d Van- 
couver was chiefly engaged in preparing his reports 
and charts, a copy of which was sent to England 
through Mexico. In the mean time his deserters were 
recovered, the vessels were overhauled, and an excur- 

49 Nov. 12th, the governor writes to the viceroy that while harmony was 
preserved, Vancouver was given to understand that his admission to the fort 
was a special favor, and adds that on account of Vancouver’s past curiosity 
precautionary orders had been given to commandants and padres. Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 29. Dec. 20th, the governor says Vancouver was satisfied with his 
treatment, but was not allowed to make observations on those matters that 
were to be kept from him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 210-12. A circular order 
dated Nov. 12th was sent to the missions forbidding any intercourse with 
foreign vessels, or any furnishing of supplies, except in cases of urgent neces- 
sity, when the corporal of the guard may furnish what is absolutely necessary 
and demanded by the laws of hospitality. Vancouver has been supplied and 
must receive nothing more. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 41, 43; Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 141-2. The padres promised obedience; at least all but those of 
Soiedad, who said they would be glad to carry out the governor’s instructions 
‘should it ever please divine providence to favor their inland mission with a 
port!’ 

50° May 16, 1794, viceroy to governor, mentions appointment of a new 


commissioner. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 171-2. Nov. 12th, gov. to viceroy, 
acknowledges receipt. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 29. 


526 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 


sion was made into what is now known as Salinas 
Valley. <A large amount of supplies was obtained 
from Monterey and Santa Cruz." This done, and 
having left on the beach certain articles of iron-ware 
which the governor had refused to accept, the Eng- 
lish navigator bade adieu to California and sailed for 
England by way of Cape Horn, giving the comman- 
dants of presidios no occasion to exercise the precau- 
tions still ordered in case of trading at any other 
port.” 

Captain Vancouver was an intelligent and honest 
British sailor, a good representative of a good class 
of explorers and writers, plain of speech, and a reliable 
witness on matters which fell under his personal obser- 
vation, and in which his national pride and prejudices 
were not involved. His statements of the condition 
of the different establishments visited have a special 
value and will be utilized in my chapters on local prog- 
ress. His geographical and scientific researches, much 


51 Vancouver says that Swaine was sent with three boats to Santa Cruz 
Nov. 27th for garden stuff, and was tolerably successful. The archives con- 
tain, however, several documents on the subject. Nov. 25, 1794, governor 
to padres, Vancouver having sent three boats instead of one the padres must 
not visit them but send supplies by Indians and wagons. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 
142-3. Nov. 25th, gov. to corporal at Sta. Cruz, Three boats will come for 
supplies; don’t let them land, for the padres will send Indians with the sup- 
plies. /d., v. 23. Nov. 29th, Corporal Sanchez to gov., he ordered the English 
commander not to let any sailors go to the mission and obedience was prom- 
ised. The natives brought the supplies and the English departed in peace. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 48. Nov. 30th, Sal to gov., Nov. 26th, the cor- 
poral reported the English boats approaching, and Sal sent five men from San 
Francisco, who returned saying that the foreigners had retired Nov. 28th 
without disorder. The soldier who brought the news was put in irons for 
reporting incorrectly. Jd., xii. 32-3. 

>? Dec. 3, 1794, governor says that Vancouver left on the shore $505 worth 
of iron-ware. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 32. He left well supplied and contented. 
Id:, vi. 31.. Dee. Ist, Argiiello certifies a list of goods including 24 blankets 
left in spite of governor’s excuses. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 5.’ 
Dec. 1794 and Feb. 1795, some not very clear communications of the com- 
mandant of Santa Barbara about the gifts made. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 
87; xill. 23. Dec. Ist, gov. to Sal, repeats the old orders forbidding intercourse 
with foreign vessels. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 26-7. Feb. 23, 1795, viceroy to gov., 
approving “the restrictions imposed. ‘Vancouver should regard his admission 
as a special favor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 11, April Lia 1795, viceroy for- 
wards royal decree commending the governor’ s acts in not allowing Vancouver 
to examine the country or to take breeding cattle for English colonies. Van- 
couver is alluded to as having visited Santa Barbara and San Diego ‘under 
pretence’ of wanting wood and water. Jd., xiii. 103-4. ~° 


VANCOUVER’S OBSERVATIONS. 527 


iess extensive in California than in the far north, need 
no further attention here.® His persistence in ignoring 
the name California and extending New Albion down 
beyond San Diego by virtue of Drake’s so-called ‘dis- 
covery isan amusing and harmless idiosyncrasy. His 
ignorance of the Spanish language and the peculiarly 
delicate position in which he was placed on account 
of international jealousies led him into many errors 
respecting matters with which he became acquainted 
by conversation with the Spaniards, his narrative in 
this respect presenting a marked contrast with that of 
La Pérouse; yet his errors are mostly confined to 
names and dates and minor details, and his general 
statements are more accurate and comprehensive than 
might have been expected. With the natural advan- 
tages of the country he was favorably impressed, and 
of them he left a fair record. Of the Spanish people 
with whom he came in contact, always excepting 
Arrillaga with whom he was unjustly but naturally 
offended, he speaks in kind and flattering terms, 
though criticising their inactivity and indisposition 
to take advantage of the possibilities by which they 
were surrounded. The natives, except some in the 
Santa Barbara Channel, seemed to be a race of the 
most miserable beings ever seen possessing the faculty 
of human reason, and little if any advantages had 
attended their conversion. Yet he testified to their 
affectionate attachment to their missionary benefac- 
tors, whose aims and methods, without attempting a 
discussion of the mission system, he approves, look- 
ing for gradual success in laying foundations for civil 
society. For the friars personally he had nothing but 
enthusiastic praise. 

What was needed to stimulate true progress in 
California was a friendly commercial intercourse with 
foreigners, to create new wants, introduce new com- 

53Vancouver’s atlas contains a carefully prepared map on a large scale, 
better than any of earlier date, of the whole California coast, which I repro- 


duce. There are charts of Trinidad Bay, San Diego, and the entrance to San 
Francisco, and seven views of points along the coast. . 






é 
528 - RULE OF ARRILLAGA. 
















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VANCOUVER’S Map, 1794. 


& 


AN ENGLISH VIEW OF CALIFORNIA. 529 


forts, give an impetus to industries and a value to 
Jancs and produce; this and a proper degree of atten- 
tion from the court of Madrid. For with California 
considered as a Spanish possession the English navi- 
gator was greatly disappointed. The actual condition 
of the people “ill accorded with the ideas we had con- 
ceived of the sumptuous manner in which the Spaniards 
live on this side of the globe.” “Instead of finding a 
country tolerably well inhabited and far advanced in 
cultivation, if we except its natural pastures, flocks 
of sheep, and herds of cattle, there is net an object to 
indicate the most remote connection with any Euro- 
pean or other civilized nation.” At the weakness of 
Californian defenses Vancouver was particularly sur- 
prised. ‘The Spanish monarchy retains this extent 
of country under its authority by a force that, had we 
not been eye-witnesses of its insignificance in many 
instances, we should hardly have given credit to the 
possibility of so small a body of men keeping in awe 
and under subjection the natives of this country; with- 
out resorting to harsh or unjustifiable measures.” 
The soldiers “are totally incapable of making any 
resistance against a foreign invasion, an event which 
is by no means improbable.” “Why such an extent 
of territory should have been thus subjugated, and 
after all the expense and labour that has been bestowed 
on its colonization turned to no account whatever, is 
a mystery in the science of state policy not easily to 
be explained.” I shall chronicle in the succeeding 
chapters a series of efforts, not very brilliantly, or at 

least permanently, successful, to remedy the evils 
complained of by Vancouver. 

54 For general remarks, in addition to those scattered through the narra- 


tive, see Voyage, ii. 486-504. 
Hist. Car., VoL. I. 34 


CHAPTER XXV. 


RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. 
1794-1800. 


DiEGo DE Bor1cA—ARRIVAL AT LORETO—BRANCIFORTE VICEROY—BORICA’S °* 


JOURNEY TO MONTEREY—ARRILLAGA’S INSTRUCTIONS—CHARMS OF CaLI- 
FORNIA—RESUME OF Events IN Borica’s TERM OF OFFICE—COAST 
DEFENCES— PROMISED REENFORCEMENTS—F'RENCH WAR CONTRIBUTION 
—ForREIGN VESSELS — PRECAUTIONS—THE ‘ PH@NIx’— BROUGHTON’S 
Visir—TuHeE ‘OTTER’ oF BostonN—A YANKEE TRICK—ARRIVAL OF 
ALBERNI AND THE CATALAN VOLUNTEERS—ENGINEER CORDOBA’S SUR- 
VEYS—WAR WITH ENGLAND—COASTING VESSELS—W AR CONTRIBUTION— 
DISTRIBUTION OF ForcES—Map oF CALIFORNIA—THE ‘ ELIzA’—THE 
‘Betsy’—Wak WITH RusstA—INDIAN AFFAIRS—MINoR HostTILITIES— 
CAMPAIGNS OF AMADOR, CASTRO, AND MorRaGaA. 


“THE new governor whom his Majesty is to ap- 


point in place of the deceased Lieutenant-colonel Don 
José Romeu must have the advantages of good talent, 
military skill, and experience, robust health for the 
oreatest hardships, prudent conduct, disinterestedness, 


energy, and a true zeal for the service; since all these . 


he needs in order to traverse frequently the broad ter- 
ritories of the peninsula, strengthen defences, regulate 
the presidial troops, prevail by skill, or if that suffice 
not by force, over the ideas and aims and prejudicial 


introduction of the English, and contribute to the 
advancement of pueblos and missions.” Such were the — 


views of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo;’ such were the qual- 
ities sought in Romeu’s successor, and believed with 
much reason to have been found in Lieutenant-colonel 
Don Diego de Borica, adjutant-inspector of presidios 
in Chihuahua, who early in 1794 was appointed gov- 


1 Revilla Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 152-3. rok 
( 





COMING OF THE GOVERNOR. 531 


ernor, political and military, and commandant-inspector 
of the Californias, He took possession of his office 
at Loreto the 14th of May, having arrived two days 
before by sea from San Blas accompanied by his wife 
and daughter. On the same day he communicated his 
accession to officials in Alta California and sent Arri- 
llaga instructions to continue acting as governor until 
he should arrive at Monterey.? Shortly after Borica 
assumed office his friend the viceroy, to whom proba- 
bly he owed the appointment, was replaced by the 
Conde de Branciforte, who on July 12th took posses- 
sion of the office. His succession was announced in 
California in November.’ 

Borica remained two months and more at Loreto, 
attending as may be supposed to affairs of state, but in 
the mean time by no means neglecting the friends left 
in Mexico, to whom he wrote long epistles narrating 
in a witty and jocose vein, for he .was “a fellow of 
infinite jest,” the details of his journey to California 
with its attendant sea-sickness, which had rendered 
the mere mention of the ocean a terror to the ladies. 
At Loreto, where the governor represented himself 
as “haciendo en esta Barataria mas alcaldadas que 
Sancho Panza en la suya,” health was regained and all 
went well. The Ist of July he sent to the king a 
petition for a colonel’s commission, which he received in 
the autumn of 1795.4 [twas his intention as announced 
in several letters to complete the journey to Monterey 
by land, but as the ladies regained their health and 

? Letters of Borica in May 1794 to various persons in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xxl. 196, 198-205; xii. 174; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 115-16; vi. 23. There seems 
to be little or no doubt about May 14th as the date of taking possession; but the 
day of arrival is given by Borica himself in different letters as May 11th, 12th, 
and 13th. May 31st, Lasuen from Santa Barbara congratulates the new gov- 
ernor. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 36. July 31st, Commandant of San Diego 
has received the announcement and proclaimed it in his district. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xii. 20. Arrillaga to.same effect Aug. 4th. /d., xxi. 196. Vice- 
roy has received the news Aug. 5th. fd., xi. 190-1. Aug. 2d, Argiiello orders 
Borica proclaimed as governor at San José. San José, Arch., MS., iii. 23. 

3 July 5, 1794, Revilla Gigedo announces the arrival of his successor. He 
will be glad to keep up a private correspondence with Borica. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xi. 183. July 12th, Branciforte announces his accession. Id., xi. 189. 


* Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi: 197; xiii. 553;)xiv. 29; Prov. Ree., MS., v. 71); 
Wi 26; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 2. 


532 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


courage, and were made acquainted with the prospec- 
tive difficulties of the peninsula route in time of 
drought, the plan was changed. All went on board 
the Saturnina, July 20th, and four days later set sail 
for San Luis Bay far up the gulf. The winds and 
other circumstances seem to have been unfavorable, for 
on the 28th the governor decided to land at Santa 
Ana and make his way to San Fernando and across 
the frontier by land.© With the exception of some 
correspondence about the furnishing of escorts and 
animals by the different commandants along the way 
we know nothing of the journey until he reached San 
Juan Capistrano in the middle of October.® 

Here he met Arrillaga, who had left Monterey in 
September, and spent four days in consultation with 
that officer, starting northward the 17th of October.’ 
Here I suppose were delivered by Arrillaga the 
instructions left by each retiring governor for the 
guidance of his successor, though the document as 
preserved bears no date. It was intended to acquaint 
the new ruler with the condition of affairs in the 
province; but it is devoted almost entirely to local 
and minor details, containing nothing of general in- 
terest with which the reader is not already acquainted, 


5 On embarkation and voyage, see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 75; Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 134. July 10th, governor writes to viceroy on the difficulties of the 
land journey. Jd., vi. 26. I think the name Santa Ana may be an error, or 
that there may have been a locality of that name north of Loreto; for it seems 
hardly probable that the vessel was ‘driven far south, or that Borica visited 
Loreto again on his way north. Vancouver, Voyage, iii. 330-1, tells us that 
Borica had come all the way from Mexico on horseback. 

6 July 28th, Borica to P. Calvo, asks for 24 mules and 24 natives, for his 
journey to San Fernando. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 184. August 6th, Grajera to 
Borica, Has sent 29 mules, 35 horses with 8 soldiers under Corporal Olivera 
from San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 19. Sept. 8th, ‘N.’ from San Fer- 
nando to commandant at Sta Barbara, asks for 10 men and 54 animals to be 
sent at once; similar demand enclosed for commandant at Monterey for escort 
to be sent to San Luis. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 1. Sept. 15th, Goycoechea 
wishes a pleasant journey and a safe arriyal to Borica and his wife and 
daughter. ‘C. P. B.’ Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 102. Oct. Ist and 2d, Ar- 
giello to Borica and to Arrillaga, Has sent 60 animals with 10 men to San 
Luis. Id., xii. 147. 

’ Arrillaga was at Monterey Sept. 16th, and left before Sept. 22d. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xii. 152-8. Oct. 16th, Borica to viceroy announcing conference 
with Arrillaga and intention to start next day. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 28. Dec. 
17th, viceroy’s acknowledgment of above. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 207. 














A CONVIVIAL RULER. 533 


therefore I do not deem it necessary to reproduce it 
here even en résumé.’ - Arrillaga proceeded to Loreto 
to resume his duties as lieutenant-governor; while 
Borica continued his journey northward to the capital 


where he arrived the 9th of November.2 With Mon- 


terey the new ruler was delighted, deluging his 


friends and relatives with letters in praise of the 
country immediately on his arrival. “To wvir mucho 
and without care come to Monterey,” he tells them. 
“This is a great country; climate healthful, between 
cold and temperate; good bread, excellent meat, 
tolerable fish; and bon humeur which is worth all the 
rest. Plenty to eat, but the most astounding is the 
general fecundity, both of rationals and irrationals. 


The climate is so good that all are getting to look 


like Englishmen. This is the most peaceful and quiet 
country in the world; one lives better here than in 
the most cultured court of Europe.” He was busy 
with routine duties at first, but he found time for 
convivial pleasures with Vancouver, Puget, Alava, and 
Fidalgo, all jolly good fellows, and not one of whom 
was more than a match for Borica ‘before a dozen of 
Rhine wine, port, or Madeira.””° 


The Spanish authorities were now somewhat aroused 
to the importance, of strengthening Californian coast 
defences, and this subject was therefore still more 
prominent in Borica’s term of office than it had been 
during Arrillaga’s administration. ‘To compensate 
the soldiers for labor begun on the presidio buildings 
in Fages’ time an appropriation of $5,200 had been 
made from the royal treasury to be expended in sup- 
plies." In the middle of 1793 some guns:and work- 


8 Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos para conocimiento del Gobernador de la 
Peninsula, 1794. MS. 

®In three letters Borica says he arrived on Nov. 9th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xxi. 207-8; but Vancouver, Voyage, iii. 330-1, affirms it was on the llth. It 
is difficult to understand how either could mistake. 

10 Borica’s Letters in Nov.—Dec. 1794. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 207-12. 

1 Oct. 26, 1791, viceroy to governor, Has ordered the $5,200 paid to the 
habilitado general; $1,600 for Monterey, and $1,200 for each of the other 


534 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


men had been brought up from San Blas, and at 
Borica’s arrival in the autumn of 1794 work had been 
going on for over a year on the San Francisco defences, 
besides some slight preparations at Monterey and San 
Diego. Details of progress at the different presidios 
may be more appropriately given in connection with 
local annals in another chapter, and it is only in a 
general way that I propose to treat the subject here.” 

Viceroy Revilla Gigedo earnestly recommended 
the fortification of the coast in his instructions of 
1794 to his successor Branciforte,” who called upon 
Colonel Costansé, the same who had visited Califor- 
nia with the first expedition of 1769, for a report on 
the subject. Costansdé’s report was rendered Octo- 
ber 17th of the same year, and was to the effect that 
the difficulties in the way of adcquate fortification 
were insuperable. The author had no faith in forts 
situated in-a distant province without home resources. 
The only way to protect the country was to encourage 
settlement and commerce.“ In this report, however, 


presidios. Jan. 15, 1792, V.R. to gov., Gen. Carcaba says that $5,200 is not 
enough, since Fages had estimated $12,000 for three presidios.. The V. R., 
however, claims that Fages’ estimate was on the basis of 150 per cent advance 
on goods, or $5,200 without that advance; though Fages later raised the esti- 
mate to $12,000, but this had no approval of general and king. He therefore 
refuses to give more than the $5,200 with $400 for package and freight. St. 
Pap., Sac., MS., i. 46-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 112. Some details about 
the distribution of the amount among the presidios, Id,, xi. 54, 57; xii. 57-9; 
Prov. Rec., iv. 3, 4. 

12 Beginning of work at San Francisco announced in August 1793. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 113. March 18, 1793, commandant of San Blas writes 
that he has ordered fortification of Bodega and the presidios (except Sta Bar- 
bara, supposed to be already in good condition). The vessels will bring the 
needed aid and the work is to begin at San Francisco. July 8th, governor has 
heard of the viceroy’s approval and order for vessels to carry material. Prov. 
St. Pup., MS., xxi. 106-7 Jan. 22, 1794, V. R. to gov., says the Junta 


Superior, after consulting the fiscal determined on Dec. 28, 1793, to conclude’ 


the presidio works, the cost to be paid from the tobacco revenue. The gov- 


ernor must form estimates and finish the work as solidly and economically as _ 


possible. Jd., xii. 180-1. The document of Dec. 28th, in Nueva Lspaia, Acu- 
erdos, MS., 13, 14. June 9th, V. R. to gov., has ordered supply-vessels to 
transport timber from Monterey for the southern defences. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xi. 175-6. Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos, MS., 192, explained his plan that 


the workmen at San Francisco should come to Monterey to prepare timber © 


for that place and for the south. 

8 Revilla Gigedo, Instruccion, MS. i. 530. 

14 Costansd, Informe sobre el Prot yeclo de fortificar los Presidios de ea Nueva 
Calijornia, 1794, MS. This officer seems to have been prominent in his pro. 


7 
J 


Me 


, on 





COAST DEFENCES. 535 


and in another of July 1795 made by a committee 
composed of Costansé, Fidalgo, and Sanchez, bat- 
teries of eight twelve-pounders were recommended 
with eighty gunners for the ports, with a view solely 
to protection against corsairs. Defence against a hos- 
tile squadron was pronounced impracticable, and in case 
of attack nothing was to be done but to withdraw the 
people and live-stock to the interior. Vessels should, 
however, be furnished for coasting service, for which 
purpose three very small ones were available at San 
Blas.” As we shall see it was decided to send reén- 
forcements. 

During 1795 while some shght progress was being 
made with the fortifications, the war in France was 
inciting the government in Spain and Mexico to still. 
further measures of defence. Borica had asked early in 
this year for armorers, guns, and munitions for the bat- 
teries being constructed; and on July 25th the viceroy 
replied, promising not only what had been asked but 
also a strong reénforcement of troops. He announced 
that a company of seventy-two Catalan volunteers 
under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Alberni would soon 
embark from San Blas, picked men, robust, well 
behaved, and for the most part married, with the 
best arms and outfit obtainable. With this compania 
Jranca there were to be sent seventeen or eighteen 
artillerymen and three armorers. The commandant 
general had orders to furnish needed aid from Sonora 
and the commandant of San Blas to send up the re- 
quired armament. Moreover two small vessels were 
to run up and down the coast to bring news every six 
months. The viceroy concluded by a repetition of the 
old orders respecting foreign vessels visiting the coast, 


English ships to be treated more hospitably than 


fession. I have before me several original reports on government works in 
different parts of Mexico from 1788 to 1800. He is mentioned by Viceroy 
Azanza. Ynstruecion, MS., 159. He reported on the fortifications of Vera 
Cruz as late as 1811. A/exico, Mem. Guerra, 1840, 26. 

% Sanchez, Fidalqo, and Costansé, Informe sobre ausxilios que se propone 
enviar d la Cu ijoruia, Ld Julio, L795, MS. 


536 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


others, but none to be permitted a long stay or any 
inspection of the country.” 

The news that war had been declared between 
Spain and France came to California in October 1793, 
with a decree of the viceroy calling on faithful sub- 
jects of Carlos IV. for a contribution. The decree 
being duly published the Californians responded with 
$740, as was announced by Borica in March 1794; 
but the amount was declined with thanks by the 
viceroy in June, and thereupon redistributed to the 
donors.” In April 1795, however, things in Europe 
assuming a darker aspect for Spain, Branciforte again 
changed his mind and indicated his willingness to 
accept the Californian donation, and even urged in 
June a special effort on the governor's part to increase 
its amount. Borica published the appeal, and calling 


on officers, friars, soldiers, and neophytes to assist, 


headed the list himself with $1,000. The missionaries 
still professed their inability to give any but spiritual 
aid; but other classes responded generously, and con- 
tributions reached $3,881. In the early spring of 
1797 the return of peace was made known in Cali- 
fornia.” 


16 Branciforte d Borica sobre fortalecer las Batertas de San Francisco, Monte- 
rey, etc., 1795, MS. Onsame date, July 25th, viceroy to governor, of same pur- 
port, mentioning the sending of an engineer, and also declaring it impossible 
to fortify and defend the whole coast against superior forces. In emergen- 
cies aid must be sought from Sonora. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 53-4. The 
actual force in California was 225 men; Arrillaga’s plan called for 271; and 
Borica’s, 335. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. ALil., MS., xix. 3, 4. Sept. 22, 1795, the 
V. R. announces that the company of volunteers was inspected at Mexico on 
Sept. llth by Col. Salcedo, and found in good condition. Prov. St. Pap., 
xiii. 83; Nov. 11th, he speaks of the artillerymen, and says the royal treasury 
at Vera Cruz pays the expense to the end of 1795. Jd., xiii. 74; St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., vii. 44-5. 

17 June 22, 1793, viceroy’s decree. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 129. Oct. 9th, 
Arrillaga to commandant of Monterey, mentioning decree of June 19th. St. 
Pap., Sac., MS., i. 113. Oct. 28th, Lasuen says the padres will contribute 
what they can—that is their prayers. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 36. Dec. 
7th, decree has been published in Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 149. 
March 4, 1794, Gov. to V. R. announces $740 as the amount. Jd., xxi. 133; 
xii. £38; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 31; Gaceta de Mex., vi. 578. June 26th, V. R. 
declines with thanks in the king’s name. Jd., xii. 35; xi. 180, 182; Prov. 
Rec., MS., viii. 144. Nov. 11th, Gov. announces the restitution. Prov. Rec., 
MS., iv. 120. 

8 April 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, accepting the donation. Proy. St. 
Pap., MS., xiii. 114-15. June 17th, V. R. to gov. and other later corre- 


THE ‘PHGiINIX,’ CAPTAIN MOORE. 537 


The orders respecting precautions against foreign 
vesscls were duly promulgated ;” but opportunities for 
carrying them into execution were rare in 1795. The 
visit of the English merchant vessel Phanix, Cap- 
tain Moore—if that may be taken as a satisfactory 
average from the Mor, Mayor, Moor, Murr, and Morr 
of the archives—was the only sensation of the year, 
and was indeed a mild ene. She touched at Santa 
Barbara in August from Bengal for supplies, affording 
the provincial authorities an excellent opportunity to 
repeat the old orders, and the local powers to carry 
out the hospitable but strict policy in such cases pre- 
scribed. They were fortified with the treaty of 1790 
and other formidable material for a discussion on inter- 
national obligations; but the Phenix was content to 
receive a few needed supplies and sail away. Moore 
left with Goycoechea a Boston lad who desired to re- 
main in the country and ‘become a Christian;’ but he 
was sent to San Blas afew months later.” Six letters 


spondence on subject. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 99-105. July 19th, Oct. 12th, 
16th, Gov. to commandants and padres. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 830-1, 135, 137; vi. 
151. Oct. 18th, Lasuen to gov. explaining the poverty of the padres, the great 
services they are rendering the king, and their inability, with the best wishes, 
to give anything but their prayers for the victory of Spanish arms. Arch. Sta 
Barbara, MS., xii. 234; St. Pap. Sac., MS., ix. 88-93. March 12, 1796, 
announcement of results, showing that San Francisco gave $707; Monterey 
and San José, $554; Santa Barbara and Angeles, $980, and San Diego, $639. 
St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 98;.viii. 75; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 153. Jan. 17, 1797, 
viceroy’s thanks for aid, including the prayers. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 
234; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 181. Peace announced by V. R. Nov. 29, 1795, 
and solemn mass of thanksgiving ordered. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 73. 
Published by gov. Feb. 29, 1796. Prov. fec., MS., iv. 144. Original letter 
of Lasuen asking padres to say mass at each mission. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 
iv. 55-7. General amnesty and pardon on account of peace, and of marriage 
of princesses. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 82; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40. 

19 Jan. 6, 1795, governor orders that even in the case of San Blas vessels, 
the first persons landing must be closely examined to be sure they are really 
Spaniards. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 16-17. Nov. 2d, Sal to comisionado 
of S. José urging strict compliance with the V. R’s orders of J uly 25. S. José 
Arch., MS., iv. 26. Nov. 14th, Goycoechea to Borica. No foreigners will be 
allowed to visit the country on horseback or to get breeding animals. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xiv. 29-30. 

20 Portrait of Thomas Murr sent to viceroy (?). Prov. Rec. MS., viii. 166. 
Sept. 5th, Goycoechea to Borica, Says the boy’s name was Bostones and he 
was of good parentage, a pilot and carpenter. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 69- 
70. Capt. Matute is asked to carry the young Bostonian to San Blas. Td. eRRt, 
230. His name was Joseph O’Cain, an Irishman, and he went in the Aranzazu 
(perhaps in 1796). Prov. ec., MS., iv. 22-3,30-1. ‘This Englishman isa native 
of Ireland and his parents live now in Boston,’ Prov. Sé. Pap., Ben. Mil., 


538 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


with English addresses were taken from the mail this 
d fe ded to the vi by Borica’s order.”* 
year and forwarded to the viceroy by Boricas order. 

Throughout the year 1796 precautionary orders 
against foreign vessels continued to be issued, pre- 
senting no variation in matter or manner from those 
of former years, yet it may be well to notice an order 
of Borica to the effect that large war-ships, able to 
seize San Diego, were not to be permitted to enter 
the port, supplies being sent out in boats. Just how 
they were to be kept out does not clearly appear, 
since no such ship came to that harbor.” In July a 
report reached Monterey, coming from an American 
captain at Nootka, who received it from an English 
captain at Botany Bay, that the Englishmen had 
orders to attack Spanish vessels; but the report did 
not receive much credit, and the viceroy’s orders dated 
November 30th to make reprisals on all English craft 
entering the ports, did not reach California till the 
next year.” 

Only two foreign vessels made their appearance on 
the coast this year. The first was the English man- 
of-war Providence, under Captain Broughton who had 
visited California before with Vancouver. She anch- 
MS 4 tod ll. There is a José Burling also mentioned as an Irishman who 
arrived in or about this year. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xix. 8,9. See also on the 
visit of the Phenix. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 17-68; xiv. 67; St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., xvii. 1; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 22-3. Another English vessel, the 
Resolution, Capt. Lochi (Locke?), was reported by Grajera of San Diego as 
having touched at Todos Santos Bay in August. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 
66-70. 

*t Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 175. The only Spanish vessels of the year 
seem to have been the Concepcion, Melendez, and the Aranzazu, Matute, 
with the memorias. 

22, Jan. 1796, viceroy to governor, no person from a foreign vessel to be 
admitted into California. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 158; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 
7. March 30th, Sal to Borica, for supplies furnished a receipt to be taken and 
sent to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 104. No goods to be taken in return 
for supplies. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv.69. April 7th, Borica to commandant of 
San Diego, war-vessels not to be admitted into the ports. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 
242, April 18th, Indians to be sent to Bodega to look out for foreign vessels. 
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 11. Nov. 2d, Borica to V. R. St. Pap. 
Sac., MS., iv. 61. June 18th, viceroy orders strict precautions. Prov. St. 
Pag. MB Sivas 

3 July 15, 1796, governor to commandant, private. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
149. Aug. 25th, Grajera to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 115. Nov. 30th, 


viceroy to gov. Id., xiv. 173. Oct. 19th, a courier arrived at Monterey from 
{ er x . . Y 1 TCN - 
San Diego, announcing that 18 sail had been sighted. S¢. Pap.,Sac., MS., vi. 89. 





n 

7 
‘4 
i 


THE ‘OTTER,’ CAPTAIN DORR, 539 


ored at Monterey, obtained some needed supplies, left 
some instruments which had been intended for Bodega 
y Cuadra, but which Borica received and paid for, and 
then sailed away. It is recorded not very clearly, 
that Broughton after raising his anchor attempted in 
boats some exploration of the Rio San Antonio, or 
Salinas, and that his boats were fired at.* The other 
vessel, the first from the United States to anchor in a 
Californian port, was the Otter of Boston, commanded 
by Ebenezer Dorr.” She carried six guns and twenty- 
six men, arriving at Monterey on October 29th, after 
having cruised in the vicinity for nearly a week. 
Having obtained wood and water, freely supplied by 
the Spaniards on sight of her passport from General 
Washington signed by the Spanish consul at Charles- 
ton, she sailed on the 6th of November. Dorr asked 
permission to land some English sailors who had 
secretly boarded his vessel at Port Saxon.” His re- 
quest was refused, but he landed five men on the 
beach at night, and the next night five more and a 
woman on the Carmelo shore, forcing them from the 
boat, they said, by the use of a pistol. Dorr’s conduct 
naturally seemed to the Spaniards ungrateful; but 
his position was doubtless a difticult one, and the nec- 
essity of getting rid of his convict passengers was 
urgent. Governor Borica regarded it as a dishonor- 
able trick on the part of the Yankee; but he had to 


44Sept. 10, 1796, viceroy to Borica, approves of his having fired at the 
boats, suspecting that the aim was to explore the salinas, and he will senda 
vessel to prevent such attempts. St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 74. The Providence 
fired a salute of 11 guns on entering and the battery responded. According 
to Jd., vi. 85-6, she sailed June 18th; but according to Prov. St. Pap., Ben. 
AMil., MS., xxiii. 3, 5, itwasJuly 8th. The instruments left were worth £250. 
According to Id., xxiv. 6, the vessel appears to have been at San Francisco 
on June 10th. Alberni is ordered not to let Broughton land. Orders were 
sent to other ports not to permit a landing or to furnish any more supplies. 
Prov. Iec., MS., iv. 67. Supplies furnished amounted to $308, the bill being 
sent to Mexico. Jd., iv. 206. The instruments were sent to.San Blas. Prov, 
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 242. 

*5 She is called by the Spaniards the Otter Boston, E/ otro Boston, and Loter 
Boston; and their captain, Dow, Dour, Dor, Daur, Door, and Dore. 

*6 Herbert C. Dorr, son of this captain, a well known litéérateur residing 
in fan I'rancisco, tells me that these men were convicts from Dotany Bay, 
and that he has often heard his faihcr tell the story of this voyage and of his 


540 RULE. OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


provide for the new-comers. They were set at work 
as carpenters and blacksmiths at nineteen cents per 
day, and they proved so industrious and well behaved 
that. Borica would fain have retained them in the 
country; but in obedience to royal orders he was 
obliged to send them the next year to San Blas en 
route for Cadiz.” 

On March 23d and April Ist the Valdés and Sun 
Carlos arrived at Monterey and San Francisco re- 
spectively with most of the compatifa franca, and of 
the artillerymen, the rest coming up the following 
spring, and the military force in California being thus 
increased by nearly one hundred inen.* Lieutenant- 


troubles with these reckless men who used the Otter as a means of escape. 
The Dorr family furnished several masters and owners of vessels engaged in 
the fur-trade in northern waters, as will be seen in the fist. N. W. Coast, this 
series. 

27 Nov. 5, 1796, Borica to viceroy, announcing arrival and stating that 
no irregularities have been committed by the Americans. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
iv. 62-3; vi. 86-8. Nov. 10th, Borica to V. R., describing the subsequent 
‘irregularities.’ Jd.,iv. 63-4. Dec. 6th, Has received order to send the Irish- 
man Burling and all other foreigners to Cadiz, will therefore send by first 
vessel the men left by Dorr. Jd., iv. 68-9. Dorr obtained supplies to the 
value of $187. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 288. Five Englishmen kept as prisoners 
until the Aranzazu arrives. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 244. Aug. 1796, V. R.’s 
order to send Burling and foreigners to Cadiz. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 165; iv. 
147. I suppose this Burling and the Boston boy, and O’Cain to have been 
possibly the same person. Oct. 6, 1797, Borica to V. R., sends the 11 to San 
Blas. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 56. Oct. 19th, Borica asks Capt. Caamaiio to take 
them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 270. Feb. 3, 1798, V. R. approves, Jd., 
xvii. 17. Oct. 23d, a strange vessel anchored off Santa Cruz. Prov. Rec., MS., 
v. 94. Doubtless the Oiter. The Spanish vessels of the year were the Valdés 
and San Carlos which brought troops, etc., from San Blas in April, touching 
at San Francisco, Monterey, and Santa Barbara; the Sutil, Capt. Tobar, from 
a tour in the north; the Concepcion, Capt. Salazar from Manila at Santa Bir- 
bara in April; and the Aranzazu, Capt. Cosme Bertodano, with the memorias 
at Monterey and San Francisco in July, and at Santa Barbara in September. 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 60-1, 74, 77, 148; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 24, &6, 133; 
xxi. 236; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 6. According to the Relacion de las 
Embarcaciones que han conducido los Situados de los 4 presidios de la Nueva 
California, con espresion de los nombres de sus comandantes, desde el aio de 
1781, hasta 1796, MS., it appears that since 1788 only one vessel each year 
had come especially with the regular memorias of supplies, though as we have 
seen several vessels arrived for one purpose or another. 

28 Arrival of the vessels. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 6. Arrival of Concep- 
cion, 1797, with Lieutenant Suarez and 4 privates. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 
148. The compania franca of Catalan volunteers consisted of captain, 2 lieu- 
tenants, 3 sergeants—Joaquin Ticd, Francisco Gutierrez, and Juan Inigues— 
8 corporals, 2 drummers, and 59 privates—75 men in all. Full list of names 
in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 1-4. The artillery detachment con- 
sisted of a sergeant—José Roca—8 corporals, and 14 privates—18 men in all, 
Total 03. Jd., xxiii, 11. 


REENFORCEMENTS FROM MEXICO. 541 


colonel Pedro Alberni, captain of the Catalan volun- 
teers, became at once commandant at San Francisco, 
where twenty-five of his men were stationed. Twen- 
ty-five were sent to San Diego under Lieutenant José 
Font, and eight under sub-lheutenant Simon Suarez 
remained at Monterey, a sergeant and thirteen men 
being scattered in various duties. The artillery de- 
tachment under Sergeant José Roca was also distrib- 
uted between the three presidios.” With the troops 
came the lieutenant of engineers, Alberto de Cérdoba, 
who proceeded to make an inspection of the coast de- 
fences. In September he reported to the viceroy, 
chiefly on the works at San Francisco, which he found 
exceedingly defective and well-nigh useless. The bat- 
tery at Monterey was also useless so far as the de- 
fence of the port was concerned, since vessels could 
easily anchor and land men out of range of the guns. 
Cordoba believed that effective forts and enough of 
them could not be erected except at an enormous 
expense, and he favored rather an increase of troops 
and one or more cruising vessels on the coast. He 
subsequently visited the south, and found the defences 
not more effective than those in the north, as the 
governor informed Branciforte at the beginning of 
1797. Borica, however, found some comfort in the 
thought that the foes from whom attack might be 
feared were probably ignorant how weak the fortifi- 
cations really were.” 

29 July 8, 1793, the presidios had 161 muskets, 59 pistols, 177 swords, 223 
lances. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 150-3. July 10th, received from San Blas 
158 muskets, 142 swords, 96 lances—value $2,650. Jd., xxi. 194; Prov. St. 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 1. Sept. 15, 1795, 170 cwt. powder sent. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xiii. 81. Dec. 1796, Feb. 1797, 200 muskets, 200 pistols, 2C0 
cartridges, 200 musket-cases, 16,000 flints. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 170, 173; iv. 
157; vi. 58; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223; xvi. 240; xvii. 146; xxi. 253. 

80 Cérdoba, Informe al Virey so! re defensas de California, 1796, MS. Dee. 
27, 1796, viceroy to gov. has received Cordoba’s plans of San Francisco, Mon- 
terey, and Santa Cruz, has ordered the fitting-out of two cruisers, and has 
taken measures for the proper strengthening of San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., vii. 32-5. Jan. 20, 1797, Borica to V. R. Prov. Rec., MS. vi. 78. 
Cérdoba’s first report was sent to Mexico by Borica with his communication 
of Sept. 21st, enclosing five plans and approving Coérdoba’s suggestions. Sé. 


Pup., Sac., MS.,iv. 56-7. Borica’s instructions to Cér“oba for his southern trip, 
Oct. 8, 1796. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246-7. He was to gather material for 


542 RULE OF BORICA-—-FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


The transport San Carlos, Captain Saavedra, arrived 
at San Francisco March 11,1797, and probably brought 
the news of actual war with England, though the 
communication of the viceroy does not appear in the 
archives;” for the 13th of March despatches began to 
circulate throughout the province, ordering the seiz- 
ing of English vessels, instructing commandants to 
redouble their precautions, and calling upon friars to 
ate not only prayers but Indians if needed. On the 

rst alarm of invasion notice was to be sent to Mon- 
terey, the military forces were to concentrate at the 
threatened point, and live-stock was to be driven 
inland. Men were drilled in the use of arms; messen- 
gers were kept in constant motion; Indians were 
harangued on the horrors of an English invasion; 
sentinels were posted wherever an anchorage or land- 
ing was deemed possible; able-bodied men were 
gathered at the presidios, while the disabled ones 
were detailed to protect women and children; and 
strict economy was practised, since a non- arrival of 
the supply-ship was feared. This state of things 
lasted several months, but the popular excitement 
was considerably allayed by the arrival of the Con- 
cepcion and Princesa in April and May, and by the 
delay of the English invasion, nothing more alarming 
having occurred in the mean time than the rumored 
finding of some bodies of white men in the surf at 


Point Reyes.* 


a general map of California. Dec. 11th, Cérdoba arrived in San Diego. St. 
Pap., Sac., vii. 53. 

31 Arrival of San Cdrlos, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 249; Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xvi. 62. There is a letter of the viceroy to Borica dated 
Jan. 25th, in which he alludes to some vague rumors of trouble with England, 
and recommends precautions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 218-19. 

32 March 13th, Borica to Lasuen, Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 183. Borica to com- 
mandants. Jd.,iy.155. March 13th to 14th, Lasuen to padres ordering prayers, 
litany on Satur days, mass once a month, and exhortations such as Maccabeus 
gave during the campaign against Nicanor. Arch. Sta Barbar a, MS., xi. 141-4; 
Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 88-4. March 17th, Borica to commandants. Prov. 
ftec., MS., iv. 155-G. March 19th, 24th, Sal to B. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 
220-22, March 22d, B. to commandant S. F. Cautious with strange vessels, 
war-ships to be menaced. Prov. Rec., MS. v. 82-3. March 28th, April 10th, 
2d, Goycoechea to B., Santa Barbara defences in a very bad state to resist 
attack. Is suspicious ‘of the Indians to whom the British have given beads. 





ALARMING RUMORS. 548 


During the months of July, August, and Septem- 
ber all seems to have been quiet,* but in the middle 
of October there came a report from the peninsular 
mission of San Miguel that five, ten, or even sixteen 
vessels had been seen making for the north. The 
falsity of the report was ascertained before a week 
had passed, but not before it had been published with 
all the precautionary orders of old throughout the 
province, and had been sent to Mexico.* This emer- 
gency elicited from Governor Borica peremptory in- 
structions which went all the rounds, to the effect 
that in case he were taken prisoner by the English 
no attention was to be paid to any orders purporting 
to come from him, whatever their nature; but the 
commandants were to go on in defence of California 
as their duty and circumstances might dictate.™ A 


Families to be gradually removed to Angeles. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40, 
43-5, 188-9. March 3lst, Sal to B., all care taken. Provisions to be 
destroyed and not allowed to fall into the hands of the foe. Jd., xvi. 220. 
March 31st, April Gth, May llth, Grajera to B., a sentinel on the beach at 
San Juan Capistrano, Invalids of Angeles, San Gabriel, and Nietos rancho 
ready. If the Presidio has to be abandcned, shall it be destroyed or not? 
Id., xvi. 267-9, 211-12. April 5th, Fidalgo to B. from San Blas. The Con- 
ecpcion, Captain Manrique, and the Princesa, Captain Caamaiio, will protect 
the California coast. [d., xvii. 147. April 24th, B. to Goycoechea, 'Target- 
shooting every Sunday. Indians must be imbued with anti-English senti- 
ments, taught that the foe are hostile to religion, violators of women. Prov. 
Rec., MS., 1v. 88. April 25th, B. to commandants, economize, for the 
supplies of 1798 cannot come. Jd., iv. 158. April 30th, Alberni to B., 
Indians refuse to go to Bodega from fear. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 152. 
May 25th, Princesa at Sta Barbara with supplies. Will remain as a coast- 
guard. Jd., xxi. 261-2. June 8th, B. to commandants. If Presidio is aban- 
doned, guns to be spiked and powder burned. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 254-5. 
Finding of bodies at Pt Reyes in April. Prov. St. Pap., MS.. xv. 116. 
Two years later it was learned that San Diego Bay had been surveyed by the 
English in 1797 on a moonlight night. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 
xiii. 20. 

33 Oct. Ist, Vallejo, writing from San José, mentions the arrival of an 
English ship at Santa Cruz, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 155, but nothing more 
is heard of the matter. 

34 Oct. 15th, Grajera to Borica. Oct. 20th, contradiction. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvi. 190-1. Oct. 19th, B. to all, Spread the news in all directions & 
mata-caballo. Vigilancia!! Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 160; v. 259. Dec. 3d, 4th, 
viceroy to B. He doubts the accuracy of the report, since the Concepcion 
and Princesa came down the coast without seeing any vessels. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xv. 272-9. 

35 Oct. 20th, Borica to commandants. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 161. Oct. 22d, 
Alberni to comisionado of San José. San José, Arch., MS., v. 28. Nov. 3d, 
Goycoechea to B. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 100. Nov. 9th, Grajera to B. 
Id., xvi. 195-6. 


544 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


large war-ship arrived at Santa Barbara on Dec. 17th, 
but she proved to be the Spanish Magallanes, Cap- 
tain Espinosa, from Manila, and had come to protect 
rather than to invade the country. Finding no foes 
in California waters, she sailed for the south, as the 
Concepcion and Princesa had done a little earlier.” 
The only subsequent events of the war, so far as 
California was concerned, were the contribution for 
the relief of his Majesty’s exchequer, called for by 
Viceroy Azanza through bishop and governor in the 
fall of 1798 and paid in the summer of 1799,” and a 
new fright, also in 1799, resulting in the usual precau- 


tionary orders, and caused by the report of from fifteen 


to nineteen English frigates in and about the gulf of 
California. 


36 Of the San Cdrlos we know nothing beyond her arrival on March 11th 
at San Francisco. The Concepcion left San Blas in March with $1,088 of 
provisions; she brought also 9 settlers, 2 smiths, 4 soldiers, and 11 padres, 
having on board Alférez Lujan and Lieut. Suarez; arrived at San Francisco 
April 14th; was at Monterey June 28th; left Monterey Sept. 4th; left San 
Diego Nov. 8th; arrived 8. Blas Nov. 22d. The Princesa arrived at Sta 
Barbara May 27th with 160 men, many sick with scurvy; was at San Diego 
from June to October; and sailed with the Concepcion. The Alagal'anes re- 
mained only a few days at Sta Barbara and sailed for Acapulco. The only 
other vessel of the year was the Activo, Captain Salazar, from Manila, which 
arrived at Monterey Sept. 27th, and sailed Oct. 7th. The vessels of 1798 
were the Concepcion, Caamafio, and the Activo, Leon y Luna. The former 
arrived at Santa Barbara in May with 8 padres and 24 convicts, and left 
Monterey in June. The latter arrived at San Francisco in June. On move- 
ments of vessels: Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 90-1, 94, 105, 157, 162; vi. 52, 54, 56, 
76, 87, 92-4, 104, 256; St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 76; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 
52, 68, 1138-14; xvi. 54, 62, 175, 192, 197; xvii. 1; xxi. 249, 253-5, 281. 

37 Oct. 20, 1798, viceroy to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 82. Nov. 13th, 
bishop to padres, and Lasuen’s refusal. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 67-72; 
xii. 235-7; vi. 296-7. Jan. 31st, Borica to V. R., sends $1,000 as a personal 
contribution. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 118. Same date to commandants. Jd., iv. 
170. June 26, account of results. Settlers and Indians of the missions (per- 
haps an error for Monterey including Borica’s amount?) $1,853; San Fran- 
cisco, $242; Angeles, $175; Santa Barbara, $375; San Diego, $519; Catalan 
volunteers, $257; artillery, $39; total, $3,460. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., xxvii. 7. Another account makes $1,853 the total. Prov. Rec., MS., 
vi. 128. 

38 July 4, 1798, Borica to commandants, 19 frigates in the Pacific. Prov. 
Rec., MS., iv. 172. July 12th, 15th, Sal to comisionado of San José, for- 
warding orders and 1,000 cartridges. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 48-9. July 19th, 
B. to commandant Sta Barbara, a place to be prepared at San Fernando for 
archives, reserve arms, and church vessels. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 112. Aug. 
3d, V. R. to B., the Manila galleons must remain at Monterey until tue way 
is cleared of privateers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 237. Governor’s orders 
in accordance. Prov. Rec., MiS., iv. 176; vi. 131. Sept. 18th, two Spanish 
vessels reported as captured, not in Cal. Jd., iv. 173. 





- 
ry 








—— 


AMERICAN SAILORS. 545 


From 1797 to 1800 the military force and distribu- 
tion remained practically the same as in 1796 after 
the arrival of the Catalan volunteers and the artil- 
lery. In April 1797 Borica asked for twenty-five 
recruits per year to fill vacancies and for an increase 
of thirty infantry and fifty cavalry, besides three war- 
vessels. At the beginning of 1799 the total expense 
of the military establishment as given by the gov- 


_ ernor, was $73,889 per year. In March Borica urged 


an increase of $18,624 in the annual expense, by the 
addition of three captains and an adjutant inspector, 
and the substitution of one hundred and five cavalry 
for the Catalan volunteers. Nothing was accomplished, 
however, in these directions until after 1800. In the 
mean time some slight progress was made on local 
fortifications, and the engineer Cordoba, having com- 
pleted his surveys and made a general map of Cali- 
fornia, had returned to Mexico in the autumn of 
oe. 

At the end of 1798 four sailors who had been left 
in Baja California by the American vessel Gallant 
were brought up to San Diego and set to work while 
awaiting a vessel to take them to San Blas.“ In May 
1799 James Rowan in the Hliza, an American ship, 
anchored at San Francisco and obtained’ supplies un- 
der a promise not to touch at any other port in the 
province.” In August 1800 the American ship Letsy, 


39 Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 86-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 180, 188-9. 

49 Oct. 17, 1795, viceroy to Borica, speaks of Cérdoba’s appointment. He 
is able, well behaved, and energetic. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 46. Jan. 
1797, Cordoba at work on a map of California. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 78. Nov. 
26, 1797, Borica forwards the map to the viceroy; received in March (or 
eave L798 7di, vi. G2; vii. “189; Prov. "St Pap., MS., xy¥ii.'3: Nov. 27, 
1797, Cérdoba ordered by V. R. to return to Mexico. He sailed in October 
1798. Id., xv. 272-3; xxi. 286. 

41 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 283, 285; vi. 111; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197-202. 
They were examined carefully but no information of importance was elicited. 
Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, and John Stephens were natives of Boston ‘in the 
American colonies.’ Gabriel Boisse was a Frenchman. 

“May 27, 1799, Rowan to commandant. Gives the promise required; will 
pay cash; would sail to-day if it were less foggy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvil. 
206-8. June 3d, Borica to viceroy. The Hiliza had 12 guns; gave'a draft on 
Boston for $24. Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 125-6. Aug. 3d, V. R. to B., Approves 


_ his course; names John Kendrick as supercargo, aud says he wisied *o winter 


at Montercy. 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 35 


546 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


Captain Charles Winship, obtained wood and water 
at San Diego.” In October there anchored a large 
vessel, of suspiciously English appearance and carry- 
ing twenty-six guus, off the mouth of the Rio San 
Antonio in Monterey Bay; but she sailed without 
committing hostilities.“ 

In the spring of 1800 there had come news of war 
between Spain and Russia. This brought out the 
usual orders for precautionary measures and non-inter- 
course, but it failed to arouse even a ripple of excite- 
ment. An invasion from Kamchatka seems to have 
had no terrors for the Californians after their success 
in escaping from the fleets of Great Britain. 


Precautions taken to guard against invasion by a 
foreign foe having thus been narrated, it is necessary 
to give some attention to the dangers that threatened 
from within at the hands of the natives. Although 
this subject of Indian affairs, in this as in most other 
periods of California history, is prominent in the 
archives, I do not deem it necessary to devote much 
space to it here. The Spaniards, few in number 
and surrounded by savages of whose numbers and 
disposition little was known, were peculiarly situated. 


8 Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 1382; xii. 6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 44; St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., ix. 12, 13. She arrived on the 25th and sailed Sept. 4th; she had 19 
men and 10 guns; she asked aid later at San Blas, but was frightened away 
by the approach of Spanish vessels, leaving her supplies, papers, captain, su- 
percargo, and some sailors. 

44 Nov. 30, 1800, governor to commandant. Prov. Ree. .. MS., xi. 146-7. 
Gov. to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap,, MS., xviii. 67. Dec. 18th, V. R’s orders to 
look out for returning whalers. S¢. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 50. The Concepcion 
brought the memorias with nine padres to San Francisco in May 1799, being 
kept in quarantine 13 days, and not leaving California until January 1800. 
Coming back she arrived at Monterey in August 1800 with supplies, padres, 
and children, convoyed by the armed. Princesa, Capt. Vivero. They were 
at Santa Barbara in September, and left San Diego in November. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xviii. 9, 69; xxi. 30, 43-4, 48, 54; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 12; xi. 84, 
144; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii. 20; vii. 76-7. 

45 Dec. 21, 1799, viceroy to Borica. Newspapers announce war. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., ix. 54. Feb. 8, 1800, B. to commandants. War not certain; 
but the province must be ready for an invasion from Kamchatka. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 23; Prov. Rec., MS., x. 5. March 31st, declaration 
of war known at Monterey. Intercourse with Russia forbidden. Id., ix. 2, 7. 
‘Oct. 9, 1802, mass ordered for peace. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 1. 


| 





INDIAN AFFAIRS. 547 


They fully realized the dangers to which they would 
be exposed in case of a general uprising among the 
natives; and the consequence was that any unusual 
action on the part of the aborigines, the rumor of 
impending hostilities, gave birth to long investiga- 
tions and a mass of correspondence out of proportion 
to the cause. Nine tenths of the rumors investigated 
proved to be groundless, and the few that had real 
foundation rested for the most part on petty events 
of no interest save in the mission or pueblo where 
they happened. Therefore I shall have something to 
say of these matters in connection with local annals, 
but in this chapter shall enter but slightly into the 
details either of events or correspondence. 

In September 1794 fifteen or twenty neophytes of 
San Luis Obispo and Purisima were arrested .with 
some gentiles for making threats and inciting revolt 
at San Luis. Five of the culprits were condemned 
to presidio work. Throughout the year there was 
some apprehension of trouble at San José and Santa 
Clara, caused mainly by the natives suddenly leaving 
certain rancherias. Lieutenant Sal went in person to 
make investigations, and the natives disclaimed any 
idea of revolt, but Father fernandez was admonished 
‘to be somewhat less zealous, not to say cruel, in his 
treatment of the natives. 

In March 1795 a party of neophytes were sent 
from San Francisco across the bay northerly in search 
of fugitive Christians. After marching two nights 
and a day in that direction they were attacked by 
the gentiles and eight or ten slain. The friars were 
blamed for having sent out the party, and the gov- 
ernor deemed it unwise to avenge the loss and make 
enemies of these warlike and hitherto friendly tribes. 
In the south Alférez Grijalva had some trouble with 
the natives on the frontier between San Diego and 
San Miguel. This was in June and one or two sav- 
ages lost their lives. Near Santa Barbara there was 


46 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xii. 33, 49-53, 100-4, 124-32, 194, 


548 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. 


a fight in October between pagans and neophytes in 
which lives were lost on both sides. 

In June 1797 thirty neophytes were sent across the 
bay from San Francisco, in a direction not clearly 
indicated, in search of fugitives, and they were rather 
roughly treated by a tribe of Cuchillones though none 
were killed. This affair caused a long correspondence 
and finally brought positive orders from the viceroy 
forbidding the friars to send out such parties. In July 
after many preliminaries Sergeant Amador made an 
expedition against both the Cuchillones and the Saca- 
lanes, who had committed the outrage of 1795. He 
brought in nine of the gentile culprits and eighty- 
three fugitive Christians. The savages are said to 
have dug pits which prevented the use of horses, and 
obliged Amador to fight on foot hand to hand, seven 
or eight of them being killed. At San Luis Obispo 
a neophyte was murdered by a gentile and there was 
a temporary excitement and fear that the mission 
would be attacked. Depredations continued on the 
southern frontier and San Diego as usual was deemed 
in danger.* 

In 1798 the savages are said to have surrounded 
San Juan Bautista by night, but they retired after 
killing eight Indians of an adjoining rancherfa. In 
the resulting expedition to the sierra under Sergeant 
Macario Castro, one chief was killed, four captives 
were taken, and a soldier was badly wounded. There 
was a false alarm of impending attack.on San Miguel, 
San Luis, and Purisima by the Tulare and channel 
Indians. Around San Francisco Bay and especially 
at San José Mission there were: constant rumors of 
preparations for hostilities that never occurred.” 


“ Prov. Rec., MS., v. 227-8; iv. 35-6; vi. 48-50, 56, 146; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xiii. 82, 1y7e 8, 215-16, 241-2, 275-6; xvi. 71. According to Calleja, 
Respuesta, MS., 12, ‘the ranchos of four men in the Monterey district were 
destroyed by Indians this year. 

© Provost, are MS., xv. 19-27, 122-5, 173-8, 282-3; xvi. 70-3, 90, 239, 
249; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 88; v. 206-7, 267. 

49 Prov, Rec., MS., iv. 285; v. 210; vi. 106-7, 100; ix. 9; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvii. 97, 100, 106-7. 








INDIAN AFFAIRS. 549 


The only recorded event of 1799 was an expedition 
of Macario Castro in June to the various rancherias 
of the Monterey district. His object was to collect 
fugitives from San Carlos, Soledad, and San Juan 
Bautista, and also to warn the gentiles against har- 
boring runaways. Fortified by long and _ explicit 
instructions from Borica, and accompanied by thirteen 
soldiers and as many natives, Castro was successful. 
In May 1800 Pedro Amador made a raid from Santa 
Clara into the hills. He killed a chief, broke many 
weapons, and took a few captives andrunaways. The 
natives again committed some depredations at San 
Juan Bautista, and in July Sergeant Moraga, march- 
ing against them, captured fourteen.” From the pre- 
ceding paragraphs it appears that Borica’s rule was a 
period of peace so far as Indian hostilities against the 
Spaniards are concerned. Naturally there were con- 
flicts between neophytes and pagans, especially when 
bands of the former were sent out by the friars to 
scour the country for fugitives, and here and there a 
theft or other petty depredation was committed; but 
the natives were not yet hostile, though they resisted 
the soldiers on several occasions in the hills, and 
showed that in case of a general war they might 
prove formidable. 


50 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 325-30; xviii. 33; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 
10-12; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 9,10; St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 70-1. 


CHAPTER XXVI. 


RULE OF BORICA~EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 
, 1794-1800. 


SEARCH FOR MIssrton S1ITES—EXPLORATION OF THE ALAMEDA—SAN BENITO— 
Las Pozas—ENcINo—PALE—LASUEN’S REPORT—FOUNDATION oF MIs- 
sIon SAN Jost AT THE ALAMEDA—LOCAL ANNALS TO 1800—Misston San 
JUAN BAUTISTA AT POPELOUTCHOM—EARTHQUAKE—MISSION SAN MIGUEL 
AT VAHIA—PADRE ANTONIO DE LA CONCEPCION HorraA—MIssIon SAN 
FERNANDO ON REYES’ RancHo, oR ACHOIS COMIHAVIT—MIssion SAN 
Luis Rey at TacayME—A New PuEBLO—PRELIMINARY CORRESPOND- 
ENCE—SEARCH FOR A SITE—REPORTS OF ALBERNI AND CORDOBA—SAN 
FRANCISCO AND ALAMEDA REJECTED IN Favor oF Santa CRUzZ—AR- 
RIVAL OF COLONISTS—FOUNDING OF THE VILLA DE BRANCIFORTE—PRO- 
TEST OF THE FRANCISCANS—PLAN TO OPEN COMMUNICATION WITH NEW 
MExico—CoLorabo RovutE TO SONORA. 


Ir had long been the intention to found a series 
of new missions, each equidistant from two of the old 
ones, or as nearly so as practicable, and all somewhat 
farther inland than the original line. The friars of 
course were familiar with the general features of the 
country, and had made up their minds long ago about 
the best sites. In 1794—5, however, explorations were 
made by the priests, assisted in each instance by a 
military officer and guard of soldiers. In some cases 
this was a real search for new information; in others it 
was a formality, that the choice of sites might be offi- 
cially confirmed. This matter settled, the necessary 
correspondence between governor, president, viceroy, 
and guardian took place in 1795-6, and in 1797-8 the 
new missions, five in number, were put in operation. 

In 1794 the eastern shores of San Francisco Bay 


were almost a tierra incdégnita to the Spaniards. It 
( 550 ) 





SS SG 








THE ALAMEDA SHORE. 551 


would perhaps be too much to say that those shores 
had not been visited for nearly twenty years, since 
the time of Anza; but there is no record of any pre- 
vious raid against the gentiles in that region, much 
less of any exploring expedition. In November of 
this year, four natives were sent across to work with 
the pagans, but one of the two tule-rafts composing 
this armada was swept out and wrecked on the Fara- 
llones, where two of the navigators were drowned. In 
the same month the friars wished to go with a small 
guard up the eastern bay-shore from Santa Clara to 
conquer the gentiles, taking advantage of their short 
supply of food resulting from drought, but the com- 
mandant at San Francisco refused, because the coun- 
try was “almost unknown,” the natives perverse, and 
the adventure too hazardous.’ Before June Sergeant 
Pedro Amador visited the southern part of this ter- 
ritory, and in his report used the name of Alameda, 
still applied to county and creek. ” November 15,1795, 
in accordance with Borica’s orders of the 9th, AL 
férez Sal and Father Danti set out from Monterey. 
On the 16th they explored the San Benito region, on 
the stream of the same name, where they found all 
that was required for a mission; and next day they 
found another suitable location on the edge of the 
San Bernardino plain near Las Llagas Creek, or what 
is now the vicinity of Gilroy. Having arrived at 
Santa Clara on the 21st, they were joined by Alférez 
Raimundo Carrillo, and started next day to examine 
the Alameda previously explored by Amador, whose 
diary they had. The river of the Alameda was also 
called by Danti Rio de San Clemente. The explorers 
continued their journey up toa point which they state 
to have been opposite or in sight of San Francisco 


1 Nov. 30, 1794, Sal to Governor, in Prov. St. Pap. , MS., xii. 28-9. 

? Amador’s report is not extant, but the governor’s acknowledgment of its 
receipt is dated June 2, 1795. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 54. i suppose he applied 
the name, or it had been applied before, toa grove on the stream, since it is 
so applied a little later. Alameda was subscquently used for the southern 
section as was Contra Costa for the northern, though much less commonly. 


552 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


Mission and Yerba Buena Island, nearly or quite to 
the site of the modern Oakland perhaps, and then 
turned backward, discovering some important salt- 
marshes, and finally erected a cross at a spot some- 
what south of the Alameda and called San Francisco 
Solano, arriving at Santa Clara, well soaked with the 
rain, on the 25th of November. Both commandant 
and friar kept a journal of this expedition. The docu- 
ments still exist and contain many interesting local 
details, but are somewhat vaguely written. At all 
events I have no space for their reproduction, and the 
still longer explanation that would be required.° 

In August 1795 Father Sitjar of San Antonio made 
an examination of the country between his mission 
and San Luis Obispo, finding no better place for a mis- 
sion than Las Pozas, where farming-ground for three 
hundred fanegas of seed might be irrigated from the 
arroyos of Santa Isabel and San Marcos. He was 
accompanied on his trip by Macario Castro and Ig- 
nacio Vallejo.‘ 


3 Sal, Informe que hace de los Parages que se han reconocido en la Alameda, 
1795, MS. Dated San Francisco, Nov. 30th. Left San Francisco, Oct. 16th. 
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 60-1. Dantt, Diario de un Reconocimiento de la Ala- 
meda, 1795, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 2, 1795. It may be noted 
that Macario Castro, of San José, had a herd of mares at this time in the Ala- 
meda. Also that one of the northern streams visited was called San Juan de 


la Cruz. Sal, Informe en el cual manifesta lo que ha adyuirido de varios suyetos’ 


para comunicarlo al gobernador, 81 de Enero 1796, MS., contains the follow- 
ing geographical information about the great interior valley—unintelligible for 
the most part: About 15 leagues north from Santa Clara is the Rio del Pes- 
cadero where salmon are caught. A quarter of a league further the Rio San 
Francisco Javier still larger. Two leagues beyond, the Rio San Migucl, 
larger than either. These three have no trees where they cross the tularvs 
valley. Five leagues farther is the Rio de la Pasion. Letween the last two 
is an encinal in that part of the Sierra Madre which stretches north and is 
called the Sierra Nevada. Keeping in the encinal and leaving the tulares 
to the left there is a region of fresh-water lakes. The four rivers run from 
east to west and empty into the ensenada of the port of San Francisco, tide- 
water running far up. The Sierra Madre is about eight leagues from Rio de 
la Pasion. Before coming to the rivers, on the right is the Sierra of San Juan, 
a short distance from the Sierra Nevada, and in sight from the presidio. The 
four rivers were named by Captain Rivera in December 1776. 

An Indian said his people traded with a nation of black Indians who had 
padres. Another spoke of the Julpones, Quinenseat, Taunantoe, and Quisitoe 
nations, the last ba!d from bathing in boiling lakes. An Indian woman said 
that five days beyond the rivers there were soldiers and padres. Lovers of 
mystery will find food for reflection and theory in the preceding remarks. 

*Sitjar, ReconocimientodeSitio parala Nucva MisiondeSan Miguel, 1795, MS. 
Dated Aug. 27th, andaddressed to Lasuen. Nee also St. Pap., Miss. ,MS., ii. 56-7. 


ees Eee 


a een a Pp ea Se 


heed 


aetna se 


SOE A. AS ada 


oe 2 a 





NEW SITES IN THE SOUTH. 553 


The region between San Buenaventura and San 
Gabricl was explored in August 1795, in accordance 
with the governor’s instructions of July 23d, by 
Father Santa Maria, Alférez Cota, and Sergeant 
Ortega with four men. The Encino Valley, where 
Francisco Reyes had a rancho, was the spot best 
suited for a mission among the many visited, but the 
gentiles being attached to the pueblo of Los Angeles 
or to the private ranchos, showed no desire for mis- 
sionaries.” In the preceding June Sergeant Ortega 
had explored the country northward from Santa 
Barbara and found a fertile valley on the Rio Santa 
Rosa, probably near where Santa Inés was founded 
in later years.£ In the southern district Father 
Mariner with Alférez Grijalva and six men started 
from San Diego on August 17th to search for a mis- 
sion site between San Diego and San Juan Capis- 
trano. His report was in favor of the valley of San 
José, called by the natives Tacopin, a league and a 
half beyond Pam6 toward the sierra.’ 

The results of the various explorations were summed 
up by President Lasuen in a report of January 12, 
1796, which was incorporated by Governor Borica in 
a report to the viceroy in February.® The sites ap- 


5 Santa Marta, Registro que hizo de los Parages entre San Gabriel y San 
Buenaventura, 1795, MS. Dated Feb. 3, 1796. The padre visited in this 
tour Cayegues rancheria, Simi Valley, Triunfo, Calabazas, Encino Valley 
with rancherias of Quapa, Tacuenga, Tuyunga, and Mapipinga, La Zanja, 
head of Rio Santa Clara, and Mufin rancheria. The document is badly 
_ written, and also I suspect badly copied, and the names may be inaccurate. 
In some spots the pagans cultivated the land on their own account. Corporal 
Verdugo owned La Zanja rancho. Governor’s order of July 23d, in Prov. Rec., 
MS., iv. 19. In St. Pap., Aliss., MS., ii. 55-6, it is stated that Santa Maria 
made an unsuccessful survey. 

S Ortega, Diario que forma Felipe Maria de Ortega, Sargento de la Com- 
panta de Santa Barbara en cumplimiento a la comision que obtuvo de D. Felipe 
de Goycoechea saliendo con tres hombres a reconocer los sitios por el rumbo del 
norte en el dia 17 a las 8 de la mafiana del mes de Junio, y es como siyne, 1798, 
MS. The same diary includes an examination of the Mojonera region on 
June 26th to 28th. Some explorations in 1798 will be given later in connection 
with the foundation of Santa Inés. 

7July 23, 1795, governor’s order. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 229-30. Aug. 14th 
and 28th, Sept. Ist and 9th, communications of Mariner and Grajera. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xiii. 19-20; St. Pap., Miss., MS., 

8 Lasuen, Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas iisiones, 1796, MS.; Borica, 
Informe de Nuevas Misiones, 26 de Feb., 1796, MS. 


504 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


proved were San Francisco Solano, seven or eight 
leagues north of Santa Clara; Las Pozas, equidistant 
between San Antonio and San Luis Obispo: and Palé, 
fourteen leagues from San Diego and eighteen from 
San Juan. ‘The other two required additional exam- 
ination, since two sites had been recommended be- 
tween San Carlos and Santa Clara, and that between 
San Buenaventura and San Gabriel was not altogether 
satisfactory. Borica hoped that by means of the new 
missions all the gentiles west of the Coast Range 
might be reduced and thus $15,060, the annual ex- 

ense of guards, might be saved to the royal treasury. 
He did not deem it safe to expose the friars with a 
small guard of soldiers east of the mountains. The 
viceroy if he consents to the foundations should send 
friars and the $1,000 allowed to each new establish- 
ment; but no increase of military force will be needed, 
since the presence of the volunteers and the artillery- 
men will release some soldiers, and the guards of some 
old missions may be reduced. The saving of $15,060 
and the unusual circumstance that no additional force 
was needed, were strong arguments in Mexico, and 
on the 19th of August 1796 the viceroy, after con- 
sultation with the treasury officials, authorized the 
carrying-out of Borica’s plan.° On September 29th 
Nogueyra, the guardian, announces that he has named 
the ten friars required. He asks for the usual allow- 


ances, and begs that a vessel may sail with the mis- | 


sionaries as soon as possible, but protests against any 
reduction of the guards at the old missions. Borica 
received the viceroy’s orders before the end of the 
year, and on May 5, 1797, Lasuen announced that the 
friars were coming and all was ready.” 


® Branciforte, Autorizacion del Virrey para la fundacion de cinco nuevas mis- 
tones, 1796, MS. Sept. 29th, guardian consents. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 128-9. 

0 Dec. 23, 1796, Borica to viceroy, St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 71-2. May 
5, 7935 Lasuen to B., Jd., vii. 28-31. Lasuen says it will be hard for the 
old missions to contribute for so many new ones at the same time; yet he will. 
do his best. San Carlos, Santa Clara, and San Francisco will be called upon 
to aid the two northern establishments and to lend Indiansand tools. Live- 
stock must be given outright. Santa Cruz certainly and Soledad probably 
must be excused. 


cat > eri rr Sr Reta Ol Acer a i omental 


te. Pret as 


in le 





Pe SS 


FOUNDING OF MISSION SAN J OSE. 555 


Preliminaries being thus arranged, I come to the 
actual founding of the five missions, chronological 
order in this instance agreeing with that of localities 
from north to south. Desiring to avoid any unneces- 
sary scattering of material I shall join to the estab- 
lishing of each mission its local annals to the end of 
the decade, as I have done before in the case of new 
establishments. 

Borica sent orders to the commandant of San Fran- 
cisco, the 15th of May, to detail Corporal Miranda 
and five men for the mission of San José to be founded 
at the Alameda. On June 9th the troops under 
Amador and accompanied by Lasuen started for the 
spot, where next day a temporary church, or enramada, 
was erected. The native name of the site was Oroy- 
som, and the name of the mission, San José, in honor 
of the patriarch husband of the virgin Mary, had 
been included in the orders from Mexico. On June 
11th, Trinity Sunday, the regular ceremonies of 
foundation—blessing the ground, raising the cross, 
litany of all saints, mass, sermon, te deum, and the 
burning of one pound of gunpowder—were performed’ 
by or under the superintendence of Father Lasuen, 
the only friar present. The same day all returned to 
Santa Clara leaving the new mission to solitude and 
the gentiles. Five days later Amador and his men 
came back to cut timber and prepare the necessary 
buildings. By the 28th this work was so far advanced 
that the guard, as was thought, could complete it. 
Water was brought to the plaza, and the soldiers, all 
but Miranda and his five men, retired to the presidio. 
The same day the ministers, Isidoro Barcenilla and 
Agustin Merino, arrived and took charge.” 


1 Amador, Diario de la Expedicion para fundar la Mision de San José, 
1797, MS.; Amador, Prevenciones al Cabo de la escolta de Sun José, 1797, MS. 
Dated June 28th, San José, Lib. de Mision, MS., title-pages. May 15th, 
governor’s order to commandant. Prov. Iec., MS., v. 107. June 11th, 
Lasuen to gov. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 21-2; St. ‘Pap., Sac., MS., xviil. 
29-30; Prov, Rec., MS., vi. 1990. July 2d, Gov. to viceroy. Id., vi. 94. June 
29th, Miranda to ‘commandant. Pro. St. Pap. Was, XL, 91, The Indian 
name of the site is also written Oroyjon, Oroyson, and ‘Oryson. Contributions 


556 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


In July 1797 there were rumors of impending 
attack by the savages, and such rumors were prevalent 
to the end of the decade; but there was no disaster, 
and I shall have occasion elsewhere to speak further 
of Indian troubles round San Francisco Bay.” The 
first baptism was administered September 2d by Father 
Catalé. By the end of 1797 there were 33 converts, 
and in 1800 the number had increased to 286, the 
baptisms having been 364 and the burials 88. Mean- 
while the large stock came to number 367, and there 
were 1,600 sheep and goats. Crops in 1800 were about 
1,500 bushels, chiefly wheat. Total for the three years 
3,900 bushels. Padre Barcenilla, a man who, by reason 
of ill-health as was believed, was extremely irascible 
and always in a quarrel with somebody, particularly 
with the corporal,” remained at San José till after 
1800. Merino was replaced in 1799 by José Antonio 
Uria. All three were new-comers, and none remained 
long in the country. A wooden structure with grass 


roof served as a church. Miranda was replaced by 


Luis Peralta in 1798." 


from the three northern missions for San José were 12 mules, 39 horses, 12 
yoke of oxen, 242 sheep, and 60 pigs. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 57. 

12 See Chapter xxxi. of this volume. July 3, 1797, Corp. Miranda to com- 
mandant, says that on account of the danger, the padres wished to abandon 
the mission, but he has dissuaded them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 90. Aug. 
17, 1797, Amador to Borica. Some gentiles want to come near the mission to 
live because the Sacalanes threaten to kill them for their friendship to the 
Christians. [d.,xv. 173-4. April 6, 1798, Argiiello to B., Indians making arrows 
to attack the mission. Reénforcements sent. The corporal has orders not to 
force Indians to come to the mission. Jd., xvii. 97. April 17th, Amador says 
26 Indians consented to come and be made Christians. /d., xvii. 101. The 
making of arrows seems to have been for hunting purposes. Jd., xvii. 100. 
June 6th, Gov. to Corporal Peralta ordering great caution and prudence, but 
the Indians must be punished if fair words have no effect. Jd., xvii. 106-7. 

13 Sept. 27, 1797, Barcenilla writes to the commandant that the soldiers 
will not lend a hand even in cases where ‘the most barbarous Indian would not 
refuse his aid.’ Private Higuera does nothing but wag his tongue against such 
as assist the padres. Corp. Miranda is much changed and will not work even 
for pay. Miranda explained that the padres were angry because the soldiers 
would not act as vaqueros. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 47-8. Details of the 
trouble in Jd., xvi. 35-8, 46-7. 

48t. Pan. Miss., MS., ii. 122. Soldiers of the guard before 1800, accord- 
ing to S. José, Lib. de Mision, MS., Juan José Higuera, Salvador Higuera, 
Juan Garcia, Cornelio Rosales, Rafael Galindo, Juan José Linares, Ramon 
Linares, Francisco Flores, José Maria Castillo, Miguel Salazar, Hilario Mi- 
randa, and Hermenegildo ‘Bojor ges, 





aca 


we @ 


ee 


et Bo 


ale i Ne ee 


me 


= OF, 





ie 


FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN BAUTISTA. 557 


For the second mission Borica instructed the com- 
mandant of Monterey on May 18th to detail Cor- 
poral Ballesteros and a guard of five men.” Next day 
were issued Borica’s instructions to the corporal, simi- 
lar in every respect to documents of the same class 
already noted in past chapters. It is to be noted, 
however, that the matter of furnishing escorts to the 
friars is left more to the corporal’s discretion than 
before, the absence of soldiers at night being declared 
inexpedient but not absolutely prohibited. Sending 
soldiers after fugitive neophytes was, however, still 
forbidden. These instructions, though prepared espe- 
cially for this new mission, were ordered published at 
all the missions.”® 

The site chosen was the southernmost of the two 
that had been examined, called by the Spaniards for 
many years past San Benito, but by the natives 
Popeloutchom.” Here as early as June 17th, Corporal 
Ballesteros had erected a church, missionary-house, 
granary, and guard-house,” and on June 24th, day of 
the titular saint, President Lasuen with the aid of 
fathers Catalé and Martiarena founded the new mis- 
sion of San Juan Bautista,” the name having been 


15 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xvii. 144-5. A list of supplies furnished the 
escolta is given as follows: 12 fan. maize, 4 fan. beans, 1 butt of fat, 1 barrel, 
1 pot, 1 pan, 1 iron ladle, 1 metate, 1 earthern pan, 1 frying-pan, 2 knives, 5 
axes, 3 hoes, 1 iron bar, 1 machete, 6 knives for cutting grass and tules, 10 
hides, 2 muskets, 1,000 cartridges, No. 14, 1,000 balls, 200 flints, 50 Ibs. pow- 
der, 1 pair of shackles, 2 fetters, 1 door, 1 padlock, weights and measures, 
List also in St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 51-2... May 19th, Borica gives some gen- 
eral orders about the two new missions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii, 137. 

16 Borica, Instruccion para el Comandante de la Escolta destinada & la fun- 
dacion de la Mision de San Juan Bautista, 1797, MS. 

1 Written also Poupeloutehun and Popelout. The 23 rancherias belong- 
ing to this mission were Onextaco, Absayruc, Motssum, Trutca, Teboaltac, 
Xisca, or Xixcaca, Giguay, Tipisastac, Ausaima, Poytoquix, Guachurrones, 
Pagosines or Paycines, Calendaruc, Asystarca, Pouxouoma, Suricuama, Ta- 
marox, Thithirii, Unijaima, Chapana, Mitaldejama, Echantac, and Yelmus. 

18 Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 190-1. 

19Lasuen both on the title-page of S. Juan Bautista, Lib. de Mision, MS., 
and in a letter of June 27th, to the governor, Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 
22-3, commits the strange error of making the foundation on June 2Ist. In 
another letter dated June 27th, he gives the date correctly. St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., xviii. 28-9. July 2d, governor announces the founcation to viceroy. 
Prov. lec., MS., vi. 94. See also Jd., iv. 250; Arroyo de la Cuesta, Gram. 
Mutsun, p. vii.-viil. 


558 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


indicated in the orders of the viceroy, and the day 
having been selected as appropriate. 

José Manuel Martiarena and Pedro Adriano Marti- 
nez were the first ministers, both new arrivals of 1794 
and 1797 respectively, the latter serving at San Juan 
until the end of 1800, the former leaving the mission 
in July 1799, and Jacinto Lopez coming in August 
1800. The first baptism took place on July 11th, and 
before the end of the year 85 had received the rite, 
as had 641 before the end of 1800, 65 having died in 
the mean time, and 516 remaining as neophytes. Live- 
stock increased to 723 large animals and 2,080 small; 
agricultural products for 1800—much the largest crop 
that had been raised—amounted to about 2,700 bush- 
els. A mud-roofed wooden structure was the mis- 
sion church before 1800. 

Beyond the statistics given there is nothing to be 
noted in the local annals of San Juan Bautista except 
certain Indian troubles and the earthquake of 1800. 
The Ansaimes, or Ansayames, were the natives who 
caused most trouble. They lived in the mountains 
some twenty-five miles east of San Juan. In 1798 
they are said to have surrounded the mission by night, 
but were forced to retreat by certain prompt measures 
of the governor not specified. In November another 
band known as the Osos killed eight rancherfa Ind- 
ians, and Sergeant Castro was sent to punish them. 
They resisted and a fight occurred, in which the chief 
Tatillosti was killed, another chief and a soldier were 
wounded, and two gentiles were brought in to be 
educated as interpreters. In 1799 the Ansaimes 
again assumed a threatening attitude and killed five 
Moutsones, or Mutsunes, who lived between them 
and the mission. Acting under elaborate instructions 
from Borica, Castro visited several rancherias, recov- 
ered over fifty fugitives, administered a few floggings 

0 The soldiers named in the mission-books before 1800 were Corporal Juan 
Ballesteros, Antonio Enriquez, José Manuel Higuera, José Guadalupe Ramirez, 


Matias Rodriguez, Manuel Briones, Liicas Altamirano, Isidro Flores, and 
José Ignacio Lugo. 








FOUNDING OF SAN MIGUEL. ' 559 


with no end of warnings, found some of the prevalent 
rumors of past misdeeds to be unfounded, and brought 
in a few captives for presidio work. Again in 1800 
the Ansaimes killed two Mutsunes at San Benito 
Creek, burned a house and some wheat-fields, and 
were with difficulty kept from destroying the mission. 
Sergeant Gabriel Moraga marched with ten men and 
brought in eighteen captives including the chieftains 
of the Ansaime and the Carnadero rancherfas.”* 

There were shocks of earthquake from the 11th to 
the 31st of October, sometimes six in a day, the most 
severe on the 18th. Friars were so terrified that 
they spent the nights out of doors in the mission 
carts. Several cracks appeared in the ground, one of 
considerable extent and depth on the banks of the 
Pajaro, and the adobe walls of all the buildings were 
cracked from top to bottom, and threatened to fall. 
The natives said that such shocks were not uncom- 
mon in that vicinity, and spoke of subterranean fis- 
sures, or caverns, caused by them, from which salt 
water had issued.” : 


The site of the third mission, between San Antonio 
and San Luis Obispo, was called Las Pozas by the 
Spaniards and Valid by the natives.” ‘ Here,” says 


21 Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 9-11; vi. 106-7; Borica, Instruccion al Sargento 
Castro sobre recorrer las Rancherias de Gentiles, 1799, MS., in Prov. St. Pap., 
xvii. 325-8. Dated Monterey, June 7th. Castro, Diario de su Expedicion & 
las Rancherias, 1799, MS. Dated June 29th. It seems that the Spaniards 
were in the habit of going to the Ansaime country after ¢equesquite, or salt- 
petre. Besides those named in the text the Orestaco and Guapo rancherias 
are mentioned. Seealso St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 80-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xviii. 33. In 1800 the San Juan Indians sent 3 wagons, 9 yoke of oxen, 9 
horses, and 15 Indians to Monterey when an attack from foreign vessels was 
feared. For this they were remunerated by order of the viceroy to encourage 
zeal in like cases. Id, xix. 7. 

22 Comandante Sal. to governor, Oct. 31, 1800, in St. Pap., Miss. and Colon, 
MS., i. 40-2. Nov. 29th, governor acknowledges receipt. Prov. Rec., MS., 
xi. 147. Dee. 5th, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi., 51. Feb. 
10th, V. R. to gov. Id., xviii. 69. is earthquake has been noticed also in 
Randolph's Oration; Val’ ejo, ITist. Cal., MS., i. 107; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal., 116; 
Trask, in Cal. Acad, Nut. Science, iii. 134. On Nov. 22d a shock was felt i in 
the extreme south. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 54. 

*8 There is much doubt about this aboriginal name. Different copyists 
from Lasuen’s original letters and cntries in the mission-books make it: Vatica, 
Savage, in title-page of S. Miguel, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Vahca, another from 


560 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


Lasuen on July 25, 1797, ‘with the assistance of the 
Reverend Padre Apostolic Preacher, Fr. Buenaven- 
tura Sitjar, and of the troop destined to guard the 
new establishment, in presence of a great multitude 
of gentiles of both sexes and of all ages, whose pleas- 
ure and rejoicing exceeded even our desires, thanks 
to God, I blessed water, the place, and a great cross, 
which we adored and raised. Immediately I intoned 
the litany of the saints, and after 1t chanted the mass, 
in which I preached, and we concluded the ceremony 
by solemnly singing the te deum. May it all be 
for the greater honor and glory of God our Lord. 
Amen.” Thus was founded the mission of San Miguel, 
in honor of “the most glorious prince of the heavenly 
militia,” the archangel Saint Michael, for which Sitjar 
and Antonio de la Concepcion Horra, a new-comer of 
1796, were appointed ministers. José Antonio Ro- 
driguez was corporal of the guard.” 

A beginning of missionary work was made by the 
baptism of 15 children on the day of foundation; at 
the end of 1800 the number had increased to 385, of 
whom 53 had died and 362 were on the registers as 
neophytes.” The number of horses and cattle was 


372, while small animals numbered 1,582. The crop 


of 1800 was 1,900 bushels; and the total product of 
the three years, 3,700 bushels.” Sitjar left San Miguel 
and returned to his old mission of San Antonio in 


same original; Vahid, Murray, from Lasuen’s letters of July 25th, in Arch. 
Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 23-4; Vahea, Pivia, from Borica, July 31st, in Prov. 
Rec., MS., vi. 94-6. 

44 San Miguel, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Rodriguez’ letter of July 25th. St. 
Pap., Sac., MS., xviii. 27-8; Lasuen’s letter of Aug. 5th, referring to the un- 
usually favorable disposition of the natives, but suggesting caution. Jd., vi. 
96-7; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 193. See also references of preceding note. Con- 
tributions from San Antonio, San Luis, and Purisima were 8 mules, 23 horses, 
8 yoke of oxen, 128 cattle, 184 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 201. 

2° | give the figures as they stand on the records. The sum of the deaths 
and existentes is rarely the same as the baptisms. When less, the deficiency 
may be attributed to runaways; but when greater it is inexplicable save on 
the theory of an error in the register. 

*6 The soldiers of the guard were José Antonio Rodriguez, corporal, Man- 
uel Montero, José Maria Guadalupe, and Juan Maria Pinto, according to the 
mission-book. According to the report of 1797-8, the bell at San Micuel was 
tis after its hanging found to be cracked and worthless. Arch. Sta Barbar a, 

IS., xii. 66. 





il 





FOUNDING OF SAN FERNANDO. 561 


August 1798. Juan Martin began a very long term 
of ministry in September 1797, and Baltasar Car- 
nicer a short one in May 1799. Horra, better known 
by the name of Concepcion, served only about two 
months, when, being charged with insanity, he was 
enticed to visit Monterey on some pretended busi- 
ness of importance and sent to his college by order of 
Lasuen and consent of the governor, sailing on the 
Concepcion or Princesa, which left Monterey in Sep- 
tember.” He is said to have been a very able and 
worthy friar before he came to California; and in 
proof of his insanity nothing more serious is recorded 
than baptizing natives without sufficient preparation 
and neglecting to keep a proper register. There is 
no special reason to doubt, however, that the charge 
was well founded. After his return to the college, 
on July 12, 1798, he made a long report in which he 
charged the California friars with gross mismanage- 
ment, with cruelty to the natives, and with inhuman 
treatment of himself. This report I shall have occasion 
to notice more fully elsewhere. In the mission-books 
of San Miguel this padre’s signature appears but 
once—on the title of the death-register, where his 
statement that he was one of the founders was sub- 
sequently struck out. The original mud-roofed wood- 
en church was not replaced by a better structure 
until after 1800. 


For the fourth mission, between San Buenaventura 
and San Gabriel, additional exploration revealed no 
better location than that of Reyes’ rancho in Encino 
Valley, called by the natives Achois Comihavit. A 
quarrel between Reyes and the friars respecting the 
ownership of the land would be an appropriate intro- 
duction to the narrative of this foundation; but no 


77 Aug. 20th, Lasuen to governor in Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 93-4. Sept. 4th, 
governor to viceroy. Id., vii. 4. Sept. 2d, Gov. to Lasuen. Prov. Ree. oy DLS, 
vi. 196. Horra seems to have been transferred subsequently to the Queré taro 
col'ege, for which the guardian thanks God in a letter to. Lasuen, nay 14, 
Vi89. Arch. Sta B érbara, MS., xi, 280-1. 


Hier: tan, Vou L, 36 


62 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


or 


such controversy 1s recorded, though the ranchero’s 
house was appropriated as a dwelling for the mission- 
aries. Lasuen had gone down from San Miguel to 
Santa Barbara, whence he started at the end of August. 
with Sergeant Olivera and an escort. With the aid of 
Father Francisco Dumetz, on the 8th of September, in 
the presence of the troops and a great crowd of natives, 
he performed the usual ceremonies, and dedicated the 
new mission, as required by instructions from Mexico, 
to San Fernando, Rey de Espajia.** Francisco Javier 
Uria was the associate of Dumetz, and both served — 
until the end of 1800 and later. Ten children were bap- 
tized the first day, and thirteen adults had been added 
to the list early in October. There were 55 neophytes 
at the end of 1797, and 310 at the end of 1800, bap- 
tisms having amounted to 352 and deaths to 70. Five 
hundred and twenty-six was the number of cattle, 
mules, and horses; and 600 that of sheep. Products 
of the soil in 1800 were about 1,000 bushels, though 
they had amounted to 1,200 bushels the year before, 
the total yield for three years being 4,700 bushels. 


The fifth and last of the new establishments was not 
founded until the next year. In October 1797 a new — 
exploration was made between San Juan Capistrano 
and San Diego by Corporal Lizalde, with seven sol- 
diers and five Indians, escorting fathers Lasuen and 


8 St Ferdinand was Fernando III., King of Spain, who reigned from 1217 
to 1251, under whose rule the crowns of Castile and Leon were united. He 
was canonized in 1671 by Clement X. Aug. 28th, Goycoechea to Borica an- 
nouncing Lasuen’s departure for Reyes’ rancho. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 
82. Sept. 8th, Lasuen’s report of foundation. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xviii. 26-7; 
Arch, Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 24-5. Sept. 8th, certificate of Sergt. Olivera; he 
calls the site Achoic. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 92; vi. 191,196. Oct. 4th, Goycoe- — 
chea to Borica, sends Olivera’s diary. Guard-house and store-house finished. 
Two houses begun, church soon to be begun. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 246-7; 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 92. Contributions from Santa Barbara, San Buenaven- 
tura, San Gabriel, and San Juan were 18 mules, 46 horses, 16 yoke of oxen, 
310 cattle, 508 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 202. The mission-books of San. 
Fernando I examined at the mission in 1874, They consisted of baptismal 
register 1 vol., 1798-1852, Ist entry April 28, 1798, signed by Dumetz; mar- 
riage register, 1 vol. 1797-1847, first entry, Oct. 8; 1797; and the Libro de 
Patentes y de Inventarios. In the legal difficulties that followed the death of 


coe Pico the books disappeared and could not be found by Mr Savage in 
877. 








FOUNDING OF SAN LUIS REY. 563 


Santiago from San Juan. The party separated to 
return north and south at the old Capistrano, which 
they doubtless selected at the time, October 6th, as 
the best mission site, for we hear no more of the Palé 
of former expeditions.” During December there was 
a correspondence between Borica and Lasuen on the 
subject, by which it appears that the large number 
of docile natives was the chief inducement to found a 
mission in this region, but that agricultural and other 
advantages were believed to be lacking. The gov- 
ernor insisted on the foundation, and prophesied that 
difficulties in the future would be less serious.” 

The governor issued orders the 27th of February 
1798 to the commandant of San Diego, who was to 
furnish an escolta and to require from the soldiers 

ersonal labor in erecting the necessary buildings 

| ae Uo se ea 
without murmuring at site or work, and with implicit 
obedience to Lasuen.* The records show no subse- 
quent proceedings till the 13th of June. On that 
date at the spot called by the natives Tacayme, and 
by the Spaniards in the first expedition of 1769 San 
Juan Capistrano, or later, Capistrano el Viejo, in the 
presence of Captain Grajera, the soldiers of the guard, 
a few neophytes from San Juan, and a multitude of 
gentiles, and with the aid of fathers Santiago and 
Peyri, President Lasuen with all due solemnity, sup- 
plemented by the baptism of fifty-four children, 
ushered into existence the mission of San Luis, Rey 
de Francia, it being necessary hereafter to distinguish 

29 Lisalde, Reconocimiento de las tierras para situar la Mision de San Luis, 
1797, MS. The places named are Las Animas, Las Lagunitas, Temeca ran- 
cheria, Pauma, Pullala, and San Juan Capistrano. In Grijalva, Informe 
sobre las ranchertas que se hallan en las tierras exploradas por el Padre Mari- 
ner, 1795, MS., there are named the following rancherias: Mescuanal, To- 
napa, Ganal, Mocoquil, and Cuami, in a little valley called Escha; Tagui, Gante, 
Algualcapa, Capatay, Tacupin, Quguas, Calagua, Matagua, and Atd, in 
another valley three leagues distant; Curila, Topame, Luque, Cupame, 
Pdume, and Palé, three leagues from former valley, and speaking language 
of San Juan; Palin, Pamame, Pamua, and Asichiqmes, lower down; Chacape 


pot Pamamelli in Santa Margarita Valley; Chumelle and Quesinille in Las 
lores. 

30Lasuen to Borica. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 44; to Lasuen, Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 201. 

31 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 273-4. 


564 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


between the establishment of San Luis, king, and 
San Luis, bishop.” All was prosperity at first. In 
a week Antonio Peyri, the energetic founder, had 
seventy-seven cnildren baptized and twenty-three 
catechumens under instruction. By the first of July 
he had six thousand adobes made for the mission 
buildings. In July he was joined by José Faura, 
who was succeeded in the autumn of 1800 by José 
Garcia. José Panella was assigned to this mission, 
and served for a short time in 1798, during the ab- 
sence of one of the ministers, who went to the baths 
of San Juan Capistrano for his health. Panella made 
himself unpopular by his harsh treatment, and so 
oreat was the discontent of the natives and the clamor 
for a change, that Lasuen was obliged to send him 
away and promise the return of the other padre, 
probably Peyri, who was greatly beloved.” The bap- 
tisms in 1798 were 214; before the end of 1800 there 
were 337 neophytes, 371 having been baptized, and 
56 being the number of burials. There were 617 
horses, mules, and cattle in 1800, besides 1,600 sheep. 
Products of the soil were 2,000 bushels of wheat, 120 
of barley, and six of maize, the latter being just the 


amount sown, while eight bushels of beans produced 


nothing. The mission-books of San Luis Rey are 
the only ones in California which I have not exam- 
ined. Their whereabouts is not known. 


It had long been deemed desirable to promote 
colonization in California, and the prevalent fears of 
foreign aggression did much to cause definite action 


82 Saint Louis was Louis IX., king of France, who reigned from 1226 to 
1270, and earned his reputation for piety both at home and in the crusades. 
June 13th, Lasuen to Borica reporting the foundation. Arch. Sta Barbara, 
MS., vi. 25-7; xi. 11; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 47-9. July 12th, B. to Lasuen. 
Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 218-19. Aug. Ist, B. to viceroy. Jd., v. 279; vi. 98-9. 
Contributions of Santa Barbara, San Gabriel, San Juan, San Diego, and San 
Luis Rey: 64 horses, 28 yoke of oxen, 310 head of cattle, 508 sheep. Arch. 
Misiones, MS., i. 202. 

°3'The governor in a communication to Lasuen on the subject calls the ab- 
sent missionary Juan Martinez, but there was no such padre in California. 
Prov, Rec., MS., vi. 222-8. Dec. 7, 1798, Borica also writes a letter of warn- 
ing and advice to the friar. Id., 227-8. 


A NEW PUEBLO. 565 


_to be taken at this epoch. The completed line of 


missions as planned was rapidly to civilize the natives, 
but a larger Spanish population was desirable and new 
pueblos of gente de razon were to be founded as well 
as new missions. This subject was doubtless included 
in a general sense in Borica’s original instructions; but 
the first definite action is seen in a report of the royal 
tribunal of accounts to the viceroy, dated November 
18, 1795. In this document it is recommended as a 
most important measure for the welfare and protection 
of the Spanish possessions in California that the gov- 
ernor, with the aid of Engineer Cordoba and other 
officers, proceed to select a site and to found a pueblo, | 
or villa, to be called Branciforte in honor of the viceroy. 
This establishment as a coast defence should be put 
on a military basis, securely fortified, and settled 
with soldiers as pobladores. The site must be selected 
and the lands divided according to existing pueblo 
regulations and the laws of the Indies. Lach officer 
and soldier is to have a house-lot, and between those 
of the officers lots are to be assigned to chieftains of 
rancherias who may be induced to live with the Span- 
lards; thus assuring the loyalty of their subjects. 
Live-stock and implements may be furnished by the 
government as hitherto. Instead of an _habilitado 
there is to be a town-treasurer; and Alberni may com- 


mand, acting as lieutenant-governor. As the time 


\ 





of the infantry soldiers expires they are not to be 
reénlisted, but new recruits obtained from New Spain 
will ereate an immigration without the heavy so of 
bringing in settlers 3 as such.* 

It is to be supposed that the viceroy approved this 
plan in its main features at least, and sent correspond- 
ing orders to Borica, though no such order appears 
in the archives.® It had been indicated in the plan 

34 Branciforte, Informe del Real Tribunal sobre fundacion de un pueblo que 
se llamard Branciforte, 1795, MS. This report was prepared by Beltran on 
Nov. 17th, and approved by the tribunal Nov. 18th. 

85 The order dated Dec. 15, 1795, and enclosing the auditor’s report given 


above is alluded to by Borica on June 16, 1796. “St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., 
MS., i. 364. 


566 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


that the new establishment should be on or near San 
Francisco Bay, and in the spring of 1796, on receipt 
of the viceroy’s instructions, whatever they may have 
been, the governor began to move in the matter, 
though in January 1795 he had instructed the com- 
mandants to ‘report on suitable sites for new pueblos, 
and though Sergeant Amador seems to have explored 
with the same view as early as July of the same year 
the coast region from San Francisco to Santa Cruz. 
On May 21st Borica requested Alberni and Cordoba 
with an escort of six men to meet him at Santa Cruz 
on the 28th. During the next few weeks, the three 
made some personal explorations not described in 
detail, and June 16th the governor asked the others 
to report on the best place for the town, and to give 


ecu 


=. 7 ati: Syren Geer ae ere, 


(Pee are 


bart wk 


their ideas generally in connection with the plan of — 


foundation. Private letters of similar purport were 
written on the 17th and 18th. 


Alberni’s report was dated at San Francisco July — 


Ist, and that of Cordoba the 20th, the two being in 


substance identical. Three sites were considered: the — 
Alameda, San Francisco, and Santa Cruz. The first — 


was pronounced unsuitable for a pueblo, not only be- 


cause the bed of the creek was so low as to prevent — 


irrigation, but because there was no wood, timber, 
stone, or pasturage, except at a great distance. San 
francisco was declared to be the very worst place in 


36 Jan. 9, 1795, Borica to commandants. Prov. Rec., iv. 126-7. Amador, — 


PReconocimiento de Terreno desde Santa Cruz hasta San Francisco, 1795, MS. 


Dated July 4th, he describes particularly four fertile spots with more or less — 


advantages for settlements at distances of 8, 12, 153, and 20 leagues from San 
T'rancisco, the last being 5 leagues from Santa Cruz. July 23d, has received 


the report of July 4th, and orders Amador to improve the road with the aid © 


of commandants at Santa Cruz and Santa Clara (San Francisco?). Prov. Rec., 


MS., v. 57-8. May 11, 1796, Salazar in his report to the viceroy mentioned ~ 
a spot suitable for a pueblo about midway between San Francisco and Santa | 


Cruz where there is an anchorage. San Benito was also a good site, but there 
were many Indians requiring a mission, as there were not at the former 
spot. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 75-7. 


37 Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 6,7; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., — 


MS., i. 364-5, 374-5; Translation in Sta Cruz, Peep, 51; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xxi. 241. In his letter to Cérdoba, Borica says that the viceroy cannot 
entertain the request of the Catalan volunteers to have lands granted them, 


but instead will found a new town and give them lands therein as a recom- — 


pense when their term expires. 








A SITE FOR THE VILLA. 567 


all California for the purpose in view, since the pen- 
insula afforded neither lands, timber, wood, nor water, 
nothing but sand and brambles and raging winds. 
The Santa Cruz site, across the river from the mis- 
sion, had all the advantages which the others lacked, 
and had besides proximity to the sea, affording facili- 
ties for export, plenty of fish, with an abundance of 
stone, lime, and clay for building. The establishment 
of a town here could moreover do no possible harm to 
the mission. The settlers should be practical farmers 
from a cold or temperate climate, and should have 
houses and a granary built for them at expense of the 
government in order that they might apply them- 
selves at once to agriculture. The soldiers and inva- 
lids are entitled to more assistance than other settlers 
by reason of their past services. The scheme of add- 
ing Indian chiefs to the town is impracticable, since 
there are no chiefs; some mission Indians, however, 
might be profitably attached to the settlement to work 
and learn in company with Spaniards.* 

August 4th Borica transmitted these reports to the 
viceroy with his own enthusiastic approval, pronounc- 
ing the Santa Cruz site the best between Cape San 
Liicas and San Francisco, and giving some additional 
particulars about the anchorage. He recommends 
that an adobe house be built for each settler so that 
the prevalent state of things in San José and Los 
Angeles, where the settlers still live in tule huts, 
being unable to build better dwellings without neg- 
lecting their fields, may be prevented, the houses to 
cost not over two hundred dollars each.” On Sep- 
tember 23d another communication of the governor 

38 Alberni, Parecer sobre el sitio en que debe fundarse el nuevo Pueblo de 
Branciforte, 1796, MS. A part is translated in Dwinelle’s Col. Hist. S. Fran- 
cisco, App. 18. Cérdoba, Informe acerca del sitio de Branciforte, 1796, MS. 
Very inaccurately translated, and dated July 2d, in Sta Cruz, Peep, 53-5. 
Brief mention of the decision against San Francisco in Randolph's Oration, 
309; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal., 105; Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 337-8. 

39 St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 258-60. The vclunteers should have 
a year’s pay, and as a reintegro, 2 mares, 2 cows, 2 sheep, 2 goats, a yoke of 


oxen, plough, harrow, hoe, axe, knife, musket, and 2 horses; other vecinos. 
besides the house, stock, tools, etc., ane $10 per month for a year, 


568 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


to the viceroy contained suggestions of similar pur- 
port, and asked for four classes of settlers: first, robust 
country people from cold or temperate climes; second, 
carpenters, smiths, stone-cutters, and masons; third, 
tailors, tanners, shoemakers, and tile-makers; and 
fourth, shipwrights, and a few sailors, to take advan- 
tage of the abundance of whales.” Having received 
Borica’s report and also the opinion of the legal 
adviser of the royal treasury, the viceroy on January 
25, 1797, in accordance with that opinion, ordered 
Borica to proceed immediately with the foundation. 
He had already sent a list of eight men who had 
volunteered at Guadalajara as settlers.“ The begin- 
ning was to be made with such settlers at San José or 
Angeles as had no lands and might be induced to 
change their residence to Branciforte. New settlers 
and artisans were to be sent as soon as possible; in 
fact, orders had already been issued for the collection 
of vagrants and minor criminals to be shipped to Cali- 
fornia. The president of the missions was ordered to 
render all possible assistance; and Borica must for- 
ward at once an estimate of cost and a memorandum 
of needed implements and other articles.” 

The receipt of the viceroy’s orders was acknowledged 
by Borica on April 29, 1797, and three days later he 
sent the necessary orders to the commandant of Santa 
Barbara and the comisionado of San José in order 
that recruits for the new establishment might be ob- 
tained from the settlers and rancheros at and near the. 
two old pueblos. At the same time Lasuen directed 
his friars to afford the required aid, though he had 
received no instructions on.the subj ect from his college, 
and deemed it strange that the king should have per- 
mitted the foundation of a villa so near a mission 


40 St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 57-8. 

“1 Oct. 24, 1796. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 169. 

*” Branciforte, Dictdmen del Fiscal de Real Audiencia sobre la fundacion de 
la Villa de Branciforte, Aprobado por el Virrey en 25 de Enero 1797, MS.; 
inaccurate translation of copy certified by Borica May 9th in Sta Cruz, Peep, 
57. Mention in Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 76-7. 





FOUNDING OF BRANCIFORTE. 569 


established with royal approval.“ The Concepcion 
arrived at Monterey May 12th with a party of col- 


_onists on board in a pitiable state of destitution and 


ill-health.“ It was necessary to provide some kind 
of a home for them; and before the end of May Ga- 
briel Moraga was sent as commissioner to erect tem- 
porary shelters at Branciforte, since Cérdoba, who 
was to superintend the formal establishment, had other 
duties which would keep him busy fora time. It is 
impossible to give the exact date when Moraga began 
his work, when the first settlers took possession of 
their new homes, or when the formal foundation oc- 
curred.* 

The 17th of July, possibly at or about the time 
that the settlers left Monterey for Branciforte, Borica 


issued instructions to Comisionado Moraga for the 


internal management of the villa. The townsmen must 
be made to live in peace and harmony; no concubin- 
age, gambling, or drunkenness, which offences, like 


#3 April 29th, Borica to’ viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 91-2. May 2d, B. to 
commandant. Jd., iv. 89-90. B. to comisionado S. José. Jd., iv. 211-12. 
May 5th, Lasuen to B. Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 27-8. 

+t They were José Antonio Robles, Fermin Cordero, José Vicente Mojica 
(or Morico), wife and five children, José Maria Arceo, José Barbosa and wife, 
José Silvestre Machuca and wife, José Acevedo, José Miguel Uribes, José 
Agustin Narvaez. The different lists of arrival, departure, and settlement 
differ somewhat. The first lacks the last four names and has Gallardo and 
Guzman which never appear again. The nine colonists with their families, 
17 persons, were of the vagabond and criminal class, but they differed from 
the first settlers of the other pueblos in being for the most part so-called 
Spaniards. They included 2 farmers, 2 tailors, 1 carpenter, 1 miner, | mer- 
chant, 1 engraver, and 1 with no trade. St. Pap. Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 384- 
bs, Prov. Rec., vi. 92;, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223-4; xiii. 277-8; xvii. 31, 
89-90; xxi. 256. 

* May 12, 1797. Borica to commandant. When the settlers go to Branci- 
forte, cattle, implements, etc., will be furnished, an account being opened with 
each. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 31. May 15th, B. to Cordoba. Directs him 
after completing the work at 8. Francisco, the survey of the Sta Clara boun- 
dary, and that for a. removal of 8. José, to go to Sta Cruz and make careful 
surveys and plans for the town of Branciforte and its buildings public and 
private, with an estimate of expenses. /d., xxi. 260-1. May 26th, B. to Moraga. 
Instructions to build some temporary huts for himself and the guard and to 
take his family there to live; then to build some large huts to accommodate 
15 or 20 families each, also temporary. The soldiers must work and the 
colonists also if they arrive before the work is done. Implements, stock, 
etc., will be sent by Sal. Cérdoba is to be obeyed when he comes. Sta 
Cruz, Arch., MS., 67-8; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 247; Sta Cruz, Peep, 3, 5. May 
27th, Sal acting as secretary for Borica forwards blank-books, paper, and ma- 
terials for making ink. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 69. 


570 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


neglect of public work, must be punished. Mass must 
be attended on holidays, on penalty of three hours in 
the stocks; prayers and the rosary must close the day’s 
labor; and certificates of compliance with the annual 
communion and confession must be forwarded regu- 
larly to the governor. All intercourse with the mis- 
sion Indians and gentiles was prohibited; and the most 
friendly relations must be maintained with the friars 
of Santa Cruz. The greatest precautions must be 
taken to insure proper care of the colonists’ clothing, 
implements, and other property, and to prevent sales, 
which were to be void. And finally all labor, before 
Cérdoba’s arrival, was to be directed to the preparation 
of the needed shelters for men and animals, monthly 
reports of progress being sent to the governor.” By 
August 12th Cordoba was on the spot, had surveyed 
the lands, done some work on the temporary houses, 
begun an irrigating canal, and was in search of suit- 
able stone and timber for the permanent edifices. He 
also furnished Borica with an estimate of cost, $23,- 
405, which early in October was forwarded to the vice- 
roy, and a little later by order of October 24th, the 
work at Branciforte was suspended for want of funds, 
Cordoba retiring to the presidio.” — 

Thus the proposed greatness of the Villa of Bran- 
ciforte was indefinitely postponed; but there remained 
the temporary huts, the nine pobladores, the comi- 
sionado, and the military guard. The colonists, though 
not convicts, were of a class deemed desirable to get 
rid of in and about Guadalajara whence they came. 
‘They had been aided at the beginning to the extent 
of from $20 to $25 each; and they were to receive 
from the government $116 annually for two years, 


*6 Borica, Instruccion de dirigir la fundacion de la Nueva Villa de Branci- 
Forte, 1797, MS. 

47 Aug. 12th, Cérdoba to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 149; xxi. 265-6. 
The irrigable lands were 1,300 x 1,500 varas; those depending on rain 2,000 
to 3,000 varas. Oct. 7th, Gov. to viceroy with estimate of cost. Prov. Rev., 
MS., vi. 56. Oct. 24th, to Cordoba ordering suspension of works, though he 
is to leave the mission mill in good shape. Prov. St. Pap., xxi. 272. Aug. 
22d, Borica orders a ‘model fence’ to be erected at Branciforte. Jd.. xxi. 266. 








i 


PROGRESS AT BRANCIFORTE. 571 


and $66 for the next three years,* besides the live- 
stock and implements for which they were obliged 
eradually to pay. They were thus enabled to live after 
a fashion, and they never became noted for devotion 
to hard work. There was no change in the number 
of regular pobladores down to 1800, though half a 
dozen invalids and discharged soldiers were added to 
the settlement,” perhaps more, for the records on the 
subject are meagre. Corporal Moraga remained in 
charge until November 1799, when Ignacio Vallejo 
was ordered to take his place as comisionado, arriving 
about the 20th.” The settlers raised in 1800 about 
1,100 bushels of wheat, maize, and beans; and their 
horses and cattle amounted to about 500 head. I 
append in a note a few minor items which make up 
all that Branciforte has of history down to the end 
of the decade and century.” 


Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 31, 41, 89-90. 

#2 Feb, 1,°1798, ain governor states to the viceroy that there were, besides 
the 9, two invalids and one discharged soldier. Prov. I’ec., MS., vi. 65. In 
a list of 1799, Prov. St. Pap., xvii. 264, six invalids; Marcelino Bravo, Mar- 
cos Briones, Marcos Villela, José Antonio Rodriguez, Juan José Peralta, Joa- 
quin Castro. The population tables make the number of men in 1800, 17, or 
66 persons in all; but I suppose this may have included besides those just 
mentioned from 3 to 5 soldiers of the guard with their families. Yet 21 set- 
tlers, one an Indian, are reported by Vallejo on Dec. 31, 1799. St. Pap., Miss., 
MS., iii. 6. - ! 

50 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 302; Santa Cruz, Arch., MS., 65. 

51 The work called Sta Cruz, A Peep into the Past, The Early Days of the 
Village of Branciforte, should be noticed here. It is a series of articles pub- 
lished in the. Sta Cruz Local Item from July 1876 to Aug. 1877, which I have 
collected in a scrap-book. Each of the 42 articles contains the translation of 
an original document from the archives with preliminary remarks of consider- 
able interest by the translator, Mr Williams, an old resident of Santa Cruz. 
The plan of this work is so praiseworthy, and the result so far superior to 
what newspapers usually furnish in the way of local history, that the numer- 
ous inaccuracies of detail may almost be pardoned. 

In the following I omit many items of no importance or interest. Dec. 14, 
1797, Sal to Moraga, Sends 6 varas of jerga for each settler for bedclothes. 
Sta Cr uz, Arch., MS., 69. Jan. 28, 1798, Borica to Moraga, Must teach the 
Guadalajaretios ’ agriculture and strive against their natural laziness; treat 
them with charity and love, but punish grave faults and malicious failure to 
work. Jd., 71; Sta Cruz, Peep, 7-9; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 264. March 3d, Bo- 
rica says the community must till the ficld of Narvaez if he is ill. dds; iv. 266, 
May 30th, cows and sheep promised. Each settler got three cows. Jd., iv. 271, 
274. July 27th, a settler to attend to no other work than tilling his own fields. 
Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 70; Sta Cruz, Peep, 11. Oct. 29th, Cordero and Arceo, 
runaways, if caught must work in irons. Jd.,71 and 13. Oct. 28th, Borica orders 
Moraga to inspect the wardrobe of settlers’ wives and report what is nceded. 
Prov. Ree. , MS., iv. 282. Expense for wages and rations to end of 1798, 


572 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


Meanwhile in Mexico August 30, 1797, the San 
Fernando college sent to the viceroy a protest against 
the choice of a site so near that of the mission. The 
utility of the new establishment was not to be ques- 
tioned; but the villa site was on the pasturage-ground 
of the natives; troubles would surely result; the laws 
allowed aiission at least one league in every direction; 
and, according to a report by Father Sefian, there 
were good lands nearer San Francisco. The only 
result of this protest before 1800 seems to have been 
a reply of the governor dated February 6, 1798, in 
which he gave statistics to show that the mission had 
more land and raised more grain than could be attended 
to; that the neophytes were dying off and there were 
no more pagans to convert; and there was no better 
site between Santa Cruz and San Francisco than that 
at Branciforte.” 


$1,720. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 41. Feb. 4, 1799, a close watch to be 
kept on the coast. Sta Cruz, Peep, 13. Moraga must go on with his duties, 
for his chance of promotion depends on it. Better times coming if the wheat 
crop is cared for. The king will send his troops where they are needed, not 
where they wish to go. StaCruz, Arch., MS., 62-3. March 6th, Borica wants 
information about a site fora rancho for horses and cattle near the villa. March 
27th, if the settlers object, let nothing be done; the only object was to aid them. 
Id., 61-2, 66; Peep, 15,19. April 8d, Borica consents to dividing of sowing- 
lands. Will hold Moraga responsible for remissness of any settler in caring 
for his land. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 62. May 12th, the settlers’ two years at 
$116 per year expire to-day. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 380-1, 383. 
Oct. 16th, two settlers may go to San José and return on a fixed day. Stu Cruz, 
Arch., MS., 65-6; Peep, 23. Nov. 21st, Sal notifies Moraga that Vallejo will 
supersede him as comisionado. /d., 25. Dec. 26th, Sal to Vallejo, guns of 
the battery at Monterey to be fired. Don’t be alarmed. Jd., 25,27. Dec. 31st, 
Sal assures Borica that Vallejo will perform his duties faithfully. Prov. Sté. 
Pap., MS., xvii. 289. Settlers must not make pleasure trips to San José. 
San José, Arch., MS., iii. 59; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 18. Jan. 3, 1800, set- 
tlers in need of corn and beans. The comisionado of San José to make a 
contract with some person to furnish these supplies at the expense of the gov- 
ernment. San José Arch., MS., ili. 55. Feb. 10th, Sal to Vallejo, at the end 
of 1799 the settlers owed the treasury $558; the appropriation fur 1800 is 
$540, so that receiving nothing they would still be in debt. The delivery of 
cigarritos and other articles not rations and tools has been suspended. Sta 
Cruz, Arch., MS., 63. Oct. 9th, aid to be furnished to the padres if asked for. 
Sta Cruz, Peep, 31. Dec. 5th, governor to viceroy, the Branciforte settlers 
are a scandal to the country by their immorality, etc. They detest their 
exile, and render no service. Daily complaints of disorders. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xxi. 50-1. Dec. 11th, death of Comandante Sal announced at Branci- 
forte. Sita Cruz, Peep, 45. The nine pobladores received in 1800 rations at 
¢60 each. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvi. 16. 

2 Branciforte, Ll Discretorio de San Fernando al Virrey sobre el sitio de la 
Nueva Villa, 1797, MS., Feb. 6th, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 70. 





Py ee Dat ue 


COMMUNICATION WITH NEW MEXICO. 573 


Independent of the explorations made with a view 
to new establishments, Borica had a scheme of open- 
ing communication ut New Mexico, where, as he 
had heard from Governor Concha through General 
Nava, there were fifteen hundred gente de razon with 
neither lands nor occupation. He sent to Mexico 
early in 1795 for copies of Garcés’ diary and map. 
Having obtained these he instructed Goycoechea of 
Santa Barbara at the end of the year to make inqui- 
ries about the eastern country and to suggest some 
way to send a letter across to the governor of New 
Mexico by the natives, who could at the same time 
explore the route. In January 1796 Goycoechea sent 
to the governor such vague and unreliable rumors as 
he could gather from the natives of the channel re- 
specting the country beyond the Tulares; and in 
February he informed Borica that he had made 
arrangements with the native chief, Juan Marta, and 
four companions to carry the letter, but that Father 
Tapis had forbidden their departure, at least until an 
order could be obtained from Lasuen.” 

This state of the matter was reported to the vice- 
roy in Borica’s communication of October 2d,°* and 
the attorney-general having reported favorably on the 
scheme of intercommunication as useful to Califor- 
nia’s commerce, development, and defence, the viceroy 
requested Borica to send to Mexico the maps and 
papers on which his project rested; that the project 
be also sent to the commandant general for his in- 
spection; and that Lasuen forward his views about 
the employment of the Santa Barbara Indians. This 
was in January 1797, and in April Lasuen answered, 


53 April 29, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 44. Dec. 14th, 
Borica to Goycoechea. Id., iv. 41, 46-7. Jan. 18th, Goycoechea to Borica. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16, 17. Feb. 16th, Id. toId., St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
iv. 74-7. Sept. 28th, Borica orders the padres to use ‘gentle measures with 
the Tulare Indians so that there may be no difficulty on the proposed route. 
Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 174. Sal’s report of Jan. 31st, already alluded to, was 
probably in answer to similar i inquiries sent him by the governor. 

5+ Borica, Informe sobre comunicacion con Nuevo Mexico, 1796, MS. A 
similar cominunication dated October Sth is given in Arch. Sta. Ldrbare, 


BMi>., x. 73-6. 


574 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 


arouing that it was dangerous to send a party of 
natives so far among foreign and hostile tribes, since 
on one side or the other excesses would surely be 
committed. Moreover the chief it was proposed to 
send was very useful to the mission and any accident 
to him would lead to trouble with his people; and 
finally Tapis had not forbidden the expedition, but had 
simply refused to urge the neophytes to undertake it.” 
Here, so far as the archives show, correspondence on 
this matter ceases. It is probable that more was 
written, but not likely that any actual expedition was 
made, and certain that communication was not opened 
with New Mexico. Neither was there anything 
accomplished toward opening the Colorado River 
route. between California and Sonora, a subject slightly 
agitated during this period.” 


55 Jan. 11, 1797, viceroy to Lasuen. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 76-7. 
April 25th, Lasuen to V. R., /d., 77-83. Feb. 14, 1798, V. R. calls for Arri- 
llaga’s ideas on the project and the best way to execute it. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvii. 9. 

56 April 16, 1795, Borica to viceroy, asks to have Fages send his papers 
relating to his expedition to the Colorado. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 44. Sept. 4, 
1797, Borica thinks no party of less than 35 can safely pass to Sonora. Jd., 
vi. 58. Dec. 22, 1797, refers to Arrillaga’s report and schemes of Oct. 26, 
1796; Ist, a presidio of 100 men at Sta Olaya with 20 at S. Felipe and 20 at 
Sonoita; 2d, a presidio on California side at mouth of Colorado, to be crossed 
in canoes. Borica prefers the latter, and advises that all attention be given 
at present to pacification of the Indians between Sta Catalina and the Colo- 
rado. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 65-6. April 24, 1798, Amador says that the padre 
of San José went to the Colorado, and that the Indians fled, fearing enforced 
baptism. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii 123. Reference to the general topic in 
Azanza, Ynstruccion, MS., 90. 


CHAPTER XXVII. 


MISSION PROGRESS. 
1791-1800. 


ARRIVAL AND DEPARTURE OF PADRES—GENERAL STATISTICAL VIEW—THE 
PRESIDENCY—EPIScoPpAL PowERS—THE INQUISITION—REVILLA GIGEDO’s 
REPORT—VIEWS OF SALAZAR—CARMELITE MoNnastTERY—Pious Funp 
HacIENDA—CONTROVERSIES—THE OLD QUESTIONS DiscussED ANEW— 
RepvcTion IN NUMBER OF FRIARS—RETIREMENT—TRAVELLING Ex- 
PENSES—CHAPLAIN Duty—Guarps—Runaway NEoPHYTES—MISSION 
ALCALDES—INDIANS ON HoRSEBACK—LOcAL QUARRELS—CHARGES OF 
CoNCEPCION DE HoRRA—INVESTIGATION—BoRICA’S FIFTEEN QUESTIONS— 
REPLIES OF COMANDANTES AND FRIARS—PRESIDENT LASUEN’S REPORT— 
THE MISSIONARIES ACQUITTED—ECCLESIASTICAL MISCELLANY. 


At the beginning of this decade the missions were 
eleven in number; at its end they had been increased 
by new establishments, as recorded in the preceding 
chapters, to eighteen—within three of the highest 
number ever reached.’ In 1790 there were twenty- 
six friars on duty. Before 1800 there came up from 
the college thirty-eight new missionaries; twenty-one 
retired—some on the expiration of their regular term 
of ten years, others on account of failing health, four 
virtually dismissed for bad conduct, and four sent 
away more or less afflicted with insanity; while three 
died at their posts. This left forty still in the ser- 
vice, or two ministers for each of the eighteen missions 
and four supernumeraries. Six of the old pioneers 


_who had come before 1780 were still left.? 


1 The seven new missions in the order of their founding were: Santa Cruz, 
Soledad, San José, San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, San Fernando, and San 
Luis Rey. There were subsequently founded Santa Inés, San Rafael, and San 
Francisco Solano. For a general statistical view of the missions in 1790 
see chapter xix. of this volume. 

2 The original 26, the names of pioneers being italicized, were: Arroita 


Arenaza, Calzada, Cambon, Cruzado, Dumetz, Danti, Fuster, Garcia, Giribet, 
(575) 


576 MISSION PROGRESS. 


The average of integrity, zeal, and ability among 
the new friars was lower than in the case of Junipero 
Serra’s companions, since a dozen or more were either 
refractory, immoral, inefficient, or insane; yet the list 
included such eminent names as Peyri, Payeras, Via- 
der, Martinez, and Catala, together with many faithful 
and efficient Christian missionaries. 

The eleven old missions in 1790 had in round num- 
bers 7,500 converts; in 1800 they had 10,700, a gain 
of 3,200 for the decade, 320 a year on an average, 
or about 30 a year for each mission. During the 
period the priests had baptized 12,300 natives, and 
buried 8,300, leaving 800 to be regarded as approxi- 
mately the number of deserters and apostates. Mean- 
while in the seven new establishments baptisms had 
been 3,800 and deaths 1,000, leaving 2,800 converts on 
the rolls. Thus for old and new missions together 


Lasuen, Mariner, Miguel, Noboa, Ordmas, Paterna, Petia, Pieras, Rubi, 
Sanchez, Santa Maria, Santiago, Sefan, Sitjar, Tapis, and Torrens. 

The new-comers, 38 in number, were: Abella, Barcenilla, Barona, Car- 
nicer, Carranza, Catal4, Catalan, Ciprés, Cortés, Espi, [stévan, Faura, 
Fernandez (3), Garcia, Gili, Gonzalez, Horra, Iturrate, Jaime, Landaeta, 
Lopez (2), Martiarena, Martin, Martinez, Merelo, Merino, Panella, Payeras, 
Peyri, Pujol, Salazar, Uria (2), Viader, and Vinals. 

The deaths were Mariner, Paterna, and luster. There left California, 21: 
Arroita, Arenaza, Catalan, Danti, Ordmas, Espi, Fernandez (2), Garcia, 
Rubi, Salazar, Gili, Giribet, Horra, Lopez, Torrens, Cambon, Noboa, Peiia, 
Pieras, Merino. Lists of friars in different years, with general statements of 
numbers, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 4, 77-8, 100-2, 107-8; iii. 3-5; Arch. 
Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 55-6, 61, 66, 68, 235; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 14-17; 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 83-4. These lists, however, afford but a very 
small part of the data from which I have formed my local tables and bio- 
graphies of padres, data which I have had to collect little by lttle from a 
thousand sources. 

Arrivals in 1791 were Gili, Landaeta, Baldomero Lopez, and Salazar, in- 
tended for Santa Cruz and Soledad, or to replace others who were to be sent 
to those new missions while Cambon retired. In 1792 came Espi; and in 1793 
Catala, the latter.as chaplain on a Nootka vessel. This same year Ordmas 
and Rubi—the latter a black sheep of the Franciscan flock—departed, and 
Paterna, an old pioneer, died in harness. In 1794 five new priests were sent 
to California—nren of a different stamp, it was thought, from those who had 
given the president so much trouble., Mugdrtegui, in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 
iv. 39-40. These were Martin, Martiarena, Estévan, Manuel Fernandez, and 
Gregorio Fernandez. The departures were Noboa, Pieras, Pefia, and Gili— 
the latter another source of scandal—who sailed on the Concepcion, Aug. 11th. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157, 175, 202; xxi. 142, 146-7; Arch. Arzobisnado, 
MS., i. 389. Viceroy’s license dated Jan. 10th; governor’s, May 3lst. In 
1795 Jaime, Ciprés, and Pu/ol came; while Salazar and Sefian retired, the 
latter temporarily. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. £0; Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 47; Prov. 
Si. Pap., MS., xxi. 230. Danti, Lopez, Calzada, and Arroita sailed in July 


_ STATISTICS. 577 


we have a total population of 13,500, a gain of 6,000 
in ten years, during which time the baptisms had been 
16,100 and the deaths 9,300. There is no doubt that 
the deaths were largely in excess of the births, though 
there are no available means of accurately estimating 
the latter.’ 

The mission herds and flocks multiplied about three- 
fold during the decade. Horses, mules, and horned 
cattle increased from 22,000 to 67,000; small stock, 
almost exclusively sheep—goats having diminished 
very rapidly and swine being comparatively few— 
from 26,000 to 86,000. Agricultural products had 
been 30,000 bushels in 1790, the smallest subsequent 
crop being also 30,000 in 1795, and the largest 75,000 
in 1800. About three fifths of the whole crop in 1800 
was wheat, which was less proportionately than usual, 
one fifth corn, and one tenth barley, the remainder 


_ being beans, pease, and various grains. Wheat yielded 





or August 1796. Other priests wished to retire, but the guardian thought, as 
they had been eager to come to California, it was best not to permit them to 
leave without the most urgent reasons. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 56-7, 
274; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246; Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 163. The new-comers of 1796, arriving in June by the Aranzazu, 
were: Payeras, José Maria Fernandez, Peyri, Viader, and Cortés. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xiv. 139; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 7; also Catalan 
and Horra. In April 1797 the Concepcion is said to have brought 11 priests. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 145-6; xxi. 254; but there were really only 7. 
Barcenilla, Carnicer, Gonzalez, Martinez, Merino, Uria, and Panella. The 
same vessel carried back to San Blas in September, Garcia and Arenaza, who 
were ill and had served out their term; and also the insane priests José Maria 
Fernandez and Concepcion de Horra. Prov. Iec., .AS., vi. 94, 98, 192; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xxi. 264; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 57-8; St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
vi. 107-8. On her next trip the Concepcion brought to Santa Barbara in May 
1798 Senan and Calzada, returning from a visit to Mexico, and also the six 
new friars: Barona, Faura, Carranza, Abella, Martinez, and Vifiales. Arch. 
Arzobispado, MS., i. 47; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 73-6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
ete toy xxi. 2795, 86 Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 13. Manuel Fernandez and 
Torrens retired this year, as did PP. Landaeta and Miguel temporarily. Arch. 
Sta Barbara, xi. 60; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 107. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 
2,3. In 1769 Merelo, Jacinto Lopez, and José Uria arrived; while Espi, 
Giribet, Merino, and Catalan, the last two afilicted with insanity, obtained 
leave to retire, sailing in January 1800. This last year of the decade Fuster 
and Mariner died; Landaeta and Miguel came back; and Garcia and Iturrate 
were added to the force, some of them apparently against their wishes. Prov. 
Rec., MS., vi. 127-9, 243; ix: 12: xi, 144:. xii. I; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30, 
44, 292; St. Fan, Sac. . MS., 0a a i Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS. wie 2A Ke 
61-2; 281-2, 284. 
3 The governor ina report of 1800 states that the number of deaths is al- 
most double that of births. Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., No. 3. 
Hist. Cau., Vou. 1. 37 


578 MISSION PROGRESS. 


on an average fifteenfold, barley eightcenfold, and corn 
ninety-threefold for the ten years. 


Fermin Francisco Lasuen remained at the head of 
the Franciscan community as president, performing 
his duties to the satisfaction of all classes, loved and 
respected by friars, officers, soldiers, settlers, and 
neophytes. He received no pay for his services, being 
a supernumerary friar, and no stipend being allowed 
except to the two regular ministers of each mission. 
The duties of the supernumeraries were as arduous, 
and those of the president more so, than those of the 
ministers, yet though petitions were made and the 
viceroy was disposed to grant them in Lasuen’s favor, 
the attorney general always interposed objections. 
Dumetz and Pefia held patents after Mugirtegui’s 
departure to assume the presidency in case of acci- 
dent. The power to administer the sacrament of 
confirmation, granted by the pope in May 1785, 
expired May 4, 1795, although Lasuen had actually 
exercised it only since 1790, or half the full period. 
The privilege was never renewed, and there were no 
more confirmations until California possessed a bishop 
of her own.’ The ordinary episcopal powers of ad- 
ministering sacraments other than confirmation were 
conferred on the president by the bishop of Sonora. 
As vicario foraneo Lasuen exercised those powers 
toward the civilians, and as vicario castrense toward 


the military; that is to say, as a kind of chaplain 


* Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi. 220, 260-3. Viceroy Revilla Gigedo in 
his report of 1793, St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 18, 24, implies that 
missionaries are often removed unnecessarily by their prelate; but it does 
not clearly appear that he refers particularly to California, where he says 
the friars perform their duties in a most commendable manner. See pope’s de- 
crees of July 8, 1794, and Dec. 12, 1797 on qualifications, duties, honors, etc., of 
friars of the Propaganda Fide colleges, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 109- 
36; ix. 37-40; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 272-3. 

*Sept. 9, 1792, pope’s license forwarded from Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, 
MS., x. 289; yet Lasuen says he received the power on July 13, 1790. S. Diego, 
Lib. de Mision, MS., 45. Expires May 4, 1795. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 
233; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 284. April 3, 1795,-Borica to Lasuen, learns 
that the president is hurrying through the province to use his privilege 
while it lasts. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 144-5. 





VICEROY’S REPORT. 579 


general. The new bishop renewed the concession 
in 1796, and Lasuen subdelegated the authority to 
his subordinate missionaries.®° Lasuen was also com- 
issary of the holy inquisition for California after 1795, 
but so far as the records show his only duties in this 
capacity were to receive and publish an occasional 
edict on general matters.’ 

In an exhaustive report on the missions of New 
Spain Viceroy Revilla Gigedo presented to the king 
in 1793 an historical, descriptive, and statistical view 
of the Californian establishments, which is an inter- 
esting and important document, though expressing 
only en réswmé what I have presented in detail from 
the same original papers on which this report was 
founded. An effort was made also about this time 
by the Spanish and Mexican authorities to insure 
greater regularity and thoroughness in reports of 
missionary progress.* Iather Salazar having returned 


6Sept. 30, 1796, bishop to Lasuen, confirming faculties. Dec. 16th, 
Lasuen to bishop, expressing thanks. March 20, 1797, Lasuen takes the 
oath as vicario foraneo before P. Arenaza. June 19th, bishop reserves the 
right of granting divorce and some other episcopal faculties. Arch. Sta Bar- 
bara, MS., xii. 192-8. Dec. 18, 1796, Lasuen’s circular to the padres. /d., 
xi. 1389-41. March 20, 1797, Lasuen notifies Borica. Is only awaiting the 
license and blessing of the guardian. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 45. March 
22d, B. to Lasuen, will proclaim him juez vicario eclesidstico in the pre- 
sidios. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 184-5. June 20th, B. says the title of vicar 
must be presented to the government. /d., vi. 192-3. It appears that cas- 
trense powers were conferred by Lasuen on only seven friars. Arch. Sta Bar- 
bara, MS., xi. 145-6. 

7Oct. 15, 1795, Lasuen’s patente de Comision del Santo Oficto sent from 
Mexico. Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi. 56. Several edicts of 1795, 1797, and 
1800 in Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 187-8, 228; Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 67-8. 
In offences of which the inquisition had cognizance the natives were not 
directly subject to that tribunal but to the provisor de Indias, who, with the 
knowledge of the inquisition, acted as judge. Privilegios de Indios, MS., 6. 
Some additional items on ecclesiastical matters are given later in this chapter. 

8 Revilla Gigedo, Carta sobre misiones de 27 de Diciembre de 1793, in Dice. 
Univ., v. 427-30; also MS.,i. See also chap. xxiv. of this volume. Oct. 22, 
1794, viceroy to governor, urging compliance with royal order of March 21, 
1787, which required attention to mission welfare and reports every two or 
three years on mission progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 203. July 28, 1795, 
Branciforte sends Borica a copy of his predecessor’s report of 1793 to serve as 
a guide for new reports; and also calls for suggestions. St. Pap., Miss. and 
Col., MS., i. 1. Jan. 2, 1795, Lasuen in a circular says the council of the 
Indies have read the mission reports and thank us in king’s name for progress 
made, which is great compared with other missions with better advantages, 
The guardian sends the thanks of the college. A~ch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 
320-1. 


580 MISSION PROGRESS. 


from California was called upon by the viceroy for a 
report on the condition of the country, which was 
rendered May 11, 1796, but contained little of value 
respecting the missions. Salazar estimated the wealth 
of the Franciscan establishments at $800,000 in build- 
ings and chattels; but he complained that progress was 
impeded by the excessive labors imposed upon the 
friars; also by the preference shown to settlers in the 
purchase of supplies.? 

On the subject of secularization, not referring par- 
ticularly to California, Revilla Gigedo expressed his 
dissatisfaction with the condition of such missions as 
had been given up to the clergy. He would take no 
steps in that direction without a better prospect of 
success. Curates could do no better than friars in the 
instruction and improvement of the natives.” Ina 
letter of 1796 Governor Borica says that according 
to the laws, the natives are to be free from tutelage 
at the end of ten years, the missions then becoming 
doctrinas; “but those of New California at the rate 
they are advancing will not reach the goal in ten 
centuries; the reason, God knows, and men know 
something about it.” 

Two special projects for the advancement of Cali- 
fornian interests were devised in Mexico during the 
decade; and both, being opposed by the Franciscan 
authorities, seem to have been given up at the end of 
1797. The first was to establish a Carmelite monas- 
tery at San Francisco, which was to consist of twelve 
friars, and cost from $25,000 to $30,000. It was to 
be supported by an agricultural establishment, become 
the nucleus of a settlement, and thus promote both 
the colonization of the country and the civilization of 
the natives, to say nothing of the usefulness of the 
monastery towers to navigators as landmarks. This 
matter was referred to two friars who had been in 


® Salazar, Condicion Actual de Cal., Informe General al Virey, 11 de Mayo 
1796, MS. 

10 Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS., 25. 

11 Aug. 3, 1796, Borica to Alberni. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 7, 8. 








: ee 


PROJECTS DEFEATED. 581 


California and who reported adversely. The second 


project was to establish a hacienda of the pious fund 
in Jacopin Valley near San Diego, but the guardian 
of San Fernando pronounced the scheme impractica- 
ble if not absurd. The general argument of the 
Franciscans on these questions was, that so far as 
the conversion of the natives was concerned the old 
methods were sufficient, and any innovation would be 
dangerous; and that for the promotion of settlement 
by gente de razon the new establishments would have 
no advantages over the old, which were far from pros- 
perous.” 

The regulation of 1781, as we have seen, provided 
for the gradual reduction of the ministers to one at 
each mission. Until this was effected friars retiring 
or dying were not to be replaced. This regulation 
was disregarded by the friars and the secular author- 
ities made no attempt to enforce it. The subject came 
up and was discussed during this decade, but nothing 
was effected. The law remained unchanged, and was 
practically disregarded as before.” Respecting the re- 

2 Dec. 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 34; 
Mugdrtegui and Pefia, Parecer sobre el Establecimiento de un Convento en el 
Puerto de San Francisco, 28 de Enero de 1797, MS. These padres declare that 
aid from the Carmelites in founding new missions would be acceptable. Ca- 
lleja, Respuesta del Guardian al Virey sobre Proyectos de California, 1797, 
MS. This report, dated Oct. 23d, is chiefly devoted to another subject, of 
which more anon. It is noticeable that the guardian speaks very ironically 
of the ‘domesticated’ gentiles whose services it was proposed to utilize in the 
new establishments, greatly exaggerating the danger of the old missions and 
pueblos from the natives, and implying without intending to do so that not 
much had been effected by nearly 30 years of missionary work. Borica also 
disapproved of the hacienda because there would be no market for produce. 
Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 61. 

13 Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, 24, disapproves the reduction, among 
other reasons because it would favor immorality on the part of the friars. 
April 30, 1796, the guardian writes to Lasuen that the fiscal wants to know the 


reasons for non-compliance with the reglamento; consequently all the docu- 
ments on the subject are needed, only one or two being in the college archives. 


. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 275-6. Nov. 16, 1797, Borica to viceroy, thinks 


the matter should be settled, as there is a deficit of $52,142 in the mission 
fund. He suggests that two padres be allowed to each mission, but that only 
one sinodo of $400 be divided between them, since they now spend no more 
than that on themselves. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 60-1. Sept. 3, 1699, Padre Lull, 
Hzposicion del Guardian sobre la reduccion de Misioneros en California, 1799, 
MS., presents the usual arguments against reducing the number of mission- 
aries, and also opposes Borica’s scheme of reducing the sinodo, not only because 
it is contrary to the king’s intentions, but because, while, as Borica says, the 


¥ 


582 MISSION PROGRESS. 


tirement of friars to Mexico there was now no contro- 
versy between the secular and Franciscan authorities, 
because the latter were considerably troubled to keep 
the missionaries at their posts, and welcomed even 
secular interference to aidin the task. In 1795 there 
came a royal order that the governor and president 
might grant license to retire for due and certified 
cause without waiting for a report from Mexico; but 
before the end of this decade this rule seems to have 
been modified. Since 1787 and down to 1794 friars 
coming to or returning from California were allowed 
two hundred dollars for travelling expenses on land 
and ninety-five cents per day while on the water. 
Subsequently their stipends were allowed to cover the 
time consumed on the journey provided there were 
no unnecessary delays.” 


two priests spend less than $400 on themselves they spend the remainder for 
the natives, and this is practically the only way of obtaining necessary arti- 
cles since there is no market for mission produce. In 1800, or perhaps later, 
Lasucn in a letter to the guardian argues the same side of the case most 
earnestly, speaks rather bitterly of any scheme to economize on the pay of 
poor over-worked friars when the king is so liberal in other expenses, and re- 
peats his old determination to retire if the change be insisted on. Lasuen, Cor- 
respondencia, MS., 329-33. 

141793, a priest retired on a provisional license of the comandante at Mon- 
terey. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 33. 1794, the 10 years of service to count 
from the date of embarking from Spain. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 294—- 
5. Royal orders referred to in my text dated Sept. 16, 1794. Sent from Mex- 
ico June 8, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5. Just before the receipt 
of this order Borica refuses Danti’s petition to retire until leave is obtained 
from Mexico. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 149. Dec. 9, 1797, viceroy to the guar- 
dian, friars must not go to Mexico to solicit license to retire to Spain. Arch. 
Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 59. Sept. 1, 1800, governor to viceroy, understands 
that no leave to retire is to be given, even on expiration of term, until substi- 
tutes arrive. The priests are not pleased at this. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 42. 

15 Qn measures adopted 1786-8, see Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 267-70; 
xi. 52-3, 241-2; xii. 40-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 202-3; viii. 1-3. It 
seems that the $200 was to be paid, like the stipend, from the pious fund, which 
in 1787 was charged with $3,944 for friars’ travelling expenses for the past 20 
years. In December 1793 the guardian attempts to secure travelling expenses 
for supernumerary friars going to California, and succeeds after some corre: 
spondence in getting an advance of their stipend to pay these expenses, 
though their stipend would cease on arrival until assigned toa mission. From 
this correspondence it appears that by royal order of April 20, 1798, the sti- 
pend began on the date of departure from Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., - 
xi. 246-51. By order of Sept. 16, 1794, the stipend was extended to date of 
arrival in Mexico on return and all gratuities for travelling expenses were 
abolished. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 
324-5; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. date July 20, 1795. The friars 
subsequently had much trouble on account of the naval authorities who 
demanded $2.25 per day instead of 95 cts. Moreover the government in some 


MISSIONARY ESCORTS. 583 


Many of the old matters of dispute still remained 
open, but as a rule they gave rise to no very bitter 
controversy during this period. No regular chaplains 
were appointed, though Borica made an effort to 
secure such appointments; neither does it appear that 
the friars got any pay for attending to the spiritual 
interests of soldiers and settlers.* In the matter of 
mission escorts and their duties there were no radical 
changes and few disputes. The soldiers were in- 
structed to treat the padres always with respect and 
evidently did so, the chief complaint being that they 
would not always serve as vaqueros and servants of 
all work, a refusal the padres could never quite un- 
derstand. ‘The guard furnished to a friar engaged in 
his several duties abroad was still regulated by the 
governor's or commandant’s instructions, or in some 
cases left to the corporal’s discretion. The friars 
desired discretionary powers, but submitted. The 
strict rule of Fages that no soldier on escort duty 
should sleep away from the mission was relaxed some- 
what in urgent cases by the viceroy’s orders; but the 
order that no soldier should be sent after fugitive 
natives or allowed to visit the rancherias of gentiles 
without superior command was strictly enforced, 
and the friars, now that their temper had cooled a 
little, doubtless recognized the necessity of such a 
rule. The instructions of Borica to the guards show 
an earnest desire to maintain harmonious relations 
with the missionaries, as well as a prudent and wise 
policy toward the gentiles. Doubtless the patience 
of the friars was often sorely tried by the indolence 


cases when the return voyage was very long by no fault of the priests refused 
a pay the full stipend as per royal order. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 41-5, 
—5. 

16 Sept 26, 1793, governor to viceroy asking for a friar for each presidio, 
as the missionaries have too much to attend to. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 117. 
June 18, 1794, viceroy must have more information before deciding. /d., xi. 
181-2. November 28th, gov. circulates nine questions on the performance of 
chaplain’s duties by padres; and April 3, 1795, explains more fully to the V. 
R. asking again for chaplains at a salary of $400. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 122; 
Vi. 41-2. _ Nothing more is heard from Mexico. June 17, 1796, Comandante 
Goycoechea complains of the padres having declined to hear confessions. S¢. 
Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 73. 


584 MISSION PROGRESS. 


and insolence of individual soldiers, but of the govern- 
ment they had no cause to complain. The guards 
were reduced in most of the old missions on the estab- 


lishing ef new ones, and this brought out a protest 


from the Franciscans, which was in some instances 
successful.” , 

Desertion of neophytes became prevalent, especially 
in the northern missions, the pretended motive of the 
fugitives, and in some instances the real one, being 
ill-treatment, overwork, and hunger; but oftener the 
true cause of apostasy was a longing for the old free- 
dom and dread of the terrible death-rate in the mis- 
sion communities. As we have seen, the soldiers of 
the guard were not allowed to pursue runaways; 


neither was the practice of sending neophytes after 


them, approved by Fages, allowed during Borica’s 
rule. Gentiles might be bribed to bring them in; 


 Borica, Instruccion para la Escolta de San Juan Bautista, 1797, MS. This 
document was ordered to be posted in every mission for the guidance of the 
corporal. Sal, Instruccion al Cabo de Sta Cruz, 1791, MS.; Fages, Instruc. 
para la Escolta de Purtsima, 1788, MS.; Id., Instruc. para S. Miguel, 1787, 
MS. Prohibition of escorts for long distances, approved by king, Jan. 13, 
1790. Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 155. 1794, soldiers to be alternated in 
escolta and presidio service. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 8; Prov. Rec., MS., 
v. 48. Muskets to be fired and reloaded once a week. Some complaint of 
failure to keep watch at night. No escorts for long distances. Arrillaga, 
Papel de Puntos, MS., 196-7. May 15, 1795, escorts of padres must return 
to mission same day. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 183. June 3d, Borica to viceroy. 
The padres still ask for escorts to visit rancherias; but I attribute present 
tranquillity to the measures of my predecessor and refuse. We must not risk 
our peace in the hands of a careless soldier. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 52. Oct. . 
5th, approval of V. R. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 42-8; but on Nov. 7th the 
V. R., on petition of the guardian, recommends concessions in urgent cases, 
always with due prudence. Jd., xiii. 65-6. On this ground, Lasuen, March 
5, 1796, informs the padres that the old restriction has been removed, the 
matter never having been properly understood in Mexico before. Doc. //ist. 
Cal., MS., iv. 56; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 137. Corporal at Soledad 
had to give monthly reports on manufactures, etc. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 179. 
Must keep a diary of events to be sent in every month. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
vi. 1. Escoltas to build themselves houses to save paying rent. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xiv. 175. June 9, 1796, padres to have escorts on journeys, or 
on going to confess, etc., but not to pursue fugitives. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
64; v. 86. No aid to padres to punish Indians unless two agree; but to alle- 
viate suffering the request of one to suffice. Jd., v. 89. April 29, 1797, 
Argiiello reprimandsa corporal for having furnished only one soldier to escort 
seven padres. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57. Lasuen, Jnforme Bienal, 1797-8, 
MS., 67-8, objects to the reduction of the guard in the old missions. Oct. 
11, 1799, the guardian complained to the V. R. that the escoltas were too 


small; and the report was sent to Borica on Dec. 17th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
XVili, 148-9, 








REGULATIONS. 585 


and occasionally an expedition of presidio soldiers was 
sent out to make a wholesale collection of apostates, 
but such raids were not yet very frequent. Kind 
treatment of returned fugitives was required by the 
governor, and was to a large extent enforced. Neo- 
phytes sometimes stowed themselves away on the San 
Blas vessels, or escaped by land to Sonora.” 

The laws required an alcalde and several regidores 
to be elected annually in each mission, a policy which 
had in earlier times met with considerable opposition 
from the padres, who insisted that the natives were 
by no means fitted for self-rovernment even to this 
sheht extent. After 1792 these elections ceased alto- 
gether until Borica brought up the matter in 1796 
and insisted with the viceroy’s approval on the en- 
forcement of the law. President Lasuen obcyed, 
but in his instructions to the padres he clearly indi- 
cated that the election was to be a mere formality 
and the authority of the native officials merely nom- 
inal, the whole system being intended simply for the 
instruction of the neophytes in the forms of civil 
government with a view to the time when the missions 
should be secularized. After 1796 the elections were 
regularly reported to the governor each year, and the 
padres sometimes caused the choice to fall on a 
trusty neophyte who could be allowed to exercise 
slight authority as a kind of overseer. The govy- 


181791, Fages’ policy of sending neophytes. Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 
154-5. Jan. 15, 1794, governor to viceroy. Progress has been made in the 
reduction of gentiles and fugitives by gentle measures. A chief has even 
brought in fugitives voluntarily. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 131. 1795, Bo- 
rica approves sending pagans after fugitives. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 69. 1796, 
fugitives to be treated well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 176. 1797, viceroy 
forbids any Indian being taken to Mexico. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 195. 1798, 
ninety fugitives of Santa Cruz recovered by soldiers. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xvii. 
101. Nov. 8, 1798, viceroy to Lasuen, disapproves the sending of neophytes 
after fugitives, except in extreme cases after consultation with the governor. 
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 75. Mar. 4, 1799, Lasuen instructs the padres 
accordingly. Jd., xi. 146-7; Lasuen’s original order in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 
iv. 71-3. July 22, 1799, governor to padres of San Juan. ‘They may send 
Indians after fugitives to peaceful rancherias. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 242. 
Flight of Indians to San Blas and Sonora. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 209; xxi. 
185; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 58. On fugitives from San Francisco where the 
most trouble occurred see chapter xxxi. of this volume. 


586 MISSION PROGRESS. 


ernment did not choose to interfere so long as the 
prescribed formalities were complied with.” The sec- 
ular authorities still found fault because the neophytes 
were permitted to ride and thus fitted to be formi- 
dable foes in the future; but the friars, while appreci- 
ating the danger and admitting that one white man 
was ‘equal to six or eight Indians to care for their herds, 
claimed that as there were no Spaniards to be had 
even if the missions were able to pay for their services, 
they must necessarily employ natives as vaqueros.” 
In two local controversies elsewhere narrated, that is 
to say at Santa Clara respecting boundary lines be- 
tween mission and pueblo and at San Francisco 
respecting the establishment of the rancho del rey, 
the friars were victorious in the first and defeated in 
the second, receiving strict justice at the hands of 
the authorities in California as well as in Mexico. 
Indeed, throughout this decade there was an evident 
disposition on the part of viceroy and governor to 
promote friendly relations; while guardian and presi- 
dent, especially the latter, were much more disposed 
than formerly to conciliatory methods.” 


19 Qn mission alcaldes before 1790 see Prov. Rec., MS., i. 120; iii. 71, 170; 
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 94-6. Sept. 22, 1796, Borica to Lasuen and to 





the padres, requiring compliance with the law. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 173; Sta _ ; 


Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 16; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 44. Nov. 2, 1796, 
Lasuen’s circular to the padres. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138-9; vi. 118- 
19. Nov. 19, 1796, Borica to viceroy stating his action in the matter. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., iv. 66-7. Dec. 20, 1797, viceroy to Lasuen. Arch. Sta Barbara, 
MS., x. 90-8. Dec. 2, 1796, Borica to Lasuen, approving the election of neo- 
phyte alcaldes and regidores who are to act generally under the padres’ direc- 
tion, but in criminal matters under the corporal of the escolta. Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 178-9. Jan. 7, 1797, Borica orders padres of San Diego to depose a 
bad alcalde and elect a new one. Jd. March 30, 1798, Borica tells padres of 
Soledad they were wrong in changing alcaldes without submitting the case to 
the government. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 210. 

2» This matter was pretty well settled before 1796 so far as the missions 
were concerned. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 64-5, 87; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 392- 
6; vii. 63. May 28, 1791, the governor says the Indians are getting too much 
meat to eat, are becoming too skilful riders, and are acquiring the insolence of 
Apaches. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 150. Strict orders against any gentile or. 
any Indian servant of soldier or settler being allowed to ride or to have arms. 
S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 86; iii. 65. 

21 For the controversies at Santa Clara and San Francisco see chapter 
xxxl., this volume. Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS., 24-5, dwells on 
the importance of promoting harmony with the friars. J. an, pt 1795, Lasuen 
in a circular orders the padres to forward to him all consultations of the gov- 





HORRA’S CHANGES. ; 587 


The leading controversy of the decade in Franciscan 
circles resulted from certain charges made against the 
missionaries by one of their own number, though in 
subsequent investigations the secular authorities be- 
came involved. The results of these investigations 
present the best information extant respecting the de- 
tails of the mission routine in certain of its phases, 
and they will be used elsewhere in a chapter devoted 
to the subject; but here I present the matter only in 
a general way as a prominent historical event and as 
illustrating the missionary policy of the time. In 1797 
Padre Antonio de la Concepcion Horra, who had come 
to California the same year, was sent back to Mexico 
by President Lasuen on a charge of insanity. Back 
at the college on July 12, 1798, Horra addressed a 
memorial to the viceroy in which, besides complain- 
ing bitterly of the treatment to which he had been 
personally subjected on a false charge of insanity, he 
made some serious charges against the Californian 
friars of cruelty and mismanagement. There was 
nothing in the document to indicate that the writer 
was of unsound mind, unless it was his closing request 
to be sent away because his life would be in danger if 
it were known that he had revealed prevalent abuses 
to the viceroy.” 


ernor. Arch. Sta Barbara, xi. 135. Catald’s reported hostility to settlers 
rebuked. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 169-70. In case of innovations the padres to 
be cautious and consult the president. Laswen, Correspondencia, MS., 318-19. 
Dec. 14, 1796, Borica to Goycoechea, he must give the padres all needed 
aid by viceroy’s order. Prov. Rec., MS. iv. 86. Jan. 1797, corporals a 
raga and Vallejo forced to apologize to Catala for their rudeness. J., 
179- 80; iv. 204-5. A padre must settle his troubles with a Sonniian c or 
appeal to the prelate; the governor will not interfere in such matters. /d., 
vi. 197. 

22 Horra, Representacion al Virey contra los Misioneros de California, 1798, 
MS. Sitjar, Lasuen, and Miguel were the particular objects of Horra’s 
wrath. Sitjar, offended at Padre Concepcion’s criticisms, went to his inti- 
mate friend Lasuen, who believed the absurd story of insanity, and sent 


- Miguel who treated him as a maniac, even laying violent hands on him and 


maltreating him all the way from San Miguel to Monterey where he was 
thrown intoa fever, all of which could be proved by Peyri, the soldiers, and 
the surgeon. He cites many witnesses including Gov. Borica to prove that 
he is not mad, and others to prove his past services; but he can get no jus- 
tice at the college because all there are friends of Lasuen. See also chapter 
XXVl., on Padre Horra’s life and experience in California. 


588 MISSION PROGRESS. 


On August 31st the viceroy sent the representa- 
tions of Horra to Borica, who was ordered to investi- 
gate and report on the truth of the charges. Borica 
accordingly despatched private instructions to the 
four commandants to send in answers to fifteen ques- 
tions propounded on the manner in which the friars 
were discharging their duties.” 
3d, and before the end of the month the required reports 
were made by Argiiello, Goycoechea, Sal, and Acting 
Comandante Rodriguez; while Grajera sent in his 
reply in March 1799. These replies, especially those 
of Goycoechea and Sal, went far to support some of 
the mad friar’s accusations.“ The report which Borica 
probably made to the viceroy on receipt of his subor- 
dinates’ statements is unfortunately not extant.” It 
was not apparently until this report, including those 
of the commandants, reached Mexico that anything 
whatever was known at the college of Horra’s repre- 
sentation against the friars or of the resulting investi- 
gations. In February 1799 the guardian sent Lasuen 
a statement of the charges,” and a little later copies 
of other documents which were lost in crossing the 
oulf of California, and Lasuen did not receive the 
fifteen questions and the commandants’ replies until 
September 1800. In October Tapis and Cortés of 
Santa barbara sent in to the president a long and 
complete reply to Goycoechea, whose statements had 
been more full than those of the others and slightly 


23 Aug. 31st, viceroy to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 49; Borica, 
Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos de Misioneros, 1798, MS. 

*4 Argiello, Respuesta a las Quince Prequntas sobre Abusos de Misioneros, 
i798, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 11th, and more favorable to the padres 
than the others. Goycoechea, Respuesta, etc., MS., Sta Barbara, Dec. 14th; 
Sal, Respuesta, etc., MS., Monterey, Dec. 15th; Rodriquez, Respuesta, etc., 
MS., San Diego, Dec. 19th; Grajera, Respuesta, etc., MS., San Diego, March 
4 WS Wh OS 

>On Oct. 30, 1798, however, Borica in a letter to the viceroy expresses 
his opinion that the best way to insure the advancement of the natives was 
to form a reglamento for the whole mission routine, including instruction, 
food, dress, dwellings, care of sick, labor, punishments, and amusements, 
and to hold the president responsible for exact compliance with the rules; for 
at present his authority is sometimes disregarded. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 105-6. 
mie: Feb. 6, 1800, guardian to president, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 


This was on December | 





LASUEN’S REPORT. 589 


less favorable to the friars.” And finally president 
Lasuen devoted himself from November 12, 1800, to 
June 19, 1801, to the preparation of a comprehensive 
exposition of the whole subject, which is not only the 


leading production of the venerable author’s pen, but 


the most eloquent and complete defence and present- 
ment of the mission system in many of its phases 
which is extant.* It is in a chapter on the mission 
system and routine that the details of all these docu- 
ments must be chiefly utilized as already intimated; 
but it seems necessary to present here a general view 
of the questions at issue, which difficult task I pro- 
ceed to perform as briefly as possible. 

It was the policy of the government and the duty 
of the friars to introduce the Spanish language in place 
of the vernacular, thus fitting the natives “for future 
citizenship. Padre Concepcion accused the friars of 
an almost total neglect of this duty. According to 
the commandants religious services and some teachings 
of Christian principles were conducted daily in the 
north in Spanish; in the south the natives were taught 
in their own language, though the doctrina was often 


repeated to them in Spanish. In general intercourse 


the vernacular was used wherever the friars had learned 
it, and in some missions exclusively. Nowhere were 
the natives compelled to learn Spanish, and every- 
where the friars were more or less indifferent on the 
subject. Padres Tapis and Cortés affirmed that at 
Santa Barbara the doctrina at mass was taught in 
Spanish and in the afternoon either in one language 
or another; but they admitted that the natives were 
not required, only persuaded, to use the Spanish. 
And finally Lasuen, while maintaining that 1t was use- 


27 Tapis and Cortés, Réplica de los Ministros de Sta Barbara a la Respuesta 
que did cl Comandante Goycoechea & las quince preguntas de Borica sobre abusos 
de Misioneros, 1800, MS. Dated Oct. 30th. Other padres, not unlikely one 
from each mission, sent in similar reports on the subject, but I have found 
none of the documents except this. 

8 Lirsuen, Representacion sobre los Puntos representados al Superior Gobierno 
por el P. rr. Antonio de la Concepcion ({iorra) ecntra los misioneros de esta 
Nueva California, 1800, MS., with autograph signature. 


590 MISSION PROGRESS. 


less to preach to the natives in a language they did 
not understand, claimed that an honest effort was nade 
to teach Spanish, that exercises were conducted in 
that language once a day, that the natives were com- 
pelled to use it in their petitions, that premiums were 
offered for acquiring it, and moreover that the natives 
were inclined to learn it.” 

Respecting Horra’s statement that natives were 
baptized without sufficient instruction in the faith, and 
then often allowed to return to the forest, to be re- 
baptized perhaps at a later date, the commandants 
thought the preliminary teaching of eight days or- 
more and rarely less might be sometimes too little, 
some padres being more careful than others, and that 
rebaptism might occur, though they knew of no in- 
stances where it had occurred. The padres claimed 
that eight days was the minimum, that the instruction 
was ample, and that a second baptism could never 
happen under their system of registers. Lasuen knew 
of but three cases of rebaptism out of 27,000 con- 
verts. All but Goycoechea agreed that neophytes 
were never allowed to return to the woods and moun- 
tains except for definite periods and purposes. In 
answer to the charge of insufficient food many details 
were given of the rations actually served, which 
though insipid and unvarying in quality seem to have 
been sufficient in quantity. Sal and Goycoechea 
deemed the amount of food too small for laboring 
men; but Lasuen affirmed most earnestly that the 
natives had all they wanted, not only of the everlast- 
ing atole and pozole, but regular allowances of meat 
and milk, with fish occasionally, and always a plate 

Revilla Gigedo understands that the natives permanently settled use 
Spanish; but the friars learn the vernacular to advance their instruction. 
Carta de 1793, MS., 14, 15. Feb. 19, 1795, Borica to president, enclosing 
royal order that natives be taught Spanish. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 143. Feb. 
23d, circular of president requiring padres to promote learning Spanish and 
forbid the use of vernacular. Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi. 120. Dec. 1798, 
Borica says that Sitjar of San Miguel teaches in the vernacular. Prov. Pec., 
MS., vi. 115. March 21, 1799, Grajera says the natives at San Diego are 


taught the doctrines in their own language by educated Indians, no effort 
being made to teach Spanish. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 192. 


TREATMENT OF INDIANS. 59] 


from the padres’ table if asked for. The mission 
Indians were always fatter than the gentiles, their 
work was easier than that required to gain a subsist- 
ence in the old way, and the gentiles greatly preferred 
the Spanish grains to their wild seeds and fruits. 
Still, as the president admits, the neophytes did desert 
and plead hunger, and they were always glad to get 
permission to go to the monte for a time to live in the 
old way. Such permissions were given more freely 
in times of short supplies; but no Indian was ever 
compelled to go. As to the clothing of the neophytes 
there was a substantial agreement on the one or two 
blankets, breech-clouts or petticoats, and shirts given 
to each native every year or two, and no expression 
of opinion that the supply was not adequate to their 
wants, except by Sal. 

The dwellings of the neophytes were, as Lasuen 
admitted, in many places like those of the gentiles, 
but cleaner, better on the Channel than elsewhere, 
and in some missions already replaced by adobe houses 
with tile roofs. These dwellings like the presidios 
and other buildings went through successive stages, 
and were improved as fast as possible. Unmarried 
females it was found necessary to lock up at night 
and to watch closely, but they were given generally 
the best room in the mission, and subjected to no hard- 
ships. In only a few missions were bachelors locked 
up or forced to sleep in the mission. On these points 
Horra had made no special charges except as they 
were included in the general one of ill-treatment. 

On the subject of labor there was a radical differ- 
ence of opinion. According to the commandants 
the working hours were from six to nine hours per 
day, varying with the season, with extra work on 
special occasions as in harvest-time. Task work was 
also common, but the tasks were so heavy that the 
time was not materially reduced. Women must carry 
adobes, stones, and bricks, and when with child or 
giving suck their tasks were not sufficiently dimin- 


592 MISSION PROGRESS. 


ished. Children were employed at driving away birds © 


or at other lighter labor; the aged and sick were 
exempt. The friars on the contrary affirm that work- 
ing hours were from four to six hours; that not more 
than half the natives worked at the same time, the 
rest escaping on some reason or pretext, for they were 
always excused even when their plea was doubtful; 
that many did little even when pretending to work; 
that tasks were assigned whenever it was possible, 
and so light that the workers were usually free in the 
afternoon or a day or two in every week, and finally 
that all proper allowances were made for women in 
their various conditions. Lasuen compares the mis- 
sion tasks with those imposed on such natives as were 
sent to work at the presidios where they were obliged 
to toil from morning till night; and he ventures to 
doubt the sincerity of the commandants’ compassion 
for the poor overworked neophytes. 

The commandants in answering Borica’s questions, 
and indeed the governor in asking them, touched on 
several points not included in Horra’s accusations. 
One complaint was that too short a time was allowed 
to the neophytes for gathering wild fruits. The 
answer was that at Santa Barbara one fifth of the 
whole number were allowed every Sunday to go to the 
monte for a week or two, and elsewhere a similar sys- 
tem was adopted. If the converts are to be freed 
from every restraint. like the pagans, says Lasuen, 
when are they to become civilized? Another charge 
of Sal and Goycoechea was that the natives were 
carefully restricted from all intercourse with the gente 
de razon, and were not allowed to visit the presidios 
or to afford any aid to the soldiers, the missionaries 
being afraid of losing their services. These state- 
ments the friars denied as false and calumnious. 
There was no effort to restrict intercourse except in 
special cases with vicious persons; any neophyte was 
free to visit the presidio on holidays or with leave of 
absence, and none had ever been punished for helping 


ol . Meet y 





CRUELTY TO NEOPHYTES. 593 


the soldiers, except sometimes for absconding. More- 
over the presidios had always been supplied with 
servants of all kinds for no compensation save what 
the employers chose to pay, and neither missions nor 
natives had ever been benefited by this intercourse. 
The aborigines did not lke to work at the presidios, 
where they were ill-treated and often cheated out of 
their pay; yet most of the work on the presidios had 
been done by laborers furnished from the missions. 
“The treatment shown to the Indians,” says Padre 


_ Concepcion, ‘is the most cruel I have ever read in 


history. or the shghtest things they receive heavy 
floggings, are shackled, and put in the stocks, and 
treated with so much cruelty that they are kept whole 
days without a drink of water.” The commandants, 


without expressing an opinion as to the propriety or 


undue severity of the punishments inflicted, simply 


_ specify those punishments, administered by the padres 


at will, as flogeing, from fifteen to fifty lashes, or 
sometimes a novenary of twenty-five lashes per day 
for nine days, stocks, shackles, the corma—a kind of 
hobble—and imprisonment in some of the mission- 
rooms, for neglect of work or religious duties, over- 
staying leave of absence, sexual offences, thefts, and 
quarrelling among themselves. Rarely or for serious 
offences were the natives turned over to the military, 
or assistance asked from the soldiers. The friars ad- 
mitted all this, except that they denied that more than 
twenty-five lashes were ever given,” affirming more- 
over that only at Santa Barbara were women put in 
the stocks, and that they were very rarely flogged. 
They claimed that according to the laws they stood 
in loco parents to the natives, must necessarily re- 
strain them by punishments, and inflicted none but 
proper penalties, pardoning first offences, and always 
inclining to mercy and kindness. The soldiers were 


30 Sept. 26th, 1796, Borica says to a padre that only 25 lashes may be 
given; beyond this the matter belongs to royal jurisdiction. Prov. Rec., MS., 
vi. 174. 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 38 


594 MISSION PROGRESS. 


not asked to render aid because Governor Neve had 
opposed it; and natives were not sent to the presidio 
because there they were ill-treated, used merely as 
peons, could easily escape, and always came back 
worse than ever. Lasuen admits that there may have 
been instances of undue severity, and that one mis- 
sionary had been removed; but he denies the charges 
of cruelty at San Francisco, which had had most 
weight with Borica, and insists that for every instance 
of apparent severity there have been many where the 
commandants have blamed the friars for excessive 
tolerance and yielding.* 

Father Concepcion renewed the old complaint that 
the padres in selling mission products to the presidios 
disregarded the tariff of prices established by the 
government, Although the president indignantly de- 
nied any variation from the legal rates, and although 
the different statements are somewhat confusing in 
detail, yet from the testimony of the officers and 
from the admissions of Tapis and Cortés it is evident 
enough that, except in the articles of wheat and corn 
in ordinary years, and in the more ordinary qualities 
of animals, little attention was paid to the price-lists 
either by missionaries or any other class in California. 
It was easy for the friars by pleading the needs of 
the neophytes or the choice quality of the article 
desired, to avoid selling or obtain an extra price; but 
grain and ordinary live-stock they were almost always 
glad to sell, and sometimes at less than the legal rates. 
That wines and liquors were bought by the friars at 
high prices in addition to the quantities obtained in 
Mexico, was unsupported by any evidence. Finally 
the missionaries were accused of having accumulated 
wealth, though they pleaded poverty. To this the 
commandants replied that they knew nothing of the 


31 See chapter xxxi. of this volume for the charge of cruelty at San Fran- 
cisco, which Borica believed to be well founded; also Prov. Rec., MS., v. 266; 
vi. 97-8, 115, 172, 176; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 88; /d., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 
8-10. Instructions of the viceroy in 1 (738 and 1797, in favor of kindness and 
mercy to the Indians so far as justice and caution may allow. St. Pap., Miss. 
and Col., MS., i. 23-4. 





. THE PRESIDENT’S CONCLUSIONS. 595 


mission wealth, because the friars kept the matter 
secret,and simply gave some figuresrespecting amounts 
paid and due for mission supplies to the presidios 
during the past year or two. The padres made no 
reply to the main charge, though announcing their 
readiness to reply when required to do so by their 
superiors; but they indignantly repelled the insinua- 
tion that there was anything in their financial manage- 
ment or condition kept secret from the government.” 

Such was the controversy and such the statements 
presented on the leading points by both parties, though 
the résumé does but scanty justice to the subject, and 
especially to Lasuen’s report, many of the minutiz 
being necessarily omitted. The author manifests some 
dissatisfaction that the charges of a man who left Cal- 
ifornia under such peculiar circumstances should have 
been made the basis of this investigation without a 
preliminary taking of testimony as to the state of 
his mind. He is indignant at the commandants, not 
only for what he regards as misstatements on certain 
details, but chiefly for what they failed to say and for 
what their silence implied. They had failed to refute 


5? Of the supplies furnished by missions to presidios the accounts preserved 
are very meagre and fragmentary, some of them being presented with local 
annals. Perhaps an average of $1,200 per year for each mission during this 
decade would be a fair estimate. This amount and the stipend of $800 for 
each mission was all the revenue of the padres to support themselves and 
keep their churches in order. So far as can be judged from the partial 
accounts of the procurador extant, the annual memorias of supplies ordered 
by the friars were fully equal to their credits. I think there was little 
foundation for the charge that the padres were accumulating money either at 
the missions or in Mexico in these early years. Balance against the missions 
Sept. 6, 1800, $11. Procurador’s accounts in Sta Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 18. 
May 11, 1796, Salazar estimates the mission wealth, in buildings, etc., at 
$800,000. Salazar, Condicion actual de Cal., MS., 66-7. Dec. 1798, Borica 
to viceroy, he never interferes in mission finances, and is merely informed 
at end of each year of produce existing. Both he and the commandants 
believe the padres to have large surpluses at Mexico and in the coffers at 
San Diego, San Juan, Capistrano, and San Gabriel. He advises investigation 
in Mexico. The president aids new missions abundantly. There are com- 
plaints of not following the tariff, but Borica expresses no opinion. Prov. 
Rec., MS., vi. 116-17. Aug. 16, 1795, Lasuen to Borica, representing the 
injustice of keeping grain at the same low prices as in years of plenty. Arch. 
Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 97-101. In 1793, Pedro A. de Anteparaluceta, canon 
of Puebla, left a legacy of $500 to the California missions, $36 apiece with 
$40 for Sta Barbara and Soledad, and $60 for Sta Cruz. /d., xi. 235. On 
mission trade for this period see next chapter. Lists of increase in church 
vestments, etc., 1794-5. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 15-27, 78-9. 


596 MISSION PROGRESS. 


the statements of ever-complaining neophytes whom 
their own observations must have shown to be unre- 
liable witnesses; and because of certain petty quarrels 
about the services of the natives as’peons at the forts, 
they had given weight to the charge of a madman 
and had done great wrong to the missionary cause. 
Lasuen claimed that he and his band of friars were 
working honestly for the conversion of the natives 
according to the well known rules of their order and 
the regulations of the Spanish government, by which 
they stood in the position of parents to the aborigines. 
He admits that, being but men, they differed from 
one another in judgment and patience, and conse- 
quently that errors were committed; but he affirms 
most earnestly that the natives were shown all the 
kindness that was consistent with the restraint implied 
in the missionary and parental relation. The vener- 
able friar’s words and manner impress the reader 
most forcibly, and a close study of the subject has 
convinced me that he was right; that down to 1800 
and considerably later the natives were as a rule most 
kindly treated. We are by no means to conclude 
that the friars were now free from all blame in their 
quarrels with the secular authorities, or that they 
had lost the arbitrary spirit that had distinguished 
them in the days of Serra and Fages. Neither are 
their protestations of a scrupulous regard for the reg- 
ulation in the details of business management to be 
implicitly credited; but in the matter of neophyte 
labor at presidio, pueblo, and rancho the friars here 
as elsewhere were usually right and the military 
wrong; and so far as they touched this point, cruelty 
to natives, or accumulation of wealth, Horra’s charges 
must be regarded as for the most part unfounded. 
After reference to the fiscal and the usual delays, in 
April 1805 the viceroy rendered his decision, com- 
pletely exonerating the missionaries.” 


53 April 19, 1805, viceroy to governor, the padres are cleared and are to 
continue in the same course of zeal and brotherly love, etc. Commandants — 








ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS. 597 


There are a few miscellaneous topics connected with 
the ecclesiastical administration of the province that 
may appropriately receive brief notice here. There 
were as yet no regularly appointed chaplains, and the 
friars continued to care for the spiritual interests of 
soldiers and settlers, apparently without any compen- 
sation, An income was, however, derived from the 
saying of masses for souls in purgatory, some soldiers 
leaving a large part of their small property to be thus 
expended, or during their own life paying fees for 
members of their families.** Most of the missions 


are urged to promote harmony. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 2, 3. Same date, 
V. R. to guardian to same effect, the good name of the padres is nowise tar- 
nished by P. Concepcion’s charges—the emanations of an unsound mind. 
(Original document in my collection, reference lost.) A fragment of the fis- 
cal’s opinion is also extant. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 1-8. He advises that there 
be no sweeping decision because a few points may be proved. There is a 
natural conflict of interests between padres and commandants, since the latter 
have to come to the former for supplies, and the careful management and 
strict dealings of the friars are attributed to meanness or spite. Moreover 
there are dissensions between the Indians and soldiers, and on the reports of 
corporals punishments are inflicted which seem to the padres too severe. It 
is difficult to obtain testimony from disinterested parties in California. It is 
a pity the poor Indian has to be all his life in the service of others, never 
owns anything, and is fed on rations, yet it cannot now be helped. 

It appears that early in the decade there had been an attempt to take from 
the padres the management of the temporalities, originated by some of the 
friars themselves. Jan. 30, 1794, P. Mugartegui, formerly of California, writes 
to Lasuen expressing in strong language his opposition to the proposition 
advocated by some members of the college to give up the temporalities. It 
would be a pity ‘for the disconnected reasonings of two Mallorcan charlatans 
to stop the work begun by a holy Mallorcan.’ Fortunately, however, the 
projects of the would-be reformers meet with but little encouragement, and 
the same may be said of the complaints of two other padres, Gili and Rubi, 
who have spoken against the California missionaries. Mugdrtegui, Carta de 
1794, MS. April 30, 1791, the bishop of Sonora calls Lasuen’s attention to 
the royal order of March 6, 1790, granting an ecclesiastical tax on all reve- 
nues, including those of missionaries; and asks him to collect 6 per cent. for 
four years on the stipends of all the friars and all other revenues. Lasuen 
replies that the California padres have no revenue, except the stipend of $400 
each, given as alms, and even with that they have nothing to do except to 
name the articles needed for the churches. A séndico at the college collected 
the stipends and with them paid for the invoices. If the king wants to reduce 
the stipend by a tax, let the matter be arranged at the college; Franciscan 
friars have nothing to do or say about revenue matters. He sends a sworn 
statement, though regretting that his word does not suffice. Arch. Sta Bdr- 
bara, MS., x. 61-8. Ihear no more of this matter. Sept. 19, 1799, Borica 
says that a royal order decides that temporalities are to be incorporated in 
the royal hacienda. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 174. 1795, 1798, director-general 
of temporalities (for America) appointed. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 232, 
289. 1792, 1796, governor signs certificates for the padres to get their 
stipends. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 28; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 168. 

34Santa Barbara Mission received alms for 757 masses said from 1794 to 
1800. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 134. The friars had also masses to say 


598 MISSION PROGRESS. 


had now a palisade or adobe enclosure serving as a 
cemetery. No pueblo, and of the presidios only San 
Diego, had a cemetery. It was customary to bury 
gente de razon in the churches or chapels, but the 
friars made an effort to break up the practice.” » Both 
soldiers and natives often escaped a flogging by taking 
advantage of their right of church asylum, and occa- 


sionally this taking refuge in the sacred edifice led to 


petty misunderstandings between the officers and 
friars, though there were no notable instances during 
this decade.” 

The performance of religious duties by the people 
was rigidly enforced, as is shown by many orders in 
the archives.” Papal bulls or indulgences were sent 
to California every two years, and such as were ‘not 
sold were burned at the end of a specified time. The 
habilitado of Monterey was general administrator of 
this branch after 1797, and each commandant attended 


for members of their order abroad. Oct. 22, 1795, Lasuen says in a circular 
that the numercus deaths of friars at San Fernando and other colleges and 
en route, have burdened the community with over 7,000 masses. Each padre 
is to say how many he can take. Jd., ix. 323-4. Dec. 7, 1800, Lasuen orders 
mass and te deum on the accession of Pope Pius VII. /d., xi. 148-9. 

35 Dec. 20, 1792, Lasuen to Arrillaga. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 28-9. 
1790, Sefian refuses to bury Maria del Carmen Alviso in the presidio chapel. 
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 5, 6. Two soldiers buried in the chapel 
at San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 53, 60. 

86 July 29, 1794, governor orders an Indian culprit to be taken out of the 
church at Santa Clara by force since his offence was not subject to ecclesias- 
tical immunity. Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 150. Dec. 6, 1798, Lasuen certifies that 
he found a soldier in the church claiming asylum for having struck a woman. 
He was ordered on guard, and as there was no one to replace him Lasuen gave 
him a papel de iglesia to protect hisrightof asylum. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., 
i. 53. Mar. 29, 1800, commandant of Monterey orders a soldier to be given 
up for trial on bail. /d., ii. 5-6. 

*7 March 28, 1793, Arrillaga to commandants. All officers and men by 3d 
day of Pentecost are to show certificates of having complied with church 
rules. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 113. April, 1795, Padres of Sta Cruz, Sta 
Clara, and S. Francisco certify to those who have complied with the annual 
precept of confession and communion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 234-8, 242-4, 
Sept. 29, 1795, Sal to comisionado of San José. Tobar is sent to the pueblo; 
if he does not confess within 15 days he is to be sent to Monterey in irons. He 
must also go to work. San José, Arch., MS., iv. 27. Jan. 14, 1798, Lasuen in 
a circular regrets the carelessness of many. All must commune on easter 
and be examined in the doctrina. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 144-5. June 
6th, Corporal Peralta is to arrest any of the San José Mission guard and keep 
them so until they perform their duties. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 107. 
Roman, the tailor, must be kept handcuffed until he complies. Prov. Rec., 
MS., iv. 110. Arrellano to be shackled. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 24. 





IMAGE OF THE VIRGIN. 599 


to his own district. Some statistics on the subject are 
given in connection with local annals. So far as can 
be determined from the records the annual revenue 
from this source was from fifty to a hundred dollars.*® 
A. sacred image of our lady of Guadalupe sent to 
California in 1795 was by license of the highest 
ecclesiastical authorities allowed t» be touched by the 
original picture. In one instance the soldiers estab- 
lished a kind of rancho where was raised a herd 
devoted to decorating the image of the virgin.” 

. 588 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 148, 296; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 241; xv. 42-3, 
48, 77-8; xvi. 98, 220; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 9; St. Pap. Miss., MS., ii. 
65; S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 42. The bulls sent sold from 2 reals, or 25 cents, 


to $2 each. The different kinds were vivos, laticinios, composicion, and 


difuntos. 
39 Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 194-5; xiii. 79. 


CHAPTER XXVIII. 


PUEBLOS, COLONIZATION, AND LANDS—INDUSTRIES 
AND INSTITUTIONS. 


1791-1800. 


PoErBLo PRocRESS—STATISTICS—JORDAN’S PROPOSED CoLONY—EFFORTS OF 
GOVERNMENT—MARRIAGE ENCOURAGED—INNS—VIEWS OF SALAZAR, 
SENAN, AND CostansOé—WomEN WaNnNTED—Convicts—FouNDLINGS— 
TENURE OF LANDS—PUEBLO AND MIssIon SITES—CHRONOLOGICAL STATE- 
MENT, 1773-90—PRESIDIAL PUEBLOS—PROVISIONAL GRANTS—LAND- 
TITLES AT END OF CENTURY—LABOR—INDIAN LABORERS—SAILORS— 
ARTISAN INSTRUCTORS—MANUFACTURERS— MINING—AGRICULTURE— 
Fiax AND HemMP—STOCK-RAISING. 


THE missions, as may be seen from the preceding 
sketch, if we regard only the primary object for which 
they were founded, were successful and prosperous. 
Given a band of earnest and able missionaries, a 
friendly native population, and a military force for 
protection if needed, there was nothing to prevent 
success and prosperity in a land so blessed by nature. 
The government had nothing more to do in the matter. 
If the towns were less successful in their efforts at 
colonization and progress it was not because they were 
deemed of less importance or received less attention. 
Nor was it because the colonization system was less 
judiciously managed by the crown than the mission- 
ary system by the Franciscans. It was because this 
problem was more complicated than the other. It 
would not solve itself, and faithful provincial officers 
with wise regulations could not solve it. It is not 
necessary to claim that the king’s officers were as 


devoted to the welfare of the towns as the friars to 
( 600 ) 


PUEBLOS NOT PROSPEROUS. 601 


that of their missions, for they had other duties and 
lacked the incentive of holy zeal; but had their oppor- 
tunities, their authority, and their enthusiasm corre- 
sponded to and exceeded those of the missionaries, they 
never could have made the pueblos prosper. Two 
fatal obstacles to success were the worthless character 
of the original settlers, most of them half-breeds of 
the least energetic classes of Nueva Vizcaya and 
Nueva Galicia, and the lack of provincial commerce 
to stimulate industry; for before 1800 the settlers 
could not have sold additional products of their fields. 
_ I give elsewhere the local annals of the three Cali- 
fornian pueblos, San José, Los Angeles, and Branci- 
forte—the latter honored with the title of villa—during 
this decade." The united population of the three 
towns in 1800 was about 550 in something over a 
hundred families, including a dozen or fifteen men 
who raised cattle on ranchos in the vicinity and whose 
families for the most part lived in the pueblos. About 
thirty families had been brought from abroad as set- 
tlers and had been paid wages and rations and other- 
wise aided for a term of years; while the increase 
came from children who grew to manhood and from 
soldiers who had served out their term of enlistment 
and retired, often with pensions. These, although 
generally old men, were as a rule the most successful 
farmers. The only industries of the settlers were 
agriculture and stock-raising. They had 16,500 head 
of cattle and horses, about 1,000 sheep, and they 
raised about 9,000 bushels of grain each year, surplus 
products being sold to the presidios. Hach settler had 
his field which he was required to cultivate, and he 
had to contribute a certain quantity of grain each 
year to the common fund from which municipal ex- 
penses were paid. Each pueblo had a small guard of 
soldiers, who were practically settlers also; and each 
in addition to its alcalde and regidores had a comi- 


1 See chapter xxix. of this volume for Angeles; chapter xxxii. for San 
José, and chapter xxvi. for Branciforte. 


602 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


sionado, generally corporal of the guard, who repre. 
sented the governor and reported directly to the 
commandant of the nearest presidio. Labor was 
largely done by hired gentiles. Los Angeles was more 
populous and prosperous than either of the others, 
while Branciforte was as yet but a burden to the 
government. 

A. Spanish visitor in 1792 stated in his narrative 
that soldiers in California when too old for service 
were not allowed to settle as farmers, and he criticised 
this state of things very unfavorably; but needlessly, 
for no such conditions existed. Many of the invalids 
went to live in the pueblos, a few obtained ranchos, 
and others remained at the presidios, performing a 
certain amount of military service. It was even per- 
mitted them to settle near the presidio but outside 
the walls, though it does not appear that any did so 
at this early period.” Alejandro Jordan’s project for 
a colony to be established in the interests of trade 
under govermental protection and with somewhat ex- 
travagant emoluments for himself, was disapproved 
by the king on Arrillaga’s advice, as already noted, 
after negotiations lasting from 1792 to 1794.2 Revilla 
Gigedo in 1793 favored the settlement of some Span- 
ish families at the missions, though he admitted the 
great difficulty of finding families possessing the re- 
quired moral qualifications. Costansé in his report 
of 1794 says: “The first thing to be thought of, in 
my opinion, is to people the country. Presidios to 
support missions are well enough for a time, but there 
seems to be no end of them. Some missions have 
been for a hundred years in charge of friars and pre- 
sidial guards. ‘The remedy is to introduce gente de 
razon among the natives from the beginning. Cali- 


2 Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, 162-3. Oct. 24, 1792, governor orders that no 
Sie vecino is to be prevented from settling at the presidio of Monterey. 
-rov. Jtec., MS., ii. 156. Vancouver gives a rather superficial and inaccurate 
account of the pueblos, which he did not visit. Voyage, ii. 495-6. 
3 See chapter xxiv., this volume. 
* Revilla Giyedo, Carta de 1793, 23-4. 


SPECIAL PROJECTS. 603 


fornians understand this, and clamor for industrious 
citizens. Hach ship should carry a number of families 
with a proper outfit. The king supplies his soldiers 
with tools, why not the farmer and mechanic as well? 
They should be settled near the missions and mingle 
with the natives. Thus the missions will become 
towns in twenty-five or thirty years.”° 

In 1795 Borica made some special efforts to pro- 
mote marriage among soldiers and settlers by favorable 
regulations, and he even discouraged the enlistment 
of the sons of settlers in the presidio companies; 
but an absurd proposition from Mexico to establish 
inns for the convenience of travellers at ten suitable 
spots in California met.with no favor from Borica 
and the project died a natural death.°® 

In 1796 a special agitation of this subject of colo- 
nization began in Mexico, with the founding of Bran- 
ciforte as a result, as elsewhere narrated. Father 
Salazar, lately from California, was called upon for 
his views on the condition of the country. His report 
on the pueblos was not an encouraging one. ‘The in- 
habitants were idlers, paying more attention to gam- 
bling and playing the guitar than to tilling their lands 
and educating their children. The pagans did most 


5 Costansd, Informe, 1794, MAS. 

6April 13, 1795, Borica to commandants, marriages to be promoted by 
all honorable means. Soldiers to be aided with arrears of pay, with what 
they have in the fondos, or even by an advance of $40. Parents of contract- 
ing parties to be aided with such effects as can be paid for from their crops in 
a year. Hstudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 11; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 129-30; 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 227-8. Goycoechea’s reply, May 15th. Id., xiv., 
76. Nov. 19, 1796, B. directs the commandant of San Francisco to try and 
prevail on Maria Simona Ortega, a widow, to remain in the country; for sooner 
or later some soldier or ‘civilian willask her hand in marriage. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 10,11. Feb. 14, 1795, Grajera has received B.’s order 
not to accept any recruit from Angeles, ‘in order that the population may 
not be lessened.’ /d., xxi. 7. March 12, 1795, B. to viceroy, explaining that 
the population of California, which he gives as 1,275, is much too small for 
the 10 inns proposed; also that travellers have to sleep out of doors to care 
for their animals, etc. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 3-6. Oct. 5th, the tribunal 
de contadurta advises the V. R. to submit the scheme, recommended by Bel- 
tran, to a council before adopting it. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 197-9. Oct. 
15, 1796, B. asks for a list of settlers living on ranchos and for an opinion 
whether they should be allowed to do so. Dec. 29th, he decides that unless 
the rancheros will keep sheep they must live at the pueblo. Prov. Rec., MS., 
iv. 79, 86. 


» 


604 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


of the work, took a large part of the crop, and were 
so well supplied thereby that they did not care to 
be converted and live at the missions. The friars 
attonded to the spiritual needs of the settlers free 
of charge, and their tithes did California no good. 
Young men grew up without restraint, and wandered 
among the rancherias, setting the Indians a bad 
example and indulging in excesses that’ were sure 
sooner or later to result in disaster. The great 
remedy was to build up commerce and give the colo- 
nists an incentive to industry. Now they could not 
sell all their produce; they obtained a small price for 
what they did sell, and often they could not get the 
articles they wanted in payment, or had to pay exces- 
sive rates for them. 

Without the encouragement of trade the country 
could never prosper; but other reforms were also 
needed. There should be a settlers’ fund similar to 
the military funds, in which each settler should de- 
posit annually a sum varying according to the size 
of his family. In the sale and purchase of supplies 
an officer should stand between the settlers and the 
habilitados; each pueblo should moreover support a 
priest and a teacher." Father José Sefian was tem- 
porarily in Mexico, and a report was also obtained 
from him which agreed with that of Salazar in most 
respects. This writer, however, attached special im- 
portance to the introduction of a better class of set- 
tlers. He would appoint to each pueblo a director, 
or comisionado, of better abilities and not related to 
the inhabitants, and he would enforce residence of all 
settlers in the towns, and not on distant ranchos out of 
reach of spiritual care and exposed to dangers. Above 
all, towns should not be placed too near the missions.® 


T Salazar, Condicion Actual de Cal. 1796, MS., 73-82. The author also 
advocates the transfer of the San Blas naval station and ship-yards to San 
Francisco or Monterey. This would be for the interest of tne department, 
since wages and food would be cheaper than at San Blas, and it would 
develop the industries of California. 

8 Serian, Respuesta del Padre al Virey sobre Condicion de Cosas en Califor- 
nia, 1796, MS. Dated at college of San Fernando May 14, 1796. March 19, 


CONVICT SETTLERS. 605 


In his correspondence of 1797, Borica still urges 
colonization, substantially approving the ideas of Sal- 
azar and Sefian, and issuing orders which compelled 

retired soldiers to live in the pueblos.° We have seen 
_ that nine persons, though rather of a worse than bet- 
ter class compared with the rest, were obtained from 
Guadalajara and settled at Branciforte. In 1797- 
an effort was made to obtain a reénforcement of mar- 
riageable women, in which the governor was seconded 
by the viceroy, but in which he does not seem to have 
been successful.” 


There was another class of colonists much more 
easily obtained and by no means beneficial to the 
country. Unfortunately California was from this time. 
to a considerable extent a penal colony for Mexico. 
Governor F'ages was perhaps responsible for the be- 
ginning of the plague. In 1787 he proposed that 
artisans imprisoned in Mexico and Guadalajara should 
have their sentence commuted to exile to California 
on condition of working out their term at the presi- 
dios or missions, and subsequently remaining as set- 
tlers. Nothing was done on this proposition; but in 
1791 three presidiarios, or convicts, were sent up to 


1797, Borica to viceroy, refers to voluntary enrolment of settlers at Guada- 
lajara. Prov. Rec., vi. 83. 

9Nov. 16, 1797, Borica to viceroy, favoring commerce and admitting that 
the pueblos have a surplus of 2,000 fanegas of grain for which there is no 
market. Twelve sailors from the Concepcion and San Carlos have volunteered 
to remain at Monterey. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 61-2. Oct. 15th, B. to com- 
mandant at Monterey, invalided or discharged soldiers must live in the towns 
and not on ranchos nor in the presidio, unless they wish to continue military 
service. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 109-10. May 1799, Settler Rosales 
petitions the viceroy for permission to leave California with his family. Prov. 
Ree., MS., vi. 125. Branciforte in his Instruccion, MS., 32-8, speaks of Cali- 
fornia’s need of colonists, and of his efforts in her behalf. 

10Sept. 17, 1797, Borica to viceroy, wants good wives, strong young spin- 
sters, especially for criminal settlers, since the padres objected to the native 
women marrying such husbands. Besides good health the girls must bring 
good clothes, so that they may go to church and be improved. A sine qua 
non of a California female colonist must be a serge petticoat, a rebozo cor- 
riente, a linen jacket, two woollen shifts, a pair of stockings, and a pair of 
strong shoes. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 55-6. Jan. 25, 1798, viceroy says orders 
have been given to procure young, healthy, single women for the pobladores, 
but the task presents some difficulties. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 19-20. 
June 1, 1798, Borica says one hundred women are wanted. Prov, Rec., MS., 
vi. 75. 


606 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


Monterey to labor with shackled feet for rations; and 
the same year we hear of a convict blacksmith teach- 
ing the natives at San Francisco." In 1798 the Con- 
cepcion brought twenty-two convicts, of various grades 
of criminality, some of them merely vagrants lke 
those formerly destined for Branciforte. They were 
set at work by Borica to learn and teach trades, a 
saving of nine thousand dollars being thereby effected 
as the governor claimed.” Three convicts had arrived 
the year before, and subsequently such arrivals were 
of frequent occurrence. Some artisan instructors 
sent to the country by the government will be noticed 
a little later. In 1800 nineteen foundlings were sent 
from’ Mexico under the care of Madre Maria de Jesus, 
nine boys under ten years of age, and ten girls some 
of them already marriageable, who were distributed 
in respectable families in the different presidios.” 


11 There was a royal order forbidding convicts from settling in pueblos 
until their sentences were served out. /’rov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 98. Fages’ 
propositicn in his Informe Gen. de Misiones, MS., 154. The three presidiarios 
of 1791 were Ignacio Saenz, Rafael Pacheco, and Felipe Alvarez, sent up by 
Romeu from Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 15. Smith at San Francisco, 
PR age 

12°'The three of 1797 were Rafael Arriola, Tomas Escamilla, and José 
Franco. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 134. Correspondence on the 22 sent in 
1798, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 249-50; xvii. 7, 88-9, 182; xxi. 275, 280, 
285; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 91-2, 101-2; St. Pap., Sac., viii. 11-13, 68-9; ix. 
75-6. Four or five lists are given, the following being the names: José de los 
Reyes, José Maria Perez, José Vazquez, Juan Hernandez, José Velasquez, Cor- 
nelio Rocha, José Chavez, José Salazar, Antonio Ortega, Juan Lopez, José 
Balderrama, Pedro Osorno, José Calzado, José Avila, José Hernandez, José 
Igadera, José Ramos, José Rosas, José Chavira, Casimiro Conejo, Pablo 
Franco, Maria Petra Aranda, José Barcena, Felipe Hernandez, Rafael Gomez, 
Juan Blanco, 26 in all, though the number is spoken of as from 17 to 24, and 
22 are said to have landed. They arrived in August. The expense of sending 
them was $405. There were 3 hatters, 3 miners, 1 shoemaker, 1] silversmith, 
1 trader, 3 bakers, 1 tailor, 1 blanket-maker, 1 laborer, 1 overseer, 3 without 
trade, and 1 woman. There were 4 Spaniards only. There were a saddler 
and 2 carpenters, not convicts, perhaps included in the list I have given. 
Several friars also came on the same vessel. After the arrival of these con- 
victs all persons not having passports were ordered to be arrested. Prov. Rec., 
MS., iv. 166. Feb. 26, 1799, Borica publishes a series of rules for the con- 
duct of the convict workmen. They were subjected to strict surveillance and 
allowed few privileges. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 248-4. August 1800, Her- 
nandez allowed to earn wages by his trade as saddler. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 13. 
Nov. 1800, José Cris. Simental sentenced to 6 years as settler in California, 
to be accompanied by his wife. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 57-8; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xxi. 53-4. 

13 Twenty-one children left Mexico for San Blas and one died on the sea- 
voyage. ‘The expense is said to have been $4,763. There was a plan to send 


TENURE OF LANDS. 607 


The tenure of lands is an interesting topic of Cal- 
ifornia history, both in itself and especially in view 
of the litigation of later times. In its earliest phases 
the subject falls more naturally into the annals of this 
decade than elsewhere, though a general statement 
with but few details is all that is required here. As 
soon as the territory was occupied by Spain in 1769 
the absolute title vested in the king. No individual 
ownership of lands, but only usufructuary titles of 
various grades, existed in California in Spanish times. 
The king, however, was actually in possession of only 
the ground on which the presidios stood and such 
adjoining lands as were needed in connection with the 
royal service. The natives were recognized as the 
owners, under the king, of all the territory needed for 
their subsistence; but the civilizing process to which 
they were to be subjected would greatly reduce the 
area from that occupied in their savage state; and 
thus there was no prospective legal hinderance to the 
establishment of Spanish settlements. The general 
laws of Spain provided for such establishments, and 
the assignment to each of lands to the extent of four 
square leagues.“ Meanwhile neither the missions, 
nor the friars, nor the Franciscan order, nor the church 
owned any lands whatever. The missionaries had the 
use of such lands as they needed for their object, 
which was to prepare the Indians to take possession as 
individuals of the lands they now held as communities. 
When this was accomplished, and the missions had 
become pueblos, the houses of worship would natu- 
rally become the property of the church, and the friars 
would move on to new spiritual conquests. Each 
mission and each presidio was at the proper time to 
become a pueblo; other pueblos were expected to be 
60 boys and the same number of girls. Two of the girls were married before 
the end of the year. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 74; vii. 74-6; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xviii. 9, 18, 31; xxi. 34, 47; Zd., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 22; Prov. Rec., 


MS., ix. 11, 12; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 307; Bustamante, Suplemento, 


181; Azanza, Instruccion, MS., 88-9. 
14 Recopilacion de Indias, lib. iv. tit. v. ley. vi., x. I intentionally avoid 


conditions and details in this chapter. 


608 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


founded from time to time; and four square leagues 
of land was the area to be assigned under ordinary 
circumstances to each; but the fixing of boundaries 
was tacitly left until the future increase in the number 
of establishments should render it a necessity, noth- 
ing in the mean time being allowed to interfere with 
the area to which each pueblo would be entitled, 
though the missions in their temporary occupation 
were not restricted. : 

In his instructions of 1773 Viceroy Bucareli author- 
ized Captain Rivera to make a beginning of the future 
pueblos by distributing lands to such persons, either 
natives or Spaniards, as were worthy and would dedi- 
cate themselves to agriculture or the raising of stock.” 
Rivera did grant a piece of land in 1775 to Manuel 
Butron, a soldier who married a neophyte of San 
Carlos; but the land was subsequently abandoned, and 
if any other similar grants were made by Rivera there 
is no record of the fact. In November 1777 the 
pueblo of San José was founded and a somewhat in- 
formal distribution of lands to settlers was made by 
order of Governor Neve. In 1781 Neve’s regulation 
went into effect, and one of its sections regulated the 
distribution of pueblo lands; prescribed the assign- 
ment to each settler of four fields, each two hundred 
varas square, besides a house-lot; specified the lands to 
be devoted to various uses of the community; and 
made provision for the gradual extension of the town 
by the granting of new lots and fields. Under this 
regulation the pueblo of Los Angeles was founded in 
the same year of 1781. The formal distribution of 
lands, however, and the giving of written titles took 
place for San José and Los Angeles in 1783 and 1786 
respectively. These titles were the nearest approach 
to absolute ownership in California under Spain; but 
_ the lands were forfeited by abandonment, failure to 
cultivate, and non-compliance with certain conditions, 


1 Bucareli, Instruccion de 17 de Agosto de 1778, MS. 
16 On foundation of San José and Angeles and the distribution of lands, 
see chapters xiv. and xvi. of this volume. 


PRIVATE RANCHOS. 609 


They could not be alienated; and one instance is 
recorded of lands being taken for hemp culture from 
a settler, who was given others in their place. New 
grants of pueblo lands to new settlers were of con- 
stant occurrence hereafter. Neither in the regulation 
nor in the proceedings under it was any attention paid 
to exterior pueblo limits, save the vague establishment 
of a boundary, at San José at least, with the adjoin- 
ing mission. This matter was practically and natu- 
rally left to be agitated by the crown should there 
ever in the distant future be danger of the town 
exceeding its four leagues, or by the pueblo itself in 
ease of encroachments by other towns or by indi- 
viduals. 

In 1784 application was made to Fages by private 
individuals for grants of ranchos. He granted written 
permits to several men for temporary occupation of 
the lands desired,” and wrote to the commandant gen- 
eral for instructions. General Ugarte replied in 1786, 
on the recommendation of his legal adviser, Galindo 
Navarro, by authorizing the granting of tracts not to 
exceed three leagues, always beyond the four-league 
limits of existing pueblos, without injury to missions 
or rancherias, and on certain other conditions includ- 
ing the building of a stone house on each rancho and 
the keeping of at least two thousand head of live- 
stock.!* The instructions required the immediate as- 
signment by clear landmarks of the four leagues to 
each pueblo; but there is no evidence that any such 
survey was made, that any documents were given in 
place of the temporary permits, or that the few pro- 
visional grants subsequently made differed in a 
respect from those permits. 

17 The ranchos since known as Los Nietos and San Rafael were thus granted 
to Manuel Nieto and José Maria Verdugo in 1784. In the case of Nieto his 
long possession until 1804 and that of his children after him was urged as 
affording presumption of a complete title; but the supreme court held that 
Fages’ written permit destroyed this presumption. The land commission had 
already taken a similar view. Nieto vs. Carpenter, 21 Cal. 456. 

** Pages’ report to Ugarte Nov. 20, 1784, Navarro’s opinion, Oct.:27, 1785. 


St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 8325-7. Ugarte’s order June 21st. /d., i. 343, 
Hist. Cab., Vou. in 39 


610 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


In 1789 a series of instructions was issued with 
royal approval for the establishment of the Villa of 
Pitic in Sonora since called Hermosillo, instructions 
which were to be followed also in the founding of 
similar establishments throughout the northern prov- 
inces. Omitting details unimportant to my present 
purpose, each pueblo was to have assigned to it with 
definite bounds four square leagues of land in rectan- 
gular form; the land given to each settler to depend 
somewhat on his character and needs, but might be 
fifty per cent larger than that already given in Cali- 
fornia; and after four years the ownership might be- 
come absolute. I do not find that this regulation ever 

had any effect at Los Angeles or San José 6 Tn 1790 
a pensioned corporal, Cayuelas, who had married a 
neophyte of San Luis Obispo, asked in the name of 
his wife for lands at Santa Margarita belonging to 
that mission; but the grant was opposed, probably 
with success, by the friars, on the ground that the land 
was needed for the community, to which the neophyte 
in question had rendered no service.” 

A. beginning of the presidial pueblos was made by 
General Nava in 1791, when he authorized com- 
mandants of presidios to grant lots and fields to sol- 
diers and settlers desiring them within the prescribed 
four square leagues,” but there is no clear evidence 


19 Pitic, Instruccion aprobada por S. M. que se formé para el establecimiento 
de la nueva Villa de Pitic, y mandada adaptar a las demas nuevas poblaciones 
proyectadas, 1789, MS. Dated Chihuahua, Nov. 14, 1789. 

20 Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 398-9, 400-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 
163-6. This instance and that of Butron are the only ones recorded of land 
being asked for by neophytes before 1800. In fact only 24 neophyte women 
had married gente de razon since 1769. Lasuen, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., 
ii. 192, 

1 Nava’s decree, dated Oct. 22, 1791, at Chihuahua, and approved provi- 
sionally by the viceroy.before Jan. 19,1793. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., 
i. 320-2, 341-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 27-8. This decree has been often 
translated and referred to in legal reports, sometimes erroneously under the 
date of March 22d. According to the Ordenanza de Intendentes of 1786, the 
royal intendentes had been intrusted with the distribution of royal lands; 
but this order shows that the four leagues belonged to the pueblo and were 
not included in the king’s lands. Dwinelle’s Colon. Hist. S. F., 34-5. In U.S. 
Sup. Court Repts., 9 Wallace, 639, itis stated that the words ‘the extent of 
4 leagues | measured from the centre of the plaza of the presidios in every 
direction,’ found in an order of Nava of June 21, 1791, and in other papers, 
caused Los Angeles to claim before the land commission 16 square leagues 


LAND GRANTS. 611 


that any such grants were made. Arrillaga reported 
to the viceroy in 1793 that no grants had been made 
by his predecessors under the order of 1786, and that 
on account of this failure to act, and because of the 
ultimate right of the natives to the best sites— 
although he was constantly asked for ranchos and 
believed that it would be well for the country to 
grant them—he would not act without further in- 
structions.” Yet early in 1794 he reported that he 
had permitted several persons to settle on the Rio de 
Monterey from three to five leagues from the pre- 
sidio, the permission being only provisional.* In 
April 1795 Borica sent to the viceroy his views on 
the subject. He did not know why his predecessors 
had failed to grant sites for cattle-raising, but he did 
not favor such concessions. It would be difficult to 
tell what lands the missions really needed, since new 
converts were constantly made. Troubles between 
the owners of ranchos and rancheria Indians would 
lead to excesses and war; the animals of the settlers 
would do injury to the food-supply of the gentiles; 
the rancheros would be far removed from spiritual 
care and from judicial supervision; and finally the 
province had already live-stock enough, there being 
no export. Borica therefore proposed that no ranchos 
should be granted for the present, but that settlers 
of good character be allowed to establish themselves 
provisionally on the land asked for near a mission or 
pueblo, to be granted them later if it should prove 
best. In fact several ranchos already existed under 
those conditions.” 


instead of 4. This would literally be 64 square leagues; but the original 
‘41, measured from the centre of the plaza, 2 in each direction,’ might—like 
the corresponding definition in the Recopilacion de Indias—be interpreted 
naturally 16 square leagues. It is a curious complication; but that an area 
of 4 square leagues, either in square or rectangular form, was what was 
intended, and in hundreds of cases actually surveyed for each Spanish pueblo, 
there can be, I suppose, no doubt. 

22 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 45-7. This report was sent back to Borica 
for his opinion on Aug. 25, 1794. Arrillaga recognizes the four-league limit 
even in the case of missions. . 

43 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 132; xii. 189. 

24 April 3, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 39-41. 


612 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


There was certainly a degree of force in some of 
Borica’s arguments, though most of them were quite 
as conclusive against his substitute for land-grants. 
Indeed there is something mysterious about the pref- 
erence of successive governors for provisional permits 
of occupation over the regular concessions authorized 
by superior authority. I suspect that the preference 
may have been largely on the part of the settlers them- 
selves, who did not like to comply with the conditions 
attached to a regular grant. There were some sixteen . 
ranchos in the regions of Los Angeles and Monterey 
thus provisionally held by some twenty men in 1795. 
Two and doubtless more similar permissions were given 
before the end of the decade.” In 1796 a part of 
the land which Fages had allowed Nieto to occupy 
was taken from him, on the claim of San Gabriel mis- 
sion that it was needed by the natives. In 1797 the 
Encino Rancho, held by Francisco Reyes, was taken 
from him, and both land and buildings were appro- 
priated by the new mission of San Fernando. This 
same year the Villa de Branciforte was founded, pre- 
sumably on the plan of Pitic, though there is no posi- 
tive information extant respecting the distribution of 
lands in that famous town. In 1798 Borica gave 
some kind of a confirmation to the title of Verduge 
at San Rafael, but we know nothing of its nature. 
The condition of land matters in California at the end 
of the decade and century was then briefly as follows: 
There were eighteen missions and four presidios, each 
without settlers,“ but each intended to become a 
pueblo, and each entitled to four square leagues of 
land for distribution to settlers in house-lots and sow- 
ing-lands, or for other pueblo uses; three pueblos of 
Spaniards already established, entitled like the pros- 


25 See chapters xxx. and xxxi. for lists of the ranchos with additional de- 
tails. Borica, whatever may have been his real motives, oppose even the 
provisional concessions in several instances, 

6 It is noticeable, however, that some of the tracts occupied near Monte- 
rey under the provisional permits were probably within the limits of the 
prensa presidio-pueblo, where there was no legal authority for granting 
ands for stock-raising. 


MANUFACTURES AND LABOR. 613 


pective ones to four leagues of land, though like them 
as yet without fixed boundaries, inhabited by over 
one hundred settlers, each of whom held about four 
acres of land still subject to conditions and not to 
be alienated or hypothecated; and finally twenty or 
thirty men raising cattle on ranchos which they occu- 
pied temporarily by permission of the authorities, 
without any legal title, though some of them or their 
children subsequently became owners of the land. 


Besides the missions and pueblos, conversion and 
colonization, there are various institutions and indus- 
tries of the province whose progress during this pericd 
merit brief notice here; though in most respects that 
progress was great only in comparison to that of other 
epochs of California history. The order in which the 
several topics are treated being a matter of no mo- 
ment, I begin with that of manufactures and labor. 
At the first occupation of Upper California some 
Christian Indians from the peninsula, the only per- 
sons for many years who were honored with the name 
of Californians, were brought north as servants of all 
work in the new missions. The presidial companies 
usually had a few smiths, armorers, and carpenters 
whose services were available at times, as well for the 
friars as for the soldiers; the soldiers themselves 
were obliged to render assistance in building and 
some other kinds of work. Gentiles were hired from 
the first, especially on the Channel coast. After 1773 
men were enlisted and paid as sailors to serve in Cal- 
ifornia as laborers, and among the settlers at the 
pueblos were persons of various trades, on which, 
however’ none seem to have depended for subsist- 
ence. This was the condition of mechanical indus- 
try down to 1790. Besides the repairs executed on 
arms, implements, and articles of clothing, there 
were rude attempts at tanning and various other 
simple and necessary processes suggested by the 
needs of the soldiers and ingenuity of the friars; but 


614 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


progress in this direction was slight and is but vaguely 
recorded. 

During the last decade of the century all the classes 
of laborers mentioned continued to be employed, except 
that no new natives were brought from Baja Calli- 
fornia. Neophytes were extensively hired from the 
friars for all kinds of presidio work, the mission and 
not the Indian receiving the pay, and there were few 
Spanish families without a native servant. This ques- 
tion of neophyte labor was, as we have seen, a fruit- 
ful source of misunderstanding between friars and 
officers. Gentiles were also hired in large numbers to 
work both at presidios and pueblos, being paid chiefly 
in grain, but also with blankets and other articles of 
clothing. Negotiations for laborers were made for 
the most part with chiefs who contracted to supply 
the required number. It is not improbable that the 
chiefs were already so far advanced in civilization as 
to make a profit on the contracts. Spanish regula- 
tions required kind treatment and fair compensation 
to all Indian laborers, and any notable or habitual 
abuses in this respect would in these early times have 
largely cut off the supply. The friars complained that 
the gentiles earned so much grain and clothing that 


one of their chief incentives to become Christians was -: 


lost.” The sailor servientes, several of whom were 


7 Nov. 10, 1791, Sergt. Ortega wanted men to build a house, etc., at San 
Gabriel; but the padres refused to furnish any even for wages. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., x. 4,5. The gentiles, though lazy, offer themselves to work for a manta 
and daily rations of meat and boiled maize. The best are chosen, who take 
their blankets, lay down their arms, and go to work bringing building-mate- 
rials. Sutil y Mex., Viage, 164-5. Great care taken in employing Indians, 
and a daily sum of money paid. Vancouwver’s Voyage, ii. 497. May 7, 1794, 
governor to Sal, if padres want a gratuity for Indians above wages it must 
be refused. At Sta Barbara they get 19 cents per day, and an almud of corn 
per week. San Antonio Indians at the Rancho del Rey get.a coton and manta 
per month. Even if content with little they should be given all they deserve. 
Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 147-8, 163. Dec. 1794, at San Diego Indians got one 
real and rations. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 7. Indians must be treated well 
and work equally. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 15, 16. April, 1796, Indian laborers 
not to be obtained without governor’s permission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 
176. 1796, Sal sends 30 blankets to San José with which to hire 30 Indians. 
They will be treated well. Any capitanejo helping to get them may be given 
a gratificacion. ‘Travelling expenses paid. Later some invalids are sent to 
look after the 30; who were to be treated with alguna comiseracion. 8. José, 


ARTISANS FROM MEXICO. 615 


furnished to each of the new missions, did not in many 
instances give satisfaction. There was also some diffi- 
culty about their wages being paid by the royal treas- 
ury, and they were all sent back to San Blas in 1795, 
though sailors were subsequently allowed to remain in 
California as workmen at the presidios and as settlers.” 

In the promotion of manufactures, however, a de- 
cided effort was made in this decade, and with consid- 
erable success. The plan adopted was to send skilled 
artisans from Mexico under government pay to teach 
their trades to neophytes and to white apprentices. 
About twenty of these artisan instructors were sent 
to California, chiefly in 1792 and 1795, a few of whom 
remained permanently as settlers, but most retired on 
the expiration of their contracts before 1800.” 


Arch., MS., ii. 75. . Wages paid to mission, not to Indians. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xxi. 158. 1800, mission Indians get two reals per day, one in extra 
food and one in cloth, or sometimes money from presidios. Private persons 
pay in corn or meat. Arch. Sta Ldarbara, MS., ii. 119. 

8 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 193-4; xiii. 69, 123-4; xvi. 2; Prov. Rec., MS., 
iv. 232; v.5. The sailor sirvientes got $10 per month and 19 cents for rations. 
One slave is mentioned during the decade. He was owned by Col. Alberni, 
and was tried for robbery in 1798. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 102. 

#® Their names were: Santiago Ruiz, Manuel D. Ruiz, Toribio Ruiz, Salva- 
dor Rivera, Joaquin Rivera, and Pedro Alcdntara, masons: Mariano Tapia, 
potter; Cayetano Lopez, mill-maker; José A. Ramirez and Salvador Véjar, car- 
penters; Miguel Sangrador, tanner and shoemaker; Joaquin Avalos, tanner; 
Mariano Tapinto and Joaquin Botello, tailors; Pedro Gonzalez Garcia, José 
Arroyo, and José F. Arriola, blacksmiths; Antonio Dom. Henriquez and Mari- 
ano José Mendoza, weavers; Manuel Mufioz, listonero, ribbon-maker; José 
de Los Reyes and Antonio Hernandez, saddlers. One or two of these names 
may have been those of settlers who had trades; and one or two of convicts. 
A few of the maestros got $1,000 per year, and the journeymen from $300 to 
$600. The contracts were for four or five years. Sept. 10,1790, Fages speci- 
fies 51 mechanics needed, besides teachers, millers, and a surveyor. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., xv. 138; St. Pap., Miss., MS.,i. 82. 1790 and 1792, lists of trades 
existing. Jd., i. 96, 98, 101-2. Salvador Rivera, the stone-cutter, was at first 
left at Nootka in 1791. St. Pap.; Sac., MS., v. 95. Four mechanics arrived 
in Dec. 1791. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xv. 6. Viceroy says a carpenter 
must teach his trade to at least 12 Indians in the four years. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., x. 137. In 1791 tailor at Monterey did $135 worth of work for private 
parties. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 3. June 20, 1792, opinion of 
the fiscal on the project, including provision for granting the artisans land and 
making permanent settlers of them. The engineer Miguel Costansé appears as 
one of the advisers in the matter. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 62-8. March 1793, 
three artisans sent back as useless. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 163. Jan. 1794, no 
visible progress made though the artisans work well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 
178-9. Of the value of work done by the artisans half goes to the treasury, one 
third to apprentices, and one sixth to artisans. Jd., xi. 158; Prov. Rec., MS., 
vill. 140. April 29, 1795, V. R. wonders that though wages have ‘been paid, 


-$10,000 is yet due the artisans. Jd., iv. 227. July 19, 1795, new opinion of 


616 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


At first the artisans were distributed in the missions 
and presidios, or in some cases travelled from one place 
to another giving instruction. The friars were of 
course pleased, for they thus received almost without 
cost instructions for themselves and their neophytes 
which in the future must contribute largely to the 
prosperity of their establishments. But they were 
deeply grieved when they found that the king’s 
mechanics were by no means disposed to regard them- 
selves as mere mission servants to be utilized according 
to the orders of the padres, and at the necessity of pay- 
ing something for the work done by the artisans in 
the course of their teaching. As usual they wanted 
all the benefits of the enterprise and its management, 
but pleaded poverty when payment was asked. The 
government was not willing to do so much for the 
missions, and after 1795 the friars were obliged to pay 


for the work done, to pay the artisans’ salaries, or to. 


send their neophytes to the presidios to be taught. 
In many cases they refused to do either, and quite a 
controversy ensued. But the difficulty settled itself 
as the terms of contract expired, and before 1800 the 
neophytes had acquired a stock of instruction which 
it was thought would suffice for the mission needs.” 


the fiscal on details. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-60. Aug. 24, 1795, B. says 
V.R. has ordered work of artisans to cease at missions. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 61. 
Pay began when artisans left Mexico. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 41-3. Fifty 
dollars advanced for travelling expenses. The married ones to be given in 
California a male and female Indian servant for each family, to be fed and edu- 
cated. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 202-4; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 184. Dec. 4, 
1795, fiscal’s report, with details of contracts. dd.. xiii, 34-42, Jan. 1796, the 
missions must be asked to support the new artisans expected. Prov. ec., MS., 
v. 78. 1796, effort to obtain white apprentices. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 53-4, 
72-3; v. 249; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. July 1796, lands ordered granted 
(in pueblos) to several artisans. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 164. 1797, the basis of 
pay was changed in later years, one eighth ‘of the value of work done going to 
the artisan, and seven eighths to the treasury. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 90-1 (and 
many other references). See also for voluminous correspondence on this sub- 
ject—chiefly on the names, salaries, engaging, distribution, arrival and depart- 
ure of the artisans—Proo. St. Pap., MS., x. 41; xii. 192-3; xiii, 40-2, 52-3, 
60, 107, 126-7; xiv. 6; xvi. 202, 213; xvii. 40, 135; xxi. 36-7, 44, 73-4, 89-90, 
229, 236, 238, 253, 280, 287; Id., Ben. Mil., 'MS., Xxi. 9; xxiit. of d., Pre- 
sidios, MS. a bia 5, §2--3; St. Pap., Sac., MS. vad, 9, 10; iv. 2, 62; vii. "47-9; 
xvii. 8; Prov. Rec., hers vy ba UBT 3 Avi 190, 210; v. 14; vi. 32, 35, 76; Arch. 
Arzobispado, MS., i. 

50Dec. 21, 1792, petit to Arrillaga, some of the artisans show a ten- 


WEAVING AND TANNING. 617 


Some white apprentices were obtained and taught, 
though instances were not wanting where parents 
deemed it degrading to put their sons to a trade. 

The results of all these efforts were that before 
1800 rude looms were set up in many of the missions, 
on which by Indian labor the wool of the country was 
woven into blankets and coarse fabrics with which the 


neophytes were clothed ;* hides were tanned and made 


into shoes, some of the coarser parts of saddles and 
other leather goods being also manufactured, though 


dency to act as officers rather thaninstructors. The tailorsdon’t amount to much, 
in fact tailors are not much needed in a country where each native is tailor for 
himself. It is not well to send the natives to the presidios for instruction; 
but it would be a good idea to let certain artisans travel from mission to mis- 
sion. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 30-2. 1793-4, several San Carlos Indians 
instructed in stone-cutting, bricklaying, ete. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59. 
Dec. 1795, Borica orders missions to send each four or five Indians to presidios, 
They will be supported and will have a soldier to teach them religion. Prov. 
Tec., MS., v. 235-6. July 28, 1796, Lasuen in a circular regrets the restric- 
tions, but orders the padres to send the neophytes to the presidios, not how- 
ever expecting any good results. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138. Aug. 8, 
1796, B. says to Lasuen seven eighths of products of work must go to treas- 
ury and one eighth to artisan. An Indian boy and girl must be supplied, as 
servants, or appeal will be made to the viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 166-7, 
163-4. Dec. 20, 1796, V. R. says that the artisans are engaged to teach the 
natives and not to serve at missions. The missions must pay. Arch. Sta 
Barbara, MS., ix. 167-8. April 26, 1797, Lasuen to V. R. protesting against 
giving the artisans one eighth of the value of their work when the mission 
furnishes all the material, and also against sending Indians to the presidios 
as being subversive of all subordination. Jd., ix. 169-72; Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xv. 281-2. Nov. 12, 1798, B. has given a mission the free use of a smith and 
carpenter for a year. Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 226. Sept. 21, 1799, V. R. to gov. 
and president, asking them to come to some conclusion how best to instruct 
neophytes without risk to Christian duties. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 173- 
4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 339; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 1938. Jan. 22, 1800, 
Lasuen to V. R., neophytes ought not to be sent to the presidios where they 
are used as peons and often run away; still something may be effected by 
sending docile youth and requiring a strict watch over them. The objection 
to the artisans coming to the missions, is the required payment for the articles 
made by them which the mission cannot afford, especially after furnishing 
servants and material, and as the objects made are not sold. Arch. Sta Bur- 
bara, MS., ix. 175-80. 

31 For items about weaving see Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162-6; iv. 98-9, 251, 
300; v. 206. 245-7; vi. 3, 79, 81, 117, 230; ix. 5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 
24; xv. 67-8; xvi. 233, 261-2; xviii. 18, 19; xxi. 189; Jd., Ben. Mil., xxv. 14; 
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 100; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 108-5; Arch. Sta Bar- 
bara, MS., ii. 68, 96-7; ix. 168-9; Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 11-13. No blankets 
were brought from Mexico after 1797. A little cotton cloth was woven from 
material brought from San Blas. The Indians had some natural skill at dye- 
ing. The ribbon-maker was found to be of no use. There was a proposition 
in 1797 to make the learning of a trade obligatory. Weaving was a failure 
at Monterey. Some hemp was used for neophytes’ garments. P. Espi 
wanted to establish a fulling-miil, but the governor disapproved the scheme. 
The pueblos got none of the instructors, but some weaving was done there. 


618 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


not enough as yet toavoid importation from Mexico.” 
Soap was made of suitable quality and quantity to 
supply home needs after 1798;* coarse pottery was 
produced at San Francisco and several other places ;* 
and water-power flouring-mills were built at Santa 
Cruz and San Luis Obispo, possibly also at San 
Gabriel and San José, which with the tahonas worked 
by horse or man power and the metates of the neo- 
phyte women, supplied the province with flour.® 
Some details of these different branches of manufac- 
tures will be found in local annals of the different 
towns, missions, and presidios.* 

In the way of public improvements, repairs were 
several times ordered to be made on the roads, espe- 
cially at the crossings of streams where couriers were 
liable to be delayed. There were several supposed 
discoveries of rich mineral deposits, including one of 
quicksilver in the black mud at Santa Barbara in 1796. 
In fact Father Salazar reported that the province was 
supposed to be very rich in metals, which were not 
developed for fear that foreigners would rush in, but 
actual mining operations were confined to an occasional 
trip after teguesquite, or saltpetre, and the extraction 
of brea, or asphaltum, from the pitch-wells of the 
Channel coast, used to some extent for roofing.” 


32 St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 46-7; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 50, 220; Arch. Sta 
Barbara, MS., ii. 72-3, 129. Some 2,000 hides were tanned at Santa Claraas 
early as 1792, but very few of them could be sold. At Sta Barbara the cor- 
poral of the guard was paid $150 per year to attend to the tanning. 

83 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 33, 48, 50, 95, 105, 303; v. 211; ix. 5; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xvii. 110. About $1,000 worth of soap was required each year. 
There was a manufactory of this article at the rancho del rey in Monterey. 

34 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xvi. 25; xviii. 259; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 75; v. 88; 
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 313. 

85 Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162-3; iv. 177, 187-8, 224, 232, 253, 283; v. 50; vi. 6, 
68; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59; Los Angeles Hist., 7. Hall’s Hist. S. 
José, 114. 

36 See also general communications on the progress of the various industries 
between governor and viceroy in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 67-8, 89-90, 117; S¢. 
Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 79; Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 46; St. 
Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 6. 

37 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 107, 175; xxi. 176-7; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 57-8; 
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 64-5. The only ship-building industry recorded 
is the building of a large boat by the sailors left by Capt. Dorr in 1796. Prov. 
fec., MS., vi. 79. 


AGRICULTURE. 619 


Agricultural statistics are given elsewhere in chap- 
ters devoted to missions, pueblos, and to local prog- 
ress; but it is well here to give the grand total of 
production, which was on an average 56,000 bushels 
of grain per year during the decade. Of this yield 
36,000 bushels were wheat; 11,700 bushels, corn; 
5,400 bushels, barley; 1,800 bushels, beans; and 1,200 
bushels, miscellaneous grains such as pease, lentils, etc. 
Of other crops no statistical records were kept, though 
each establishment had a vegetable garden, a fruit- 
orchard, or a vineyard, most having all of these in 
a prosperous condition supplying the wants of the 
country. There have been some interesting discus- 
sions in modern times respecting the dates ‘at which 
grapes, oranges, and other fruits were introduced in 
California; but there are no records which can throw 
light on the matter. Many varieties of fruit, includ- 
ing probably grapes, were introduced from the penin- 
sula by the earliest expeditions between 1769 and 
1773; nearly all the varieties were in a flourishing 
condition on a small scale before Junfpero Serra’s 
death in 1784; and very few remained to be introduced 
after 1800.8 

Borica gave and required his commandants to give 
much personal attention to the advancement of agri- 
cultural interests, using various expedients of reward 
and threat to accustom the settlers—for there was 
rarely any occasion to interfere with the friars and 
their subjects—to habits of industry and to precau- 
tions against possible famine in years of drought. 

38 Information on these matters is very meagre and of a general nature. 
Vallejo has heard from his father and others of the fundadores that vines 
were brought up in 1769, and planted at San Diego. Vallejo, Doc. List. Cul., 
MS., xxxvi. 288. Palou, Vida de Juntpero Serra, 199, 220, etc., mentions 
grapes, vegetables, fruits, etc., as flourishing in 1784. Yield of Monterey 
garden suflicient to pay for a gardner in 1784, Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 54. La 
Pérouse left the first potatoes in California in 1786. There are some traili- 
tions of wild grapes found in the country near San Antonio, and improved by 
cultivation. Gomez, Lo que sabe, MS., 105-6. Fages’ garden in 17$3-91 with 
200 fruit-trees, vines, etc. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 167. Vancouver names 
many kinds of fruit raised in 1792. Wine manufactured in the southern 


missions in 1797-8. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 66, 70, 1798. The culture 
af vines and olives must be encouraged. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 106. 


620 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


Regular weather reports were insisted on, though very 
few of them have been preserved.” The hardest years 
for the province were 1794 and 1795; but even in 
those years the drought did not extend over all the 
territory, so that more than half the average crop was 
produced. In 1793 the governor seconded by Presi- 
dent Lasuen prohibited the kindling of fires by neo- 
phytes and gentiles which had in ‘several instances 
caused considerable damage in the grain-fields.” In 
1795 owners of gardens were required to fence them, 
or at least to make no complaints of ravages by cat- 
tle." The chief enterprise, however, of an agricult- 
ural nature in which the government took an inter- 
est was the attempt to introduce the cultivation of 
flax and hemp. The establishment of this industry 
in the American colonies of Spain had been ordered 
by the king in 1781, and the orders had been promul- 
gated in California as elsewhere, without receiving 
any practical attention; but in 1795 special orders and 
a package of seed having been sent up to Monterey, 
the experiment was undertaken in earnest by Borica’s 
directions, San José being selected as the spot and 
Tenacio Vallejo as the superintendent, with the aid of 
a soldier who knew something of flax-culture. Some 
details of the experiment will be found in connection 
with the local history of San José for this period. 
There were some failures of crops, and others result- 
ine from inexperience in the various processes to 
which. the product was subjected; but several lots of 
the staple sent to Mexico gave satisfaction, and in 
1800 the prospects of the new industry were consid- 
ered encouraging, and preparations were made to send 
Joaquin Sanchez to superintend it in California.” 


89 Minor communications of the governor on agriculture. Prov. Rec., MS., 
iv. 52-3, 69-186; v. 63; vi. 67, 80; Dept. St. Pap. 8. José., MS., i. 52. Borica 
offered a premium of G05 for the largest crop in 1796. 

9 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 187-8; /d., Ben. Mil., xx. 5; Arch. Arzobis- 
pado, MS., i. 34; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 210-14. 

eta Rec., 'MS., iv. 16, 17, 29, 33-4, 272, 293; Prov. St. Pap., MS., 

xiv. 77. 

“” Nov. 13, 1781, royal orders published by Neve. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 


STOCK-RAISING, 621 


The companion industry to agriculture, and the 
favorite occupation of Californians from the first, as 
requiring less hard work than tilling the soil, was 
stock-raising. California had in 1800 in round num- 
bers 187,000 animals in her herds and flocks: 74,000 
cattle, 24,000 horses, 1,000 mules, and 88,000 sheep, 
not to mention the comparatively few asses, goats, 
and swine. Of the total number the missions had 
153,000; the presidios 18,000; and the pueblos 16,000. 
The increase had been uninterrupted from 1769 except 
in the year 1794—5 when there was a slight decrease. 
The king’s rancho at Monterey with branches at San 
Irancisco and San Diego furnished to the presidial 
companies a very large part of the meat consumed 
and nearly all the cavalry horses employed in the 
service, the proceeds of sales on royal account varying 
from $1,000 to $3,000 per year. The missionaries 
always looked with much hostility on these establish- 
ments as depriving the missions of the best and almost 
the only market for their produce; but having founded 


iii. 247-53. 1785, other orders of the audiencia published. Jd., v. 250-1. 
Sept. 13, 1785, José de Galvez to Fages on aiding the enterprise. St. Pap. 
Sac., MS., iv. 35. Sept. 6, 1793, viceroy orders flax-culture to be promoted 
in all the missions. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 263-4. Sept. 7th, guardian 
also recommends the matter, saying that a wild flax is found on the Cali- 
fornia coast. /d., xii. 14,15. Aug. 13, 1794, two fanegas of hemp-seed sent 
to Lasuen. /d., xi. 267-8. Instructions for hemp-culture. Instruments sent 
1795. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 15-17; Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS.,i. 53-6; 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 140. See chapter xxxii. for experiments at San José. 
May 21, 1796, flax and hemp to be free of duty, and implements free from 
taxes. Gaceta de Mez., viii. 95-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 194. Dec. 19, 
1796, Borica to V. R., 30 fanegas of seed harvested. Missions as a rule will not 
be able to raise hemp. No success yet in working the material. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., iv. 70. Hemp exported in 1796-7 of nouse. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
272. 1798, samples sent to Mexicoand approved. Jd., vi. 103; vili. 189-90. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 272, 287. May 3, 1798, hemp sent to P. Viader 
to try experiments in spinning. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 213. 1799, 25 arrobas 
of hemp sent to Mexico. Price $350. Prospects favorable’ Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xviii. 83-4; xvii. 213. Culture must be introduced at Branciforte. /d., 
xvii, 314-15. San Cérlos using hemp for ordinary cloth for neophytes. 
Prov. Rec., vi. 117. 1800, crops not good. Jd., ix. 15; S. José Arch., MS., 
iii. 70. Arrangements in Mexico to continue to encourage the new industry 
and to send Joaquin Sanchez to California. S. José, Arch., MS., v. 20; St. 
Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 55-7; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 102-4. By 
these arrangements the memoria ships were to take flax and hemp in good 
condition and pay for it in cash. Sanchez did not sail for California. Guerra, 
Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 176-9. Vague indications that cotton was also 
tried. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 108; vi. 209; ix. 6 


622 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


the ranchos at a time when the missions had no live- 
-stock to sell, the government was not disposed to 
abandon them later; and indeed it was claimed that 
only by means of the rancho del rey and of the fixed 
tariffs of prices were the friars kept from maintaining 
an oppressive monopoly.* 

In 1796-7 Borica made a special effort to promote 
the raising of sheep in connection with the manufac- 
ture of cloth. Statistical reports do not show that 
the increase in the mission flocks was much greater 
in those than other years, though it was uniformly 
rapid; while in the pueblos, to which Borica gave his 
attention more particularly, very little was accom- 
plished.“ The Californian cattle were very prolific, 
and, under the early regulations forbidding the 
slaughter of cows, multiplied with wonderful rapid- 
ity. The pueblos were not allowed to let their large 
stock increase beyond fifty head to each settler; the 
rancheros had no very large herds before 1800; and 
in the missions during the last decade efforts were 
directed rather to restrict than encourage further 
increase; yet in spite of all restrictions, and of the 
ravages of bears, wolves, and Indians, and of the 
constantly increasing slaughter for meat and tallow, 
cattle were becoming too numerous for the needs of 

4 Prov. St. Pap., MS. x. 91; xii. 30, 97; xvi. 92; xvii. 14-16; Jd., Ben. 
Mil., xiii. 1-7; xvii. 1; xviii. 4, 5; xxv. 2-4; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 208; iv. 16, 
117, 134, 255-6, 273, 285; v. 64, 68, 85, 269; vi. 100, 104, 109; St. Pap., Miss., 
MS., i. 73-4; Sé. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 68-78. See also chapters xxx. 
and xxxii. for local items respecting the rancho del rey. 1795, cattle lost on 
the road were charged to the consumption of the troops. 1790, 4,000 cattle 
belonging to the real hacienda, from which many private persons were sup- 
ei 1795, each soldier might have two milch cows. ‘There seem to have 


een some sheep on the rancho. After 1797 an account was made of the 
hides, which before had been left to the soldiers. 


4 Efforts at Sta Barbara. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 66. Rancheros must keep 


sheep or live in the pueblos. Jd., iv. 86. Introduced at Angeles, 8. José, 
and San Francisco. Jd., vi. 79. Every settler should have at least 11 sheep, 
for which they may pay in grain. Jd., iv. 147. Breeding-sheep to be pur- 
chased and sent to Monterey. Jd., iv. 62. Six hundred and fourteen. sheep 
at 7 reals, wethers $2, received from San Diego. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 6. 
Wool at S. Gabriel 20 reals per arroba. Jd., vi. 6. Two hundred sheep dis- 
tributed at Angeles August 1796. Jd., vi. 1. Every settler at San José must 
keep 3 sheep for every larger animal. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 73-4. 
The breed at San Francisco was merino, and better than elsewhere. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xv. 8, 9. 


HORSES AND MULES. 623 


the country. Horses, not being used for food, nor 
as yet stolen extensively by Indians, were largely in 
excess of all demands at four or five dollars each. 
Mules at fifteen dollars were generally in demand, 
comparatively few being yet raised. ‘Tithes of all 
live-stock except in the missions were branded each 
year in October or November and added to the rancho 


Rael rey.” 


451791, mission stock should be reduced to prevent dispersion. The 
Indians eat too much meat. Missions not allowed to buy animals from the 
troops. The raising of horses and mules should be promoted. Yearly slaughter 
for meat ordered. Fages to Romeu, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 150, 157, 170. 
1792, no more fat to be shipped from San Blas, and 200 cows to be killed 
each year. It is better to make monthly distributions of meat. Arrillaga, in 
Id., xi. 87-8; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 156. Vancouver took some cattle away 
for Botany Bay and the Sandwich Islands. Vancouver's Voy., ii. 99; Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 122. 1794, no market for horses. Mules promise better. 
Pueblo stock much exposed to Indians. Soldiers allowed only three or four 
cows. King’s stock not much affected by the removal of females. Adobe 
houses built for soldiers guarding stock, in place of huts of hides. Arriliaga, 
Papel de Puntes, MS., 189-91. 1795, rancheros have but little stock and it 
must not increase. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 269, 219, 224-5. 1796, wild 
beasts troublesome, preventing the increase of tithes. A lion attacked a cor- 
poral, soldier, and Indian woman at Rancheria Nueva. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 
6, iv. 63. 1797, no settler to have over 50 head of large stock, for each of 
which three head of small stock must be kept. /d., iv. 204, 284; Dept. St. 
Pap., S. José, MS., i. 73-4. Two reals to be paid on each head of cattle 
killed. S. José, Arch., MS., v. 31. Tithe cattle to be branded with royal 
rancho brand applied crosswise to prevent confusion. /d., v.31. Over 12,000 
horses on the Monterey ranchos in 1800 (evidently an error). Arrillaga, Estado 
de 1800-1, MS., in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cal., 3, 4. 


CHAPTER XXIX. 


INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 
1791-1800. 


CoMMERCE—TRADE OF THE TRANSPORTS—OTTER-SKINS—PROJECTS OF MAR- 
QUEZ, MAMANELI, INCIARTE, PoNCE, MENDEZ, AND OVINETA—PROVINCIAL 
FINANCES—HABILITADOS—FAcTOR AND COMMISSARY—COMPLICATED 
ACCOUNTS—SUPPLIES AND REVENUES—TaAaxEsS—ToBacco Monorpoty— 
TitHEes—MiuiTtary ForcrE anp DISTRIBUTION—CIVIL GOVERNMENT— 
PPoPposED SEPARATION OF THE CALIFORNIAS—ADMINISTRATION OF JUS- 
TICE—A CAUSE CELEBRE—EXECUTION OF RosaS—OFFICIAL CARE OF 
Morats—USE oF Liquors—GAMBLING—EpucaTION—Borica’s EFFORTS 
—TuE First SCHOOLS AND SCHOOL-MASTERS. 


Cauirornia had as yet nocommerce. Nota trading- 
vessel proper touched on the coast before 1800, though 
there had been some little exchange of goods for meat 
and vegetables on several occasions between the Cal- 
ifornians and such vessels as arrived for purposes other 
than commercial. “It is sad not to see a single ship- 
owner on the Pacific coast,” wrote Costansé in 1794; 
no trade in the South Sea, and therefore no revenue, 
a lack of population, and great expense to the crown. 
The Cadiz merchants from mistaken motives stifled 
the coast trade in its infancy. A grand commerce | 
might be developed, affording California colonists a 
market for their products, including fish and salted 
meats... The Spanish laws strictly forbade all trade 
not only with foreign vessels and for foreign goods, 
but with Spanish vessels and for Spanish-American 
goods except the regular transports and articles 
brought by them. At first the transports were for- 
bidden to bring other goods than those included in 
the regular invoices to the habilitados, and great pre- 


1 Costansé, Informe de 1794, MS. 
( 624 ) 


TRADE WITH THE TRANSPORTS. 625 


cautions were insisted on to prevent smuggling by 
friars, soldiers, and sailors. After 1785, however, 
trade was free on the transports except that from 
1790 to 1794 one half the regular rates of duties must 
be paid, and that at no time could foreign goods be 
introduced. The methods of conducting this traf- 
fic are not clearly indicated, but apparently the offi- 
cers and even sailors of the transports brought up 
from San Blas on private speculation such articles as 
they could barter with the soldiers. In the absence 
of money this trade could not have assumed large pro- 
portions; but the soldiers formed the habit of exchang- 
ing the regularly furnished goods needed by their fam- 
ilies for liquors, bright-colored cloths, and worthless 
trinkets. To prevent this the governor sometimes 
delayed opening the regular supplies till after the ves- 
sel had departed. The supply-ships continued during 
this decade as before to take an occasional small quan- 
tity of salt or salt meat to San Blas, besides receiving 
the needed supphes for their return trips. The im- 
portation of mission produce from Lower California 
was allowed, but naturally little was done in this 
direction, though one or two lots of brandy, figs, and 
raisins for the friars were sent up overland.’ 


2 Feb. 26, 1791, Fages disapproves the free trade with San Blas because 
the soldiers sacrifice useful articles in barter for luxuries and liquor. Papel 
de Puntos, MS., 158-9. 1793, the viceroy thinks no branch of commerce is 
likely to succeed unless it may be the shipment of grain toSan Blas. MRevilla 
Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS. 1794, Gov. allows importation from Baja Cali- 
fornia, except of mescal and other liquors. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 110-11. 
Nov. 1794, publication of the king’s renewal of license (of Feb. 18, 1794), for 
free trade with San Blas for 10 years. Jd., xi. 186-7; xii. 9, 10, 177-8. May 
27, 1795, V. R. has learned that the habilitados have paid the half duties on 
San Blas imports down to Nov. 21, 1794. This would indicate perhaps that 
this duty was paid on the regular memorias, as well as on extra goods. Iu., 
xiii. 91-2; xii. 1385. June 8, 1795, all foreign goods except such as are in- 
cluded in the regular invoices of the habilitado general are to be confiscated 
by V. R.’s order. /d., xiii. 208; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 47; S. José, Arch., 
MS., iv. 31. July 7, 1795, Perez Fernandez of San Francisco wants instruc- 
tions how to carry out this order. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 21-2. 1796, royal 
order not to admit goods from foreign vessels. Prov. Rec., MS., vill. 165. 
Aug. 17, 1796, V. R. transmits royal order of May 5th approving certain 
restrictions imposed on the leaving of cloth, etc., in payment for supplies by 
captains Moore and Locke. English cunning and pretexts for trade must 
be watched. ‘¢. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 30-1. 1798-9, brandy, figs, and raisins 
‘sent up from Paia California. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 216, 238. 

Hist. Cau., VOL. 1. 40 


626 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS: 


Within the limits of California trade consisted in 
the delivery of goods from the presidio warehouse to 
the soldiers for their pay and rations and to the set- 
tlers in payment for grain and other supplies, the ha- 
bilitados being required to purchase home productions 
rather than to order from Mexico. Money was paid 
but rarely, but goods were delivered at cost. For 
the benefit of the pueblos Borica urged not only the 
exportation of grain that the settlers might have a 
market, but the sending by the government of special 
invoices of goods to be sold to them atasmall advance 
on cost, in order that they might not be compelled to 
purchase inferior articles at exorbitant prices from the 
San Blas vessels.* The missions also sold supplies to 
the presidios, and sometimes received goods in pay- 
ment; but they preferred as a rule to keep an open 
account which was settled once a year by a draft of 
the habilitado on Mexico, with which special invoices 
of articles needed by the friars for themselves or their 
neophytes or their churches were purchased and sent 
to California free of all duties. The friars still sent 
a few otter-skins to Mexico, and an occasional cargo 
of tallow found a market at San Blas.* 

31794, orders to try all possible home products, paying in goods at cost. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 163-4; xii. 91, 99; xiv. 76-7; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 
127-8; iv. 118. 1796, care must be taken to prevent the settlers selling too 
much of their grain, and keeping none for seed. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 73-4. 
Correspondence between governor, viceroy, and habilitado general about the 
project of special invoices of goods for the pueblo trade. The matter was 
taken under consideration. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 18-29; Prov. Rec., MS., 
vi. 7, 103-4. The settlers were disposed to cheat the government by selling 
damp flour. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 46. 

‘The only communication which I find respecting the fur-trade in a 
decade is a somewhat remarkable circular of President Lasuen dated July 22, 
1791, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 314-15, 317, in which he says that 
advices from Mexico promise better prices for otter-skins, which may there- 
fore be accumulated. They can be sent to the Mission sindico so packed and — 
mixed with other goods that the contents of the packages may not be appar- 
ent; but the guardian or procurador should be notified as to the details of 
marks, etc.! Lasuen in the same circular, Jd., ix. 315-16, says that too 
much tallow has been sent to San Blas and the price is lower; therefore the 
remainder may be disposed of to private persons. 1794, the guardian gives 
the bad quality of the tallow as the reason why the ships have refused it. 
‘| hey will take 500 or 600 arrobas yearly at $2.50if well prepared. He sends 
directions for preparing it. Doc. Jlist. Cal., MS., iv. 51-2; Arch. Sta Bar- 
bara, MS., xi. 258, 264-7, 271-3. Salazar complains that pueblos have the 
preference as sellers, and also of the long time that the missions have to wait. 


COMMERCIAL PROJECTS. 627 


In 1793 the king granted to Roman Marquez of 
the Comercio de Indias license to make an experi- 
mental trading voyage from Cadiz to San Blas and 
California, with the privilege of introducing Spanish 
goods free of all duties, though foreign goods must 
pay seven per cent. Californian products exchanged 
for these goods might also be exported free of duties. 
Due notice was forwarded to the viceroy, and by him 
to Borica and Lasuen, who notified friars and com- 
mandants to be ready for the expected commercial 
visitor. It was announced in November 1794 that 
the vessel, the Levante, had actually sailed. A year 
later came the notice that as Marquez had failed to 
carry out his enterprise it would be undertaken by 
Jonacio Inciarte. Here the matter seems to have 
dropped out of view.° Meanwhile the king and vice- 
roy in 1794-5 approved the petition of Nicolds Ma- 
maneli who proposed to make a trading voyage from 
California and return; but nothing more is heard of 
the scheme.® Permission was also granted to Antonio 
Ponce to build a schooner and open a trade between 
San Blas and California.’ 

I have alluded to Borica’s recommendation in favor 
of the sending of special invoices by the government 
for pueblo trade. In May 1797 the habilitado gen- 
eral made a long report in favor of the project, ex- 
plaining that nothing but a market for produce could 
arouse Californian industries from stagnation to pros- 
perity; enumerating the facilities for a profitable 
exportation of furs, hides, fish, grain, flax, oil, and 
wine, and especially sardines, herring, and salmon, and 
insisting that the government must take the initiative 


in opening this provincial commerce, since the pros- 


Condicion Actual de Cal., MS., 71-3. 1799, contracts not to be made with 
Mission majordomos without consent of padre. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 40. 

5 Viceroy’s communication of April 2, 1794, enclosing royal order of Oct. 
1, 1793, and other papers. Prov. Si. Pap., MS., xi. 168, 188-9; xii. 21-2; 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 116-17, 119, 140; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 40; Cedu- 
lario, MS., i. 249. 

6 Feb. 28, 1795, viceroy to governor, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii, 12. 

1 Nueva Espatia, Acuerdos, MS., 92-3. 


. 


628 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 





pects at the first were not sufficiently flattering to 
attract private companies. He urged the sending of 
an experimental invoice of $6,000, and gave many 
details respecting the management of the business. 
Here so far as the records show the matter ended 
without practical benefit to Los Angeles and San José.* 
Two other commercial schemes in behalf of California 
were devised in 1800 and were still in abeyance at 
the end of this decadé. Juan Ignacio Mendez, who 
had brought some goods to California for sale on the 
supply-ship in 1798 and had worked in the country” 
as a carpenter, asked for a license to export California 
productions on private account by the same vessels. 
Juan Bautista Ovineta asked for the approval of a 
contract which he had made with the settlers of San 
José and Branciforte for one thousand fanegas of 
wheat each year at two dollars and a half a fanega. 
The- viceroy and fiscal were disposed to favor both 
projects, but called on the governor for his opinion.’ 


8Carcaba, Informe del Habilitado General sobre la remision de memorias de 
Efectos para los Pueblos de California, 1797, Ms. 

® Oct. 3, 1800, viceroy to governor, on the Mendez proposition. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., ix. 104-6. Dec. 18, 1800, fiscal to V. R., on Ovineta’s contract. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 72-5. Viceroy Azanza in his Ynstruccion, MS., 
91-2, speaks of a proposal of Tepic merchants to supply California with mer- 
chandise. On prices I append the following items: Feb. 26, 1791, Fages sug- 
gests a reduction in some of the tariff prices for grain and meat. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., x. 156-7. Prices at Sta Barbara and 8. Buenaventura, 1794 to 
1821. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vii. 44-66, 80-111; ix. 485-7. Sept. 22, 
1795, Borica gives a list of articles which could be advantageously sold in 
California, including hats costing $22 and selling at $30 per dozen; stockings, 
$9-$12 per dozen; handkerchiefs, $13-$18 per dozen; gold lace, $28-$50 per 
pound; chocolate, 1.75 reales to 3.5 reales per pound. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., xxii. 2. 1796, cojinillos, saddle-pads, 50 cents a pair. Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 160. Wheat, $3 per fanega. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 69. 
Freight on grain from Angeles to Sta Barbara 7 reals. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
82-3. 1797, wool 18 reals per arroba (9 cents per pound). Jd., iv. 91; $3 
at Monterey. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 78; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 214. 
Lambs offered, 7 reals; asked by padres, $1. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 86. 
1798, tiles $20 per thousand. Jd., xvii. 97. Bulls, $4. /d., xvii. 103. Calves, 
$4; cows, $5. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 102, 105. 1799, blankets $4.50; brandy, 
$1.07 per cwartillo; figs, 830 cents per pound; olive-oil, 40 cents per pound, 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 110; vi. 233. Chickens, 50 cents per dozen. S. José, 
Arch., MS., vi. 41. June 26, 1799, Borica favors reduction in price of horses 
from $9 to $7; mares, $4 to $3; and colts, $5 to $3.50. Other tariff prices fair 
enough. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 126-7. Soap, 15 cakes for $1. Tithe wheat 
ee Ae sold for 13 reals for cash or on 4 months’ time. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 








PROVINCIAL FINANCE. 629 


- The matters of provincial finance, presidial supplies, 
and habilitado’s accounts are closely allied to that of 
commerce, since the distribution of supplies consti- 
tuted for the most part the traffic of the country. 
There were no radical changes in the system of finan- 
cial management during this decade. Hach year an 
appropriation from the royal treasury was made in 
Mexico to cover all Californian expenses, according to 
the pay-roll of officers, soldiers, artisans, and settlers. 
Before 1796 it was about $64,000; subsequently by 
reason of the reénforcements of Catalan volunteers 
and artillerymen, of artisan instructors, and of the 
settlers of Branciforte, the ainount was raised to about 
$81,000. Hach year in March or April a list was 
sent from California of all the articles which would 
be needed for the following year and which could not 
be purchased in the province. From the appropria- 
tion was deducted the amount of drafts on Mexico 
with which supplies obtained in California had been 
paid for, and also the amount of various royal revenues 
retained in California and represented by drafts. 
Then there was added the amount of supplies furnished 
in California to vessels or by due authority to native 
laborers, or otherwise properly disposed of. Finally, 
the memorias of needed articles were purchased at 
Mexico and San Blas and shipped regularly to the 
north. The accounts of each presidial company and 
of the volunteers and artillery were kept separate, and 
there was usually a balance of a few hundred or a few 
thousand dollars for or against each company, accord- 
ing as the memorias were less or greater than the net 
appropriation. ‘The habilitados were not allowed to 
include in their lists articles of luxury. Some coin 
wax sent with each invoice, enough to pay the salaries 

10 For separate presidial accounts see chapters xxx.-xxxii. The following 
references are somewhat general in their nature, embracing accounts and frag- 
ments relating to all the presidios: St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 47-8; ii. 35, 38; vi. 

115; ix. 48, 58-60, 74-6; xv. 10-12; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiv. 8; 

xix. 5, 7-9; xxvi. 5; xxvii. 5,6; xxviii. 21-2; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 160; v. 6,7, 


10; vi. 120-1; Prov. St. Pap, MS., xvii. 35-43: Prov. St. Pap. Ms Presidios, 
MS., i 76-88. 


630 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


of the governor and one or two other officers, with a — 
small amount for the soldiers. There was at one time ~ 
an order that all balances due the companies be sent 
in coin, but I find no evidence that anything of the © 
kind was ever done.” | 
Until 1791 the purchase of supplies and general 
management of California business in Mexico was in — 
the hands of a factor, Pedro Ignacio Ariztegui being ~ 
the last to hold that position, preceded by Ramon ~ 
Manuel de Goya from 1776, and his place taken by _ 
José Avila from 1785 for several years. Francisco — 
Hijosa as commissary attended to the business at — 


11¥yom the voluminous correspondence on the topics treated in thisand 


the next paragraph I present the following items: 1790, full details on 
forms of accounts. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 289-99, 305. Viceroy’s orders 
for reports, etc., to aid Romeu in his investigation of presidial accounts. /d., — 
ix. 313-19. Sept. 26, 1790, Revilla Gigedo’s letter to court recommending the __ 
appointment of Carcaba as habilitado general, and explaining the desirabil- __ 
ity of the new office. Hstudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 8,9. May 14, 1791, 
royal order creating the office. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 2. Oct. 
3, 1791, viceroy communicates royal approval of Carcaba’s appointment to — 


governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 136-7. Sept. 20th, habilitado’s deficits 


to be charged to the company pro rata, and he is to live on 25 cts per day under © 4 


arrest, his property also being sold. /d., x. 76. Some clerical fees had tobe 


paid from California on statements of account. Jd., xii. 105. Damaged effects — 
charged to the factor; expenses to company. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 158, Jan. 
4, 1793. Sending of supplies suspended until accounts are cleared up. Prov. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 4. Jan. 23, 1794, habilitado general, his appoint- 
ment, accounts, etc. Nueva Espatia, Acuerdos, MS., 40-3. May 12th, gov. 
complains to V. R. of lack of system in the accounts. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xxi. 138-40. 1794, Col. Alberni was refused 50 arrobas of flour, because it 
could be bought in California. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 41-2. Articles of lux- 
ury not to be included in memorias. Balances in coin, one fourth in small 
change. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 124-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 182-3. Dec. 7 
1795, 10 per cent advance to be charged on goods distributed to Indians. Jd. — 
The habilitados had to send with their memorias an account of the condition 
of arms, dress, and other kinds of property. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 91. 
Jan. 1, 1795, Borica to Carcaba, complaining of the inefficiency of his officers 
especially as habilitados. Grajera is namedas an exception. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xxi. 213-14. April, $6,000 in silver coin sent to California. Prov. St. | 


Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 10. Report of Feb. 19, 1795, on the accounts of — 


the expedition of 1769-74. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 5-9. Habilitado gen- 
eral considered as agent and apoderado of the California Indians. Prov. Rec., 


MS., vi. 2. Company accounts must bear the signature of commandant and 


alférez besides that of the habilitade. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vii. 40. 1797, 


precautions against counterfeit money, with indications that some of it was — | 
in circulation in California. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 154; vi. 78; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvi. 245. March 19, 1797, Borica asks for a release of habilitados from 


some duties, and the appointment of administrators. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 





83-4. Gov. still at work on the accounts of 1781-92. Jd. Cadrcabasucceeded 


by Columna. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 168-9: Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
Xvii. 209, 322-3; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 112; viii. 224. Arrears of pay at San 
Diego. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xxi. 34, 60-3. , 





HABILITADOS. 631 


San Blas until 1795 and perhaps throughout the 
decade. In 1791 Manuel Carcaba, at the recommen- 
dation of Revilla Gigedo, was put in possession of the 
newly created office of habilitado general with the 
rank of captain and the pay of $1,200 a year. He 
was to devote his whole attention to California busi- 
ness as the factor had not done. The office was to 
be elective; and in 1799, Carcaba obtaining leave of 
absence, Eucario Antonio Columna was appointed to 
succeed him ad intervm in May, and the choice was 
duly ratified by the presidial companies in August 
and September. It is not certain that Columna ever 
took possession of the office, there being some indica- 
tions that Carcaba held it again in 1802. Through 
want of skill on the part of the habilitados the ac- 
counts were always in confusion. Deficits during this 
decade are noticed in local chapters. In 1793 the 
forwarding of supplies was once suspended till the 
accounts could be adjusted. In 1795 the final orders 
were issued for settling the old accounts of the first 
expeditions of 1769-74. Manyof the soldiers were now 
dead and their descendants scattered. Whenever the 
sum due was large, the heirs were to be sought; 
otherwise the money was to be spent in masses for 
the souls of the dead pioneers. In 1797 Borica in the 
north and Arrillaga at Loreto were still at work on 
the accounts of the past decade. There had been 
$12,000 due the presidio of Santa Barbara in 1792, 
and in 1801 the governor expressed doubts whether 
a settlement would ever be reached. Truly there was 
little inducement to the soldiers to live economically 
and to leave large balances in the hands of the gov- 
ernment. The procuradores at San Fernando college, 
charged with the transaction of business for the Cali- 
fornia missions, were José Murguia and Tomas de la 
Peiia, whose duties were simply to collect the friars’ 
stipends and drafts sent from California, and with the 
proceeds to purchase supplies for shipment accord- 
- ing to the orders received. Of the pious fund, source 


632 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


of the stipends, nothing in particular is known pertain- 
ing directly to this epoch; but Revilla Gigedo in his re- 
port of 1793 represents the fund as rapidly running to 
decay, and predicts that the royal treasury will have 
to make new sacrifices in behalf of the missions.” 

The Californians were free from alcabalas, or excise 
tax, on articles bought and sold for five years from 
1787 to 1792, and again for ten years from 1794. 
I’rom 1792 to 1794 one half the regular tax of six 
per cent was paid, but statistics are insufficient to 
show the revenue from this source, which was very 
small. There was also a tribute of one fanega of 
corn per year paid by the settlers, which yielded to 
the king something over $100.% From $100 to $200 
a year resulted from the sale of papal indulgences, an 
ecclesiastical revenue, but managed by the treasury 
officials.* Another ecclesiastical revenue belonging 
to the bishop of Sonora, but by him sold to the royal 
treasury, was that of diezmos, or tithes. This tax of 
ten per cent on all products must be paid by settlers 
after five years and by the rancho del rey, only 
the missions being exempt. The treasury gained 
five per cent by the purchase from the bishop, the 
habilitados received ten per cent of gross receipts for 
collection, and it was customary to sell the tithes for 
a year in advance at auction whenever a purchaser 
could be found, the price being the probable proceeds, 
and the purchaser making his profit by a more careful 
collection than the officials would enforce. This tax 
was collected in kind for grain and even for live-stock 
when the animals could be used at the presidios. The 
net proceeds, paid by drafts into the branch treasury 
at Rosario, or at Guadalajara after 1795, were over 
$1,200.¥ 

12 Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS., 18, 19. 

138 Prov. St. Pup., MS., x. 178; xi. 8, 9; Fd., Ben. Mil., xviii. 6, 7; xxv. 
6, 7; S. José Arch., MS., iii. 21. Tributes paid at Monterey in 1793, were 
ee a dite: $22. In 1797, 24 men paid $97. Alcabalas at Monterey in 


14 See chapter xxvii.; also local items in chapters xxx.—xxxii. this volume. 
©1794, tithes paid into real caja de Rosario. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xil. 








REVENUES. 633 


The largest item of royal revenue in California, as 
in all other Spanish provinces where no rich mines 
were worked, was that produced by the sale of tobac- 
co, always monopolized by the government. The net 
product of cigars, cigaritos, and snuff, little or no 
tobacco being used for chewing or smoked in pipes, 
was not less than $6,000 a year on an average.” 
Postal revenue amounted to about $700 a year, the 
habilitados serving as post-masters at their respective 
presidios, and receiving eight per cent of gross re- 
ceipts as a compensation for their services.” 

The management of all branches of the revenue was 


135. Sta Barbara tithes for 1794 were $328. The governor authorizes the 
commandant to sell them for two years at $400. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 9, 10, 
20. Capt. Ortega bid $200 (per year) on condition that the presidio purchase 
grain and cattle at tariff prices. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 173-4. Oct. 1795, 
tithes and quicksilver revenue of California transferred to Guadalajara. Jd., 
xili. 44-5;-xiv. 5; Prov. Itec., MS., iv. 143; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 2. 
1706, items showing that the tithes on live-stock, when paid in money or 
grain, were from 10 to 25 cents per head, or for mules 50 cents. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xvi. 178, 244; Id., Presidios, i. 8; S. José Arch., MS., v. 29. 
Habilitados allowed 10. per cent. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 178. No offers 
to rent the tithes of Sta Barbara in 1799. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 109. Jan. 22, 
1800, Sal to comisionado of San José, urging him in no gentle terms to hasten 
the brancing. Excommunication is the penalty for failure to pay tithes. 8. 
José, Arch., MS., ii. 57. Twenty-five ewes claimed out of every thousand 
killed. St. Pap. Mis. and Colon, MS., i. 38. Tithe cattle sold at $1.25 each. 
S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 66. 

16 Product in 1789, $6,019. Consumption in 1790, 7,751 pckgs. cigars, 
71,323 pcekgs. cigaritos, and 13 lbs. of snuff. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ui. 3, 5, 7. 
Revenue in 1793, $4,018. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 183; xxi. 186. In 1796, 
$7,918. Prov. St. Pap,, Presidios, MS., ii. 89-90. In 1800, $7,981. Prov. St. 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 8. The habilitados received 5 per cent on 
gross sales, and the habilitado of Monterey as administrator got $545 a year. 
i. XVI. 8: 

17 In the numerous communications in the archives respecting the manage- 
ment of the mails during this decade there is very little matter of interest or 
value. 1790, $250 paid for a special express from Nootka. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 10. 1792, couriers to leave San Francisco on Ist of 
each month. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 152. 1793, a courier sent from Monterey 
Nov. 16th, arrived at San Diego Nov. 23d, and at Loreto Dec. 7th. The day 
and hour of arrival and departure at each mission are given. The stay at 
each station was generally an hour. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 77-80. In 
1794 a change was made in route, mails going via Chihuahua and Buenavista 
instead of Alamos and Guadalajara. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 25; viii. 145-6; 
Prov. St. Pap.,, MS., xi. 194. English letters taken from the bags and sent 
to Mexico in 1794-5. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 9, 121; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 
134; xiii. 175. 1795, mails leave Monterey on 3d of each month for south. 
Prov. Rec., MS., v. 304. Net proceeds in 1796-7 were $758. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 14. New mail-bags in 1797. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 
-. 193. Administrators of P. O. got 8 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Muil., 

MS., xxviii. 14. Vessel carrying the mail across the gulf lost in 1800. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 86. 


634 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


in the hands of the habilitados for their respective 
jurisdictions, the accounts being sent to Monterey 
for transmission to Mexico; until in 1799 Hermene- 
gildo Sal, as: habilitado of Monterey, was formally 
appointed administrator general of royal exchequer 
revenues for New California.” 


The military force maintained in California during 
this decade was 280 men of the presidial companies, 
besides governor and surgeon, and 90 Catalan volun- 
teers and artillerymen after 1796. There were 12 
commissioned officers, 35 non-commissioned officers, 
260 private soldiers, 60 pensioners, and four or five 
mechanics. Grades and salaries | append in a note.” 
In 1799 an effort was made by the officers, supported 
by the governor, to obtain an increase of pay to the 
extent of $150 per year. It was claimed that the 
sum received was insufficient to supply food and cloth- 
ing to the officer’s family, his children going barefoot 
and in rags, while his wife had to take in washing and 
sewing. No immediate result is recorded. With 
their pay the cavalry soldiers must buy food, clothing, 
arms, and horses; but the latter were taken back and 


18 Nov. 7, 1799, Sal declared administrator. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 176; 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 285, 315. 1795, tobacco accounts sent to habili- 
tado of Monterey, as also cattle accounts; tithes to Rosario; mail accounts to 
administrator general at Mexico; bulas to the respective branch of the treas- 
ury. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 26; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 133. 

19 Salaries paid were as follows: governor (lieut.-col.), $4,000; captain Cat. 
vol., $840; alférez or sub. -lieut., $400; alférez Cat. vol., $384; sergeant, $262.50; 
sergeant artillery, $240; sergeant Cat. vol., $192; soldiers, $217.50; soldiers 
Cat. vol., $132; soldiers artillery, $180; invalid alférez, $200; invalid corporal, 
$96; surgeon, $840; lieutenant, $550; lieutenant Cat. vol., $480; bleeder, $360; 
corporal, $225; corporal artillery, $204; corporal Cat. vol., $156; mechanics, 
$180; drummer Cat. vol., $144; armorer, $217; invalid sergeant, $120; invalid 
soldier, $96. Nov. 5 , 1792, Arrillaga to viceroy, urging a provision for send- 
ing the soldiers’ pay in advance, as was done in some other presidios, though 
contrary to the reglamento. The delays, especially in fitting out new re- 
cruits and in paying off soldiers whose term had expired, caused great hard- 
ship. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 80-4. Oct. 2, 1793, viceroy orders two pay- 
ments in advance to lieutenants Graj jera and Parrilla for travelling expenses. 
St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 71. 1797, sailors employed in defensive duty get 
25 cents per day. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxl. 256. 1799, correspondence be- 
tween commandants, governor, and viceroy respecting an increase of pay for 
a presidial officers. St. Pap., Sac., MS.,i. 123-4; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 113; 

. 120-1, 





MILITARY FORCE. 635 


credited at the expiration of the term. The Catalan 
volunteers received less pay, and had no horses to 
buy. or them and for the artillerymen separate in- 
voices of effects were sent from Mexico, to the amount 
of about $15,000 per year. This infantry company 
was not deemed a very useful addition to the forces 
of the country, and it was hoped that most of the 
members at the expiration of their term might be 
induced either to reénlist in the cuera companies or 
remain in the country as settlers.” 

I explain elsewhere the military and presidio sys- 
tem. Here it is my purpose to note briefly the con- 
dition of military affairs and the slight modifications 
that occurred during the decade. The regular term 
of enlistment was ten years,” but at least eighteen 
years’ service was required for retirement as an in- 
valid on half-pay pension, and the pensioners were 
often retained a long time in the service for want of 
recruits to fill their places. From the pay of each 


20 The compafifa de voluntarios de Catalufia was also called the compaiiia 
de fusileros de montafia. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 186. Dec. 1795, the peti- 
tion of the volunteers for travelling expenses denied. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 
158; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 363. June 1797, volunteers may 
enlist in the companies on expiration of their term, but not before, and enjoy 
the advantages of their previous services. They were encouraged to marry 
christianized natives as a means of retaining them in the country. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xv. 252-3;.Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 175. July 1, 1796, Alberni 
argues that the volunteers desiring to become settlers should receive double 
allowances, on account of their 15 or 20 years of service and because it is hard 
for an old soldier to bend his body to the axe, hoe, and plow. St. Pap., Miss. 
and Colon., MS., i. 368-9, 379. March 1799, Borica favors an increase of 
cavalry in place of infantry. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 121-2. Aug. 1799, B. says 
the artillery-men live at thé batteries and alternate with the infantrymen in 
their duties. When free they promenade about the presidios. No com- 
plaints of injustice heard. Jd., vi. 128. 

21 There are no records that any recruits were obtained from abroad dur- 
ing this decade—certainly there were but very few; neither do the archives 
show how many recruits were obtained in California to keep the companies 
full; but many of the young men chose a military career. ‘There was no 
bounty paid. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 192-3; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal. MS., 
xy. 3-66, 69, 72,85, 92. Jan. 15, 1794, governor says he found many useless 
men at the presidios and tried to promote recruiting so as to fill the vacancies 
with good men. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 1382. March, 1795, Gov. orders 
commandant of Fronteras to enlist 15 or 20 young men. Prov. Ltec., MS., v. 310. 
Dec. 1797, corporal sent to Angeles to recruit 6 youths so that as many invalids 
may be released. /d., v. 261; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 184. June 1799, Sal 
wants a healthy robust man from San José to fill a vacancy. Not a widow’s 
son. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 47. 


636 INDUSTR&IES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


soldier was kept back a certain sum constituting the 
fondo de retencion, to be paid him on his discharge. 
This was fifty dollars till 1797, when it was raised to 
one hundred dollars, to be made up in four annual 
retentions.” 

In military discipline there was nothing salty: at 
this time.” In 1793 the governor recommended that 
San Francisco, Santa Barbara, and San Diego be 
commanded by captains who should have nothing to 
do with the presidial accounts,* but the suggestion 
was not followed, though several of the lieutenants 
were brevetted captains before 1800. In 1794 the 
presidios were reported to have no flags and no mate- 
rial with which to make them; accordingly one flag 
for each establishment was sent from Mexico the 
next year.” In the matter of uniform and equip- 
ments buckskin chupas, or jackets, and breeches were 
allowed to be worn on active duty, and anqueras, 
heavy leather coverings for horses’ haunches, were 
prohibited in 1794.% In 1795 the royal tribunal, 


#2 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 63, 223; xv. 50. The other military ‘funds’ 
were the fondo de gratificacion, an allowance of $10 for each man in the 
companies per year for miscellaneous company expenses; the fondo de invd- 
lidos, a smail discount on soldiers’ wages, 8 maravedis on a dollar, for the 
payment of pensions; and the fondo de montepio, a discount of officers’ pay 
for similar purposes. Feb. 1795, the king ordered $5 per month as alms 
paid to the old carpenter Lorenzo Esparza. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 
16. ‘This sum was paid to Esparza until his death. April 1795, 70 persons in 
the four presidios entitled to retirement but no recruits to replace them. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi, 221-2, Dec. 6, 1796, royal order regulating de- 
tails of pensions. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 151-2. Oct. 1797, invalids declining 
to live in the pueblos must stand guard at the presidios. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xvi. 86-7, 184; xv. 99-100; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 159-60. Oct. 1798, retired 
officers who held government positions get no half-pay. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 
104. 

31795, Sergt. Ruiz reports that the soldiers at San Buenaventura have to 
be treated with severity. Their insubordination has reached such a point 
that they have to be threatened with kicks. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 45. 
But Ruiz was arrested for offensive language to private Lugo. Id., xui. 14, 
Albino Tobar sent out of the country for bad conduct. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 
62. Two soldiers given two hours of extra guard duty per day, wearing 
their cueras, for eight days, having allowed some Indian prisoners to escape. 
Prov, St. Pap., MS. xvi. 173. 

24 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. A captain also proposed for Santa 
Barbara in 1799. Prov. Rec. . MS., vi. 121. 

Pre. Bi Paps bie Su 200; xiv: 58; xxi. 190. 

26 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xii. 28, 148; xvii. 98. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 795 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 8; V. 24, 





GOVERNMENT. 637 


through Contador Beltran, reported to the viceroy 
that the California soldiers had too many duties not 
belonging to their profession, serving as vaqueros, 
farmers, couriers, artisans, and butchers, so that but 
little time was left for rest or for their proper duty of 
protecting and advancing the spiritual conquest.” 
The governor also urged the necessity in 1795, and 
again in 1799, of appointing an adjutant-inspector to 
relieve him of some of his duties.* In connection 
with the apprehensions of attack by foreigners in 
1797, ashight attempt was made to organize the militia 
of California, and a distribution of arms and ammuni- 
tion was made among the settlers, the employment of 
the natives as auxiliary forces being also contem- 


plated.” 


Civil and political government had but a nominal 
existence at this epoch, consisting mainly in the facts 
that the comandante de armas was also political gov- 
ernor of the province and that each pueblo had its 
alcalde. This is not the place to attempt an analysis 
of the relations between military and civil authority, 
in which there was substantially no change from the 
beginning down to the end of Spanish power in Call- 
forma. The only topic that requires notice in the 
annals of this decade is the proposed separation of the 
two Californias hitherto forming a single province 
under one governor. This separation was recom- 
mended in March 1796, by Beltran of the court of 
exchequer in Mexico, who based his argument on the 
great distance between Loreto and Monterey, and 
the consequent delays in the transaction of all public 
business. <Arrillaga. at Loreto could take no action 
until he had communicated with Borica at Monterey. 
Orders from Mexico for Loreto must make the jour- 


27 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xiii. 185-6. 

#8 April 3, 1795, March 18, 1799, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 
121; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 221. There had been no such officer since the 
time of Capt. Nicolds Soler. 

29 Prov. ec., MS., iv. 87, 93, 165; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 101-2; xvi. 
00, naan 


633 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


ney to Monterey and back, and reports from Loreto 
made the same circuit on their way to Mexico. The 
inconvenience of all this was apparent, and the separa- 
tion in military and political rule was greatly facili- 
tated by that already existing in mission affairs. 
Borica made a full report in favor of the change in 
September, declaring that the interests of both parts 
of the province could not be properly attended to by 
a governor at Monterey, favoring in connection with 
the change a transfer of the capital of the peninsula 
from Loreto to the frontier, expressing the greatest 
confidence in Arrillaga’s ability, and suggesting an 
increase of his salary. No one had anything to say 
in opposition to the separation, which we shall see 
was accomplished during the next decade.” 

On the administration of justice, we learn that in 
1794 Ignacio Rochin was shot for murder at Santa 
Barbara, on a sentence coming from the audiencia of 
Guadalajara.** A soldier was sentenced to ten years 
public labor at San Blas for incest in 1799, while his 
datighter and accomplice was condemned to seclusion 
for two years.” There were six or seven cases of 
murder among the natives, the culprits being con- 
demned by the viceroy to terms of four to eight years 
of presidio work or imprisonment together with flog- 


gings.® 


80 March 7, 1796, Beltran’s proposition. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 140-4. 
March 21st, viceroy to Borica transmitting the proposition. Jd., 140; Prov. 
Rec., MS., v. 344; viii. 159. July 11th, Borica to Arrillaga on the subject, 
in which he calls Beltran ‘El Tuerto.’ Jd., v. 3438. Aug. 18th, Arrillaga 
favors the change. Id., iii. 268. Sept. llth, Borica’s report to viceroy. 
Borica, Proyecto sobre division de las Californias en dos provincias, 1796, MS. 

31See chapter xxx. In 1801 Cristébal Simental is mentioned as having 
arrived at Monterey for the audiencia of Guadalajara; but nothing is known 
of his business. Prov. Rec., MS., x. 11. 

$2 St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 122; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 109; viii. 187. 

33 1796, four natives for murder of another, four years of prison with 50 to 
100 lashes. Prov. Rec., MS., iv.43-4, 84. 1797, Indian who undertook to punish 
his wife and through ignorance ‘overdid it,’ four years on public works. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xv. 277. 1799, wife-murderer at Santa Barbara, eight years of 
hard labor in chains. I append some minor cases of interest: 1800, Rafael 
Gomez, apparently for lying, condemned by P. Catal4, commissioned by 
Lasuen, to sweep the church daily and attend mass, besides asking a padre’s 
pardon, being put in irons to await the governor’s approval of this sentence. 


San José, Arch., MS., iii. 55-7. 1799, no cases pending which belong to the © 


CRIMINAL RECORD. 639 


The most striking criminal case of the period, though 
by no means a pleasing one to describe, was that of 
José Antonio Rosas. He was a native of Los An- 
geles, only eighteen years of age, and a private soldie~ 
in the Santa Barbara company in the guard of San 
Buenaventura. In June 1800, while in charge of the 
animals at La Mesa, he was seen to commit a crimen 
nefando by two Indian girls, who reported the mat- 
ter. Criminal proceedings were at once instituted by 
order of Comandante Goycoechea, Alférez Pablo Cota 
being prosecuting attorney, the cadet Ignacio Mar- 
tine acting as clerk, the soldier José Maria Domin- 
guez as interpreter, and the retired sergeant José 
Maria Ortega as defender of the accused. Rosas 
made a confession, pleading only that he was tempted 
by El Demonio. Cota demanded the death penalty, 
Ortega made an eloquent appeal for mercy, and in 
July the case went to the viceroy. The sentence ren- 
dered in September, after consultation with the audi- 
tor de guerra, was that Rosas must be hanged and 
the body burned together with that of the mule, “en 
quien ‘cometiéd tan horrible delito.”. The execution 
took place on Feb. 11, 1801, at Santa Barbara presi- 
dio in the presence of the whole garrison; but there 
being no hangman in California, the boy had to be 
audiencia. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 290. 1797, natives for assault on neo- 
phytes sentenced to work on presidio in shackles for a month or two. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xvi. 77-8. 1796, carpenter Martinez exiled to San José for 
eight years for ‘assault and wounding. Prov. Rec., MS.,iv. 198. 1797, Cristébal 
Rey prosecuted for assault, with some details of proceedings. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvi. 251-2. Natives sentenced by Borica to from 10 to 30 lashes for steal- 
ing. i d., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvii.4. 1799, slave Maximo sentenced to four years 
service on the royal vessels for stealing silver-ware from his master Alberni; 
and the soldier Oseguera to five years for receiving the goods. Prov. Rec., MS., 
vi. 119. Four hundred dollars stolen from the warehouse at Monterey. Jd., 
iv. 171. 1798, two soldiers at San Francisco put in irons for stealing a calf 
and sheep from the mission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 111. 1795, twenty- 
five lashes and three months’ work in shackles for stealing clothes. A Sina- 
loa Indian at San José. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 49. 1800, two soldiers sentenced 
to a year’s presidio work for breaking open a trunk. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., xxix. 1. 1796, viceroy sends sentence of 50 lashes and 4 years’ labor 
against three neophytes and a pagan. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xiv. 13. A settler 
of San José received 25 blows with a stick. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 
xxvi. 14. Cordero, a settler of Branciforte, sentenced to a month of hard 


work for striking the commandant, who was reprimanded for his hasty action, 
Santa Cruz, Arch., MS., 69-70. 


640 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


shot after receiving from Father Tapis the last com- 
forts of religion and reciting the service in a firm 
voice. Ona burning heap of wood near at hand the 
rest of the sentence was carried out, and the charred 
remains of the victim, fitted by the purification of 
flame for rest in consecrated ground, was buried in 
the presidio cemetery.™ 

Thus we see that the morality of the Californians 
was somewhat closely looked after by the authorities. 
The settlers at the pueblos gave more trouble than 
any other class, being free from military discipline and 
enjoying greater facilities for sinful dissipations. Se- 
bastian Alvitre of Los Angeles and Francisco Avila 
of San José were usually in prison, in exile, or at 
forced work for their excesses with Indian women and 
with the wives of their neighbors; and there were other 
settlers who were scarcely less incorrigible. Concu- 
binage and all irregular sexual relations were strictly 
prohibited and the authorities seem to have worked 
earnestly in aid of the friars to enforce the laws.” 


34 Rosas, Causa Criminal, MS., 1800-1. Certificate of execution. Prov. Sé. 
Pap., Ben. Mil., xxviii. 17. Goycoechea begs the governor for a postpone- 
ment on account of a prevailing illness which renders it difficult to spare 
a man. /d., xxix. 4. Burial. Sta. Barbara, Lib. Mision, MS., 23. Aug. 
11, 1804, governor says a mule is to be given to the owner of the one 
burned. Prov, Rec., MS., xi. 102. The author of Romero, Memorias, MS., 
was present at the execution. He says the boy’s body was merely passed 
through the flames as a formality of purification; while the mule was entirely 
consumed. .% ? 

35 Shortcomings of Alvitreand Avila. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiv. 
6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 215-16; x. 161. Navarro exiled from Los Angeles 
to San José, and relapsing, to San Francisco. Jd., x. 160-1. 1793, Higuera 
living improperly. Men in such cases to be handcuffed; women must not go 
to the pueblo when their husbands were absent; men and women who go to 
the mission without leave to sleep to be put in the stock. St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., iii. 2. 1795, Goycoechea to Borica, ‘Como solo se castiga 4 los hombres 
amancebados, que se ha de hacer con las mugeres que hacen gala de ello?’ 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 33. Borica replies—warnings, threats, exposure 
to husbands, and finally seclusion in respectable houses with hard work. 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 38. 1797, concubinage strictly forbidden. St. Pap., 
Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 360. 1798, adulterers to be warned and then pun- 
ished. The governor will decide about the women. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 277. 
1799, 30 lashes for a man who abused Indian women. Jd., v. 114. Adultery 
case at San Miguel. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 250. Ruiz found in bed with 
his corporal’s wife at San Diego. Put in irons and the woman sent to Los 
Angeles. /d., xvii. 253. Investigation of the case of an Indian woman at 
ao a uan Capistrano who gave birth to a dog. Jud., xvii. 239; Prov. Lec. MS., 
Vv. i x 





4 
: 
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SPIRITUOUS LIQUORS. 641 


The people were also closely restricted in the use 
of intoxicating liquors. Borica not only exercised his 
authority through his commandants to prevent and 
punish excesses and drunkenness, but restricted the 
introduction and sale of liquors so far as was possible 
under national commercial regulations. Wine and 
brandy made in either Upper or Lower California were 
of free sale. There is no positive proof that any 
brandy was manufactured in Upper California before 
1800; but Ortega had a still, and it is probable that a 

_ beginning was made in this deadly industry. Toward 
the close of the decade it was decided that the intro- 
duction of brandy and mescal from abroad could not 
be prevented, but the governor could still regulate the 
sale to soldiers and others under government pay.” 
Gambling was another weakness prevalent in Cali- 
fornia as elsewhere-in Spanish America, and requiring 
frequent attention from the authorities.” 


_ 861794, no mescal or even permitted liquors to be introduced by traders 
who barter at the missions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 111. 1795, two barrels 
of wine brought from Santa Barbara to Monterey. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 13. 
Borica to commandants, drinking and gambling must be stopped. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xiii. 240; San José, Arch., MS., iv. 24. 1796, sergeant at Mon- 
terey has some Spanish brandy for sale. Can only sell two reals worth in 
morning and one real in evening to one person, to be drunk in his presence. 
Prov. Rec., MS., v. 333. 1797, commandants must promote manufacture of 
brandy from sugar-cane. Id., iv. 90. Free introduction since Nov. 1797 of 
home-made liquors; but no debt can be collected for liquor furnished to troops, 
ere. rov. St. Pap. 93 Ms:, xve 112; xviv180; Prov.’ Rec., iv. 163, » Jan,, 1797, 
general pardon to all imprisoned for contraband making of chinquirito, prob- 
ably of no effect in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 18, 217-18. April, 
1797, Brandy ‘es de venta licita.’ Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 158. Oct. 1798, Bo- 
rica solicited a provision forbidding the introduction of mescal on account of 
the inconvenientes y escdndalos resulting; but the viceroy in May 1799 declared 
that trade in mescal and aguardiente (Californian aguardiente was brandy; but 
the imported article may have been—though it probably was not—rum, whis- 
key, or other alcoholic liquor, the name being common to all) was free, and 
therefore other ways must be devised to stop drunkenness. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xviii. 309; xvii. 209; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 104. 1799, some wine made at 
southern missions, and soon brandy enough will be produced for moderate con- 
sumption. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 130. Padres receive from San Blas the mescal 
they need. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 78-9, 195. Sept. 3, 1799, Borica prohibits 
selling mescal. Dept. St. Pap., San José, MS., i. 96. Aug. 29, Borica asks that 
only two barrels of mescal be imported for each mission. Eighteen barrels of 
aguardiente from Baja California imported this year. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 150. 

37 Miscellaneous communications, nothing important. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
128; San José, Arch., MS., ii. 78; iv. 23; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 127; St. Pap., 
Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 360. 1798, Borica granted the petition of citizens of 

_ San José to be allowed to play malilla on Sundays in the guard-house. Dept. St. 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 41 


642 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


There were no schools in California before Borica 
came as governor, at a time when many natives, of 
Spanish blood, had become parents of children grow- 
ing up as they had done in ignorance. Few of the 
soldiers could read or write, and in fact this continued 
to be the case throughout the whole Spanish period.* 
Officers taught their children, and occasionally a 
woman acted as anuga, and instructed not only her 
own children but those of her neighbors, or even an 
ambitious soldier who aspired to be a corporal. In 
1793 a royal order was issued and published in Cali- 
fornia requiring the establishment of a school in each 


pueblo, but referring apparently to the education of — 


Indians only. Nothing was done under it, except to 
render a formal promise of compliance” at the end of 
1794. 

Borica began to agitate the matter by making 
inquiries respecting available teachers and sources of 
a school fund. Before the end of December the 
retired sergeant Manuel Vargas had started the first 
school in the public granary at San José.” The gov- 
ernor’s communications continued through 1795; the 
old alférez Ramon Lasso de la Vega was oanded as 
to the terms on which he would become a teacher; 


Pap., San José, MS., i. 189. The trader Gallego forbidden to hold raffles. Prov. 
Ree., MS., iv. 108. 1799, malilla and tururu to be played only on feast days; no 
player must lose over $2 2; and no credit is to be given. Jd., iv. 291. Gov- 
ernor orders a sum lost at albures to be returned to Larios. Rebukes Comis- 
ionado of San José for habitual gambling at his house. Id., iv. 293-4. Por- 
razo, tururu, maililla, and cientos may be played Sundays, if stakes are not 
over $1, and the sexes are kept separate. Id., iv. 294. Children gambled for 
buttons, some of them cutting off the buttons from their clothing. Promi- 
nent men often looked on and made bets on the children’s game of tdngano. 
Amador, Memorias, MS., 227-8. 

38 1781, alcalde of San José unable to write. Pico, Doc. [Tist. Cal., MS., i. 
13. 1785, only 14 out of 50 of the Monterey company could write. Prov. St. 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., vii. 1. 1786, seven out of 30 at San Francisco. Jd., 
Wis 2) 1791, two out of 28 at San Francisco. Jd., xv. 3. 1794, not a man 


at San Francisco can write. The commandant asks that one be sent from Santa — 


Barbara. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 41. 1800, many soldiers acting as cor- 
ee could not be promoted ‘because they could not read. Amador Mem., 
S., 219. 
89 Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 293-4; P rov. St. Pap., MS., xiv., 60; 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 128. 
40 Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 45; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 219. 


eS ee a 


EDUCATION. 643 


José Manuel Toca, apparently a grumete, or ship-boy, 
from one of the transports, arrived at Santa Barbara; 
Vargas was offered $250 a year contributed by citi- 
zens to go to San Diego; compulsory attendance and 
a tax of thirty-one cents a month per scholar were 
ordered at San José; Santa Barbara was required to 
pay $125, each soldier paying one dollar; soldiers, 
corporals, and sergeants were ordered to go over their 
studies and prepare for promotion; and primary teach- 
ers were asked for from Mexico.“ No doubt before 
thé end of the year Vargas was teaching at San Diego, 
Lasso at San José, and Toca at Santa Barbara. The 
doctrina cristiana was first to receive attention by the 
governor's orders, and afterward reading and writing 
were to be taught. Paper was furnished by the 
habilitados, and after being covered with scholarly 
pothooks, was collected to be used in making car- 
tridges. In 1796 the above-named teachers continued 
their labors. Corporal Manuel Boronda, serving also 
as carpenter, taught the children of San Francisco 
gratuitously; the “soldier and carpenter José Rodri- 
guez did the same at Monterey, and Borica continued 
to interest himself greatly in the schools, requiring 
frequent reports to be sent him with copybooks for 
examination.” 

In 1797 Toca was called away from Santa Barbara 
to attend to his duties on board ship, being replaced 
by José Medina, another grwmete; and Boronda was 


41 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 31-2, 136, 221, 229; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 19, 
34-5; xiv. 27; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 11; Dept. St. Pap., San José, MS., 
i. 50. 
#2 Feb. 18, 1796, 27 children attending Lasso’s school at San José: four pay 
nothing, and the rest two and one half reals per month. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xiv. 101. Feb. 20th, Borica to Lasso, urges great care. His pay will be ad- 
vanced from the tobacco revenue and collected from the settlers. A house to 
be furnished for L. and family. Prov. Rec., MS.,iv. 181. Feb. 25th, children 
attending Santa Barbara school, 32. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 101. May 6th, 
Borica speaks of Boronda and Rodriguez teaching at San Francisco and Mon- 
terey, Lasso at San José, a teacher at Santa Barbara at $125 per year, and 
Vargas at San Diego at $100. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 338-9. Sept. 20th, San 
Diego school has 22 pupils. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 64. Governor 
orders reports, copybooks, etc., to be sent him every two, three, or six months. 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 50; St. Pap. Sac., MS., v1.7. 


644 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 


succeeded at San Francisco by the artilleryman José 
Alvarez, who for his services received an addition of 
two dollars per month to his pay. Evidently the 
schools went on with considerable prosperity this 
year,* but of their progress for the rest of the decade 
we know little or nothing. 


8 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 41, 168-9; xxi. 262-3; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 
101, 108. Randolph, Oration, speaks of copybooks sent from Santa Bar- 
bara, Feb. 11, 1797, still preserved in the archives, the samples being scrip- 
ture texts in a fair round hand. 

#4 Dec. 1798, Vargas transferred to Sta Barbara. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
109. Borica complains that few pupils attend at San Diego. Parents must 
be stimulated. /d., v. 263. 1801, complaints of children growing up in 
ignorance, and of great need of teachers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvili. 54-5; 
xxi. 65. Says Judge Sepulveda: ‘They could learn very little in those days; 
schools were few, books rare, and the pursuits of the people required not a 
very extensive book-learning. When any writing was needed they could 
easily apply to the few who were the depositaries of legal form or epistolary 
ability.’ Sepulveda, Hist. Mem., MS., 3, 4. Many mission libraries had 
Palou’s Life of Serra and perhaps one or two other historical works before 
1809, besides a few theological books. A few French books were given to 
Borica by Capt. Dorr’s French pilot in 1797. Prov. Itec., MS., vi. 76-7. 


—— 


Bitieaeee wr, 


@ PAE DIR axorx: 


LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—SOUTHERN DISTRICT. 
1791-1800. 


San Dieco PREsIpDIO—LIEUTENANTS ZUNIGA AND GRAJERA—MILITARY ForcE 
—POoPULATION—RANCHO DEL REY—FINANCES—PRESIDIO BUILDINGS— 
VANCOUVER’S DESCRIPTION—ForRT AT Point GuisARROS—INDIAN AF- 
FAIRS — PRECAUTIONS AGAINST FOREIGNERS—ARRIVALS OF VESSELS— 
Misston SAN D1EGO—TORRENS AND MARINER—STATISTICS—SAN LUIS 
Rey—San JUAN CaAPISTRANO—FUSTER—BUILDINGS—PUEBLO DE Los 
ANGELES—PRIVATE RaANCHOS—SAN GABRIEL—ORAMAS—SAN FERNANDO 
—PRESIDIO oF SANTA BARBARA—OFFICERS, FoRCES, AND POoPULATION— 
BoILDINGsS AND INDUSTRIES—LocaL Events—Ftrst EXEcutIOoN IN CALI- 
FORNIA—THE ‘Pua@nix’—A QUICKSILVER MINE—WARLIKE PREPARA- 
TIONS—DEATH OF ORTEGA—MuIssion or Santa BARBARA—PaTERNA— 
RANCHERIAS OF THE CHANNEL—NEW CHURCH—SAN BUENAVENTURA— 
La Purisima CoNcEPCION—ARROITA. 


Lieutenant Josk DE ZUNIGA remained in command 
of the San Diego presidio? till October 1793. In May 
of the preceding year he had been promoted to cap- 
tain and appointed conmmandant of Tucson in Sonora; 
but he was obliged to wait the arrival of his successor, 
who assumed the offices. of comandante and habilitado 
on the 19th of October. Zuniga was preparing for 
departure in November when Vancouver visited this 
port, and but little is known of his subsequent career. 
He had been a faithful and efficient officer, one of the 
few who in the performance of military duties, and 
especially in keeping presidial accounts, had given no 
cause of complaint.? His successor was Lieutenant 


1 For annals of San Diego from 1780 to 1790, which I here continue to 1800, 
see chap. xxil., this volume. 
2 José de Ziihiga enlisted as a soldado distinguido October 18, 1772; went 
through the grades from corporal to alférez in 1778-9; was made lieutenant, 
( 645 ) 


646 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


Antonio Grajera, of the Espafia dragoon regiment, 
who had arrived at San Francisco from San Blas in 


July, and who assumed the duties of his office on the 


day of his arrival at San Diego. 

Though fifteen years a soldier Grajera had seen no 
active service, but he was an able and faithful man, 
and performed his official duties to the satisfaction 
of all during a term of six years in Califorma. His 
private and social record is less favorable. He had 
no family, and it was not long before his liaisons with 
women of the presidio gave rise to scandal. His 
excessive use of intoxicating liquors finally affected 
his mind, and broke his constitution. He gave up 
his office temporarily in August 1799, and never 
resumed it, having, however, been made a brevet cap- 
tain in 1797. Obtaining leave of absence to visit 
Mexico he sailed on the Concepcion and died two days 
out of port January 18, 1800.2 From August 23, 


April 21, 1780; commandant of San Diego, Sept. 8, 1781; habilitado, Oct. 19, 
1781. Before coming to California he had seen much service in Indian cam- 
paigns in Sonora and Chihuahua. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiv. 9; xvi. 
1. In 1790 he was granted leave of absence on petition of his mother to visit 
Mexico and attend toa legacy; but seems not to have left his post. He showed 
much attention to Vancouver, who named Pt Zuniga on the lower coast in 
his honor, and who speaks of shoals in San Diego Bay called on a Spanish 
chartof 1782 ‘Barros de Zooniga’ (Bajios de Zufiga). See Pantoja’s map, p. 456, 
this vol.; Vancouver's Voy., ii. 470, 473, 482. Letter of viceroy announcing 
his appointment as captain of Tucson dated May 29, 1792. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS8., xxi. 75. By a letter of May 30, 1810, it appears that he still held the 
same position, and had been made lieutenant-colonel. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., xliv. 1. 

3 Antonio Grajera enlisted as a private Aug. 13, 1772; served 4 years as 
private, 4 as corporal, 7 as sergeant, and | as flag-bearer; was made alf¢rez 
April 15, 1789; and was appointed lieutenant to command San Diego July 
14,1792. Prow. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 161} 1/4; St. Pap., Sac, MS., 1v.986, 
i. 34. He arrived at San Francisco July 25, 1793, and at San Diego Oct. 
15. Charges of licentiousness and drunkenness by an officer on the Con- 
cepcion Nov. 1794. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 11, 12; xvii. 251-2. 1797, a 
corporal asks for transfer on account of Grajera’s disgraceful connection with 
his wife. /d., xvi. 193. Royal order of promotion to brevet captain, June 
12, and viceroy’s despatch Oct. 28, 1797, acknowledged by Borica Feb. 26, 
1798. Id., xv. 265;° Prov. Rec., vi. 70-1; Arch. Arz., MS.,i. 201. Nov. 11, 
1799, permission from Borica to go to Mexico, Prov. Ree. , MS., Vv. 236-7. 
Departure Jan. 16th, and death Jan. 18, 1800. Jd., v. xii. : Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xxi. 30, 35. Feb. 11, 1800, decree of V. R. to a Grajera on the 
retired list, and naming Alférez Manuel Rodriguez of the San Francisco com- 
pany to replace him. “Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mel., MS., xxvic 18; St. Paps 
Sac., MS., iv. 72-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 36. Vancouver in November 
1793 was very kindly treated by Grajera, and applied his name to a point 
below San Diego. Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 470-1, 478. 


ao 





SAN DIEGO DISTRICT. 647 


1799, by order of Borica, Alférez Manuel Rodriguez 
became acting commandant of the company, while 
Lieutenant José Font of the Catalan volunteers, rank- 
ing Rodriguez, was made temporary comandante of 
the military post. Rodriguez had been habilitado 
since the middle of 1798 and had really performed 
the functions of commander; and his regular appoint- 
ment, dated in Mexico F eb. 11, 1800, reached San 
Diego i in May, though his commission as lieutenant 
did not leave Mexico until July 1801.* 

Pablo Grijalva was alférez of the company until 
December 1796, when he was retired, after thirty- 
three years of service, on half-pay of alférez and with 
rank of leutenant, spending the remaining twelve 
years: of his life in California. His successor, who 
served throughout the decade, was Alférez José Lu- 


jan, a new-comer from Mexico. Ignacio Alvarado,? 


the company sergeant, having become a pensioner of 
the Santa Barbara company, was replaced in 1796 by 
Antonio Yorba, one of Fages’ original Catalans and a 
son-in-law of Grijalva, who was retired as an invalid 
and succeeded by Francisco Acebedo in 1798. The 
corporals and privates, with generally an armorer and 
carpenter, varied but slightly in number from fifty- 
seven during the ten years, not including the retired 
soldiers, or invalids, who gradually increased from four 
in 1792 to fifteen in 1800.6 From this force from 


*Rodriguez habilitado from July 31, 1798. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., xvii. 1. Perhaps appointed in May. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 276. Borica’s 
order ‘of Aug. 23, 1799. Jd., v. 293-4. Rodriguez’ appointment as coman- 
dante by viceroy Feb. 11, 1800. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 15. 
Became full comandante May 24, 1800. Zd., xxvi. 18. Commission as lieu- 
tenant sent from Mexico July 17, 1801. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 96. 
Rodriguez had never been alférez of the San Diego company, belonging nomi- 
nally to that of San Francisco. 

>Tenacio Rafael Alvarado, not an ancestor of the later governor, enlisted 
in 1773 at the age of 23. He came to San Diego in 1774, was made a corpo- 
ral in 1781, and sergeant in 1783. In 1795 the governor complained of his 
lack of resolution, and in 1797 his cédula de invdiido was received. He was 
still on the list of pensioners in 1805. 

6 The Lower Californian mission of San Miguel belonged at this period to 
San Diego, as did Los Angeles as late as 1796, at least so far as the military 
guard was concerned, though in other respects the pueblo was subject to San- 
ta Barbara. San Gabriel had its guard from San Diego throughout the dec 


648 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


twenty-seven to thirty-three men were constantly 
detached to form the five or six guards of the juris- 
diction. After 1796 Lieutenant Font with twenty- 
five Catalan volunteers of the new reénforcements 
was stationed here, as were six artillerymen under 
Sergeant José Roca, increasing the effective. force to 
nearly ninety men.?. The white population of this 
southern, district, consisting of the soldiers and their 
families, was about three hundred at the end of the 
decade, or two hundred and fifty exclusive of San 
Gabriel and Los Angeles, more conveniently classed 
with the Santa Barbara district.2 About one hun- 
dred and sixty lived at the presidio; and the rest 
were scattered in the missions, or lived as pensioners 
at the pueblo. Hight foundling children from Mexico 
were sent to San Diego to live in 1800.° The native 
neophyte population, “excluding that of San Gabriel 
and San Miguel, was not quite three thousand. 

There is no record of any agricultural operations 
whatever at or near the presidio, nor were there any 
private ranchos in the whole region before 1800. That 
some of the soldiers came down from Presidio Hill 
and cultivated small patches of Vegetables would seem 


not unlikely, but the archives contain nothing on the | 


subject. There were kept here, however, from 900 
to 1,200 head of live-stock, including the company’s 
horses, from 30 to 50 mules, two or three asses, pos- 
sibly a few milch cows by the soldiers, and from 300 
to 700 horned cattle in a branch of the rancho del rey 


ade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 192. Feb. 1, 1796, Borica ordered escoltas 
to be as follows: San Miguel, 8; San Diego, 3; San Juan Capistrano, 8; San 
Gabriel, 4; Los Angeles, ~4, Prov. [ee., MS., v. 240. San Luis Rey, founded 
in 1798, probably had 6 men at first. "According to orders, Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xii. 8, it was customary to have soldiers serve alternately in escoltas and 
pr esidio, though it caused much inconvenience on account of their families. 

7Company rosters and statements of force and distribution scattered in 
the archives, chiefly in Prov, St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xxvii., and St. 
Pap Sde., Mist. i Wie 

8 In the various reports on the population of the southern district in 1799 
and later, the escorts and families are credited to the missions instead of the 
presidio as before and as in other parts of the country. List of rank and file 
of the presidial company in 1798, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 
14-16s 

° Prov. St. Pap,, Ben. Mil., MS-., xxviii, 22: 





AFFAIRS AT SAN DIEGO. 649 


maintained here during the last half of the decade.” 
Each year in Mexico an appropriation was made from 
the royal treasury for the presidio expenses, varying 
from $14,000 to $15,000; and invoices of goods, based 
on the habilitado’s estimate of needs, were sent with 
a small amount of coin by the transports from San 
Blas, varying in amount from $11,000 to $17,000 per 
year. San Diego usually had a credit balance of from 
$1,000 to $3,000 in its favor. The sztuado, or allow- 
ance, for the volunteers and artillery was not included 
in the amounts above mentioned. Supplies to the 
amount of about $15,000 per year were sent to Cali- 
fornia for them, and San Diego received not quite one 
third." There are no records of the annual supplies 
obtained from missions, but during the last three years 
of the decade the presidio was indebted to the mis- 
sions about $10,000. 

“The Presidio of St Diego,” says Vancouver, who 
visited it in November 1793, ‘‘seemed to be the least 
of the Spanish establishments. It is irregularly built, 
on very uneven ground, which makes it liable to some 
inconveniences, without the obvious appearance of any 
object for selecting such a spot. With little difficulty 


10The records are fragmentary and contradictory. Statistical reports 
sometimes include the king’s cattle and sometimes not. There is no evi- 
dence that the rancho at this period included any horses; in fact it had been 
established to avoid driving cattle from the north. In 1797 it contained 681 
cattle; increase for the year 137; sales, 30; killed by natives and wild beasts, 
27; proceeds of sales, $125; tithes paid, $26; net profit to treasury, $99. Prov. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 4. The totalamount of tithes in the jurisdic- 
tion was $34. Prov. St. Pap,, MS., xvi. 178; and this difference of $8 is the only 
indication I find of the possible existence of a private rancho. Cattle at end 
of 1798, 531; proceeds of sales, $539. Jd., xvii. 1. 1800, cattle, 690; proceeds, 
$342. Jd., xviii. 5. 

11 San Diego Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., MS.. xiv.-xxxiii.; S¢. 
Pap. Sac., MS., i. ii. vi. ix. Loss sustained on the government forge and 
carpenter’s shop for 1797, $70. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 179. Fondo de 
gratificacion for 1797: income $3,075, expended $2,641. Prov. St. Pap. Presil., 
MS., i. 102-3. Londo de Retencion for 1800: $3,750. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., xxviii. 18. Inventory of effects in warehouse 1798, $13,992. Id., xvii. 
4. Papal bulls on hand Nov. 1795, $4,339. Jd., xiii. 5, received from Ziiliga 
with the office by Grajera. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 227. Bulls needed for 
1796-7, 100 at 25 cents for vivos; 100 at 25 cents for difuntos; 50, lacticinio; 
2 or 3 composicion. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 12. Net revenue of San 
Diego post-office for 1794, $71; for 1796, $95. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 
xxi. 2; xxiii. 8. Accounts of presidio with missions 1797-1800. Jd., xxxiii, 
13; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265; xvii. 195. . 


7 ——— 





650 * LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 
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a 





PRESIDIO BUILDINGS. 651 


it might be rendered a place of considerable strength, 
by establishing a small force at the entrance of the 
port; where at this time there were neither works, . 
-guns, houses, or other habitations nearer than the 
Presidio, five miles from the port, and where they 
have only three small pieces of brass cannon.”” In 
August of the same year Borica had informed the 
viceroy that three sides of the presidio walls were in 
a ruinous condition, owing to the bad quality of the 
timber used in the roofs, though $1,200 had been 
spent in repairs since the establishment. The ware- 
house, church, and officers’ houses forming the fourth 
side of the square were in good condition. Workmen 
were at once set at work to cut timber at Monterey 
which was shipped by the Princesa in October to be 
used in repairs and also in the construction of some 
new defensive works in connection with the old ones. 
What progress was made in these improvements on 
Presidio Hill we only know by a vague record that 
esplanade, powder-magazine, flag, and houses for the 
volunteers were blessed by the friars and dedicated by 
a salute of artillery November 8, 1796." At the end 
of 1794 the viceroy expressed a desire to have a fort 
built similar to the one just completed at San Fran- 
cisco, but without cost to the king. ‘Perhaps he 
wishes me to pay the expenses” writes Borica to a 
friend. Early the next year Point Guijarros, Cobble- 
stone point, was selected as the site of the fort whose 
absence Vancouver had noticed, and preparations were 
at once begun. Two or three workmen, and the nec- 
essary timber, were sent down by the transports from 
Monterey. Santa Barbara furnished the axle-trees 
and wheels for ten carts, while bricks and tiles were 


12 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 495, 501. 

18 Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115. 
August 18th, timber to be cut at Monterey and taken south by the Princesa. 
Id., xxi. 112; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 165. Oct. 14th, the vessel has sailed with 
timber. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157. Sept. 16, 1794, governor to Argiiello, 
ordering him to send timber in the Aranzazu for esplanade and bastions; 
but none were sent. Jd., xii. 150, 152-8. Nov. 17, 1796, governor to the 
friars, blessing of the works. Prov. Jtec., MS., v. 247b. 


652 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


hauled from the presidio to the beach and taken across 
to the point in a flatboat. In December 1796 the 
engineer Cérdoba arrived to inspect the San Diego 
detences, in which he found no other merit than that 
an enemy would perhaps be ignorant of their weak- 
ness. But the fort had evidently not been built yet, 
for early in 1797 Borica approved Cérdoba’s idea that 
the form should not be circular. Nothing more is 
known of this fortification till after 1800, save that 
it was intended to mount ten guns; that on battery, 
magazine, barrack, and flatboat $9,020 had been ex- 
pended before March 1797; and that in 1798 there 
was a project under consideration to open a road 
round the bay to connect Point Guyarros with the 
presidio.** 

The natives gave the commandant and people of 
San Diego but little trouble, the few depredations 
committed being chiefly directed against the Domini- 
ean establishment in La Frontera. In 1764 three na- 
tives were held as prisoners, one of whom, a neophyte, 
had been leader in a proposed attack on San Miguel. 
Several bands had approached the mission by night, 
but finding the guard mounted and ready had re- 
treated.” In May or June 1795 Alférez Grijalva 
while returning from San Miguel with three natives 
arrested on a charge of murder was attacked by some 
two hundred savages, one of whom was killled and 
two were wounded in the skirmish, Grijalva having a 

M Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 69, 165; xiv. 168; xvii. 9, 10; xxi. 212, 216-17, 
248; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 20-1; v. 238, 272, 278; vi. 46, 79. Water had to 
be carried from the presidio, where a well long abandoned was reopened. 
One hundred and three planks, 22 feet long, were among the timber shipped 
from Monterey. A few industrial items are as follows: For a time after 
May 1793 there was no armorer, the old one having left after a service of 20 
years. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-8. In 1795 the missions of this district 
were requested to send each four or five Indians to the presidio to learn stone- 
cutting and bricklaying. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 235-6. Jan. 1796, a weaver was 
to go to San Diego to teach. J/d., v. 78. The comandante tried to induce 
Spanish youth to learn trades, but without success, some of them deeming 
the request an insult. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. The forgeand carpenter 
shop did $93 worth of work for soldiers and missions in 1797; but as expenses, 
including two apprentices, were $163, the king’s exchequer was not perceptibly 
benefited. Jd., xvi. 179. 

® Arrillagn, Papel de Puntos, 195, MS. 


‘FOREIGN VISITS. 653 


horse killed under him. This affair caused some fear 
and precautions at San Diego, redoubled a few days 
later on rumors of new hostilities; but Grijalva went 
south and found all quiet. Raids on the cattle of San 
Miguel again required the attention of a sergeant and 
eight men in April 1797." 

San Diego did not come much into contact with 
the outside world. The first foreign vessels that ever 
entered this fine harbor were those of the English 
navigator Vancouver, which remained at anchor some 
three miles and a half from the presidio from Novem- 
ber 27th to December 9th 1793. Vancouver was 
courteously received by Grajera and Zutiiga, who, 
however, on account of Arrillaga’s “severe and inhos- 
pitable injunctions” were not able to allow the for- 
eigners such privileges as were desired. The English- 
man, though he visited the presidio, spent most of his 
time on board in preparing journals and despatches to 
be sent to England by way of Mexico, having little 
opportunity for observations.” In the early part of 
1797 an English invasion was supposed to be immi- 
nent, and all possible preparations were made by Gra- 
jera. Great reliance was placed on- the battery at 
Point Guiarros; but Grajera was also careful to 
obtain instructions respecting what was to be done 
should the enemy succeed in entering the bay, or 
should it be necessary to abandon the presidio. In 
case of such disasters it was decided to spike the guns 
and burn the powder and provisions, but to leave the 
buildings intact. A reserve of ammunition was stored 
at San Juan, whither the sacred vessels, archives, and 
other valuables were to be carried if necessary. The 
English did not appear; the armed frigate Princesa lay 
in port from June to October; and San Diego Hai 
destruction.“ At the end of 1798 the port was 
second time visited by foreigners, this cime by foun 

16 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 227-8; iv. 88; vi. 50; Prov. S». Pap., MS., xiii. 
215-16; xvi. 249, 


11 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 469-76. 
18 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 254-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 197, 211-12, 267-9. 


654 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


Boston sailors who had been left on the lower coast 
and were put to work in the presidio to earn their 
living until a vessel came to carry them to San Blas.” 
Yet once more was the port visited by the Americans 
during this decade, when in August 1800 the Betsy, 
Captain Charles Winship, obtained wood and water 
here, remaining ten days in the bay. Later, on No- 
vember 22d, there came an earthquake which in six 
minutes did more damage to the adobe buildings than 
had been done by either the British or Yankees.” 


At San Diego mission Juan Mariner and Hilario 
Torrens served as associate ministers until the last 
years of the decade. The latter left California at the 
end of 1798, dying early in the next year; while 
the former died at San Diego on January 29, 1800.™ 
Their sucessors were padres José Panella and José 
Barona, both recent arrivals who had lived at San 
Diego, the former since June 1797, and the latter 


19 Prov, Rec., MS., v. 283, 285; vi. 111; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197- 
202. Their names were Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, John Stephens, and Ga- 
briel Boisse. The captors of a Spanish vessel in 1799 claimed that some of 
their men, being on the coast in 1797, as part of the crew of two (English) 
ships had entered San Diego and made soundings by moonlight. Prov. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 20. 

20 Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 182; xii. 6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 44, 54; 
xvili. 67; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 12,18. The earthquake occurred at 1:30 
Pp. M., and the soldiers’ houses, warehouse, and the new dwelling of the vol- 
unteers were considerably cracked. The drought of 1795 and an epidemic 
diarrhcea in 1798 are the only other natural afflictions noted. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xiii. 4; xvii. 69. 

1 Hilario Torrens—thus he signed his name, but by his companions it was 
more frequently written Torrente or Torrent, to say nothing of several other 
variations—was a native of Catalonia, where he was for a long time predica- 
dor, for three years guardian, and also.vicar. He came to California in 1786 
with the highest recommendations from his college for talent, experience, and 
circunstancias. Serving at San Diego from November 1786 to November 1798, 
he had but slight opportunity to distinguish himself save by a faithful per- 
formance of his missionary duties. His license to retire was signed by the 
viceroy March 17, 1798. He sailed in the Princesa on Nov. 8th, and May 14, 
1799, the guardian wrote that he had died in a convulsion. Arch. Sta. Barbara, 
MS., xi. 281; xii. 26-7; Prov. St. Pap., xvi. 187. Of Juan Mariner still less is 
known. He came to California in 1785, served at San Diego from November 
of that year, made a trip with Grijalva in July 1795 to explore for the new 
mission site of San Luis Rey. He died Jan 29, 1800, and was buried in the 
presbytery by Padre Faura on Jan. 30th. Finally April 26, 1804, his remains 
were removed and placed, together with those of Jaume and Figuer, in a sep- 
ulchre constructed for the purpose under the small arch between the two 
altars of the new church. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 81, 89. 














SAN DIEGO MISSION. 655 


since May 1798. Another supernumerary was Pedro 
de San José Estévan, from April 1796 to July 1797. 
The only one of the missionaries with whose conduct 
any fault was found, so far as the records show, was 
Panella, who was accused of cruelty to the neophytes 
and was reprimanded by President Lasuen, who de- 
clared that he would not permit one of his subordi- 
nates to do injustice to the natives.” 

During the decade the neophytes of San Diego 
increased from 856 to 1,523. There had been 1,320 
baptisms and 628 deaths. San Diego had thus passed 
San Gabriel and San Luis Obispo, and now was the 
most populous mission in California. In the number 
of baptisms for the ten years it was excelled only by 
Santa Clara. The baptisms in 1797 were 554, the 
largest spiritual harvest ever gathered in one year with 
one exception, that of the year 1803 at Santa Barbara, 
when 831 new names were added to the register. 
The deaths moreover at San Diego were less in pro- 
portion to baptisms than elsewhere except at Purisima 
and Santa Barbara, though the rate was frightfully 
large, over fifty per cent, even here. The greatest 
mortality was in 1800 when 96 natives died.* This 
comparative prosperity was, however, more apparent 
than real in some respects, since the San Diego con- 
verts were left more at liberty in their rancherifas 


42Sept. 30, 1798, Lasuen to Borica. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 51. July 
14, 1799, Lujan instructed to report confidentially on the treatment of the 
natives. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 247. July 17, 1797, Grajera explains his 
treatment of the natives. Does not allow them to have much intercourse with 
those of cther missions, to prevent illicit intercourse. [d., xvi. 172. 1796, 
padres to depose misbehaving alcaldes and appoint others. Prov. fec., MS., 
vi. 178-9. Jaime Samop and Antonio Pellau were alcaldes in 1799. Arch. 
Arzobisbado, MS., i. 220. Three neophyte stowaways: were found on the 
Concepcion eight days out of port in 1794. They did it, they said, in sport, 
and were sent back from San Blas. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 216-17; Prov. 
Rec., MS., v. 226; xi. 209. Again in 1798 a runaway neophyte was sent 
back from Tepic. Prov: St. Pap., MS., xxi. 289. In the mission registers 
appear the names of fathers Cayetano Pallas, Mariano Apolinario, José 
Conanse, and Ramon Lopez, Dominicans from the peninsula who officiated 
here at different times; also presbyters Loesa and Jimenez, chaplains of San 
Blas vessels, and a dozen Franciscans from different missions. San Diego, Lib. 
de Mision, MS. 

23 Lasuen confirmed 656 persons between 1790 and 17938. S. Diego, Lib. de 
Mision, 45. 


656 LOCAL ‘EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


than in other establishments, Christianity being 
therefore somewhat less a burden to them. Mean- 
while the mission herds multiplied from 1,730 to 6,960 
head, and its flocks from 2,100 to 6,000. ‘The harvest 
of agricultural products in 1800 was 2,600 bushels, 
the largest crops having been 9,450 bushels in 1793 
and 1799, surpassed only by those of San Gabriel and 
San Buenaventura in 1800, and the smallest 600 
bushels in 1795, a year of drought: average crops 
1,600 bushels. 

Respecting material improvements in and about 
the mission we have but fragmentary data. In 1793 
a tile-roofed granary of adobes, ninety-six by twenty- 
four feet, was built. In 1794, besides some extensive 
repairs, one side of a wall which was to enclose and 
protect the mission was constructed, and a vineyard 
was surrounded by five hundred yards of adobe wall. 
In 1795 work was begun on a newly discovered source 
of water-supply for irrigation.“ Whether this was 
the beginning of the extensive works whose ruins are 
still to be seen, and which Hayes supposes with some 
plausibility to have been constructed before 1800, I 
know not, for there are no further records extant.” 
Of manufacturing and other industries during this 
period nothing is known, nor are there any means of 
ascertaining if the teachings of the artisan instructors 
sent by government to California penetrated to this 
southern establishment. In respect to commerce 
nothing further appears than that there was due the 

4 9t. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 113; ii. 26, 29. The neophytes’ huts at San 
Diego as late as 1798 were like those of the gentiles of wood and grass, con- 
sidered by the comandante as sufficient protection against the weather, if 
not against fire. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 73. Names of rancherias in the 
Lib. Mision, MS., 3, 4: Cosoy, San Francisco, Soledad, S. Antonio or Las 
Choyas, Santa Cruz or Coapan in San Luis Valley, Purisima, or Apuoquele, 


S. Miguel, or Janat, San Jocome de la Marca or Jamocha, San Juan Capis- 
trano or Matamo, and San Jorge or Meti. 

> Hayes’ Emigrant Notes, 153, 477, 603. Hayes gives from personal ob- 
servation a most interesting description of this dam and aqueduct, which I 
shall notice in a subsequent chapter, as I am inclined to think without having 
any very strong evidence that the works were built or completed in the next 
decade. Ina report of March 1799 Grajera speaks of an attempt to bring in 
water, at which the Indians had been overworked, but which was not a suc- 
cess. Grajera, Respuesta, MS., 193-4. 


SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO, — 657 


mission at the end of each of the later years about 
$3,500 for supplies to the presidio.” 
San Luis Rey, a new establishment of 1798, where 
Padre Peyri was at work building up one of the 
randest of the Californian missions, has been disposed 
of for this period in a preceding chapter.” At San 
Juan Capistrano, next northward Fuster and San- 
tiago were the associate ministers until 1800, when the 
former died,” and José Faura from San Luis Rey 
took his place. These missionaries baptized in the 
decade 940 converts and buried 668, the community 
being increased from 741 to 1,046. Horses and cattle 
from 2,500 became 8,500, San Juan being third in the 
list, while in sheep with 17,000 it was far ahead of any 
other mission. Crops in 1800 were 6,300 bushels; the 
average, 5,700; the best crop, in 1792, 7,400, and the 
smallest, in 1798, 3,700 bushels. In 1797, there was 
due San Juan for supplies furnished to San Diego and 
Santa Barbara presidios over $6,000.” 
In 1794 there were built at San Juan two large: 
adobe granaries roofed with tiles, and forty houses for 
neophytes, some with grass roofs and others tiled. In: 


26 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 195, 197, 265. 

27 See chapter xxvi. of this volume. 

*8 Vicente Fuster was a‘native of Aragon, who had originally left Mexico : 
in October 1770, arrived at Loreto in November 1771, served at Velicata, and 
came up from the peninsula with Palou, arriving at San Diego August 39, 
1773, where he served until 1776. He was with Jaume on the terrible night 
of November 5, 1775, when the mission was destroyed and his companion was 
murdered. His pen has graphically described the horrors of that night. 
After living at San Gabriel and other missions as supernumerary he was 
minister of San Juan Capistrano from November 1779 until December 17387, 
when he founded Purisima and remained there till Aug. 1789. Then he 
returned to San Juan and served until his death on Oct. 21, 18C0. He was 
buried by Estévan, Santiago, and Faura in the mission church. He had 
received the last sacrament, writes Estévan, ‘with the most perfect corformity 
to the divine will, giving us even to the last moment of his life the most illus- 
trious example of the resignation and love to God our Lord and his holy law 
which he had preached in his life, both by works and words.’ Sept. 9, 
1806, with all due solemnity Fuster’s remains were transferred to their final 
resting-place in the presbytery of the new church on the epistle side. San 
Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS., 28, 39-40. 

*9 Due San Juan from Sta Barbara $1,628. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 80-1. 
From San Diego in 1797, $4,785; in 1798, $4,553. Jd., xvi. 195, 265. Mar. 
15, 1797, draft on Mexico in favor of the padres for $3,000. Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 184. July 1794, draft drawn by Grajera for $2,000. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS... xu. 17: 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 42 


658 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


February 1797 work was begun on a new stone church 
which was to be the finest edifice in California. A 
master mason was obtained from Culiacan and the 
structure rose slowly but steadily for nine years.” 

Mariano Mendoza, a weaver, was sent from Mon- 
terey in the summer of 1796 to teach the natives. If 
he neglected his business, he should be chained at 
night, for he was under contract with the govern- 
ment at thirty dollars a month.. A loom was set up 
with other necessary apparatus of a rude nature, 
with which by the aid of natives coarse fabrics and 
blankets were woven. larly in 1797 the friars were 
notified that if they wished the services of Mendoza 
for a longer time they must pay his wages; but they 
thought his instructions not worth the money, espe- 
cially now that they had learned all he knew, and the 
weaving industry had been successfully established. 
Besides home manufactures San Juan supplied from 
its large flocks quantities of wool for experiments at 
other establishments.” 

Vancouver, sailing down the coast in the autumn 
of 1793, noted San Juan as “erected close to the 
water-side, in a small sandy cove; very pleasantly 


80 St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 26. A mason sent up by Arrillaga, who reports 
to the viceroy Jan. 11, 1799. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 15. Lasuen in report of 
1799-1800 says the church has been building four years. Arch. Sta Barbara, 
MS., xii. 128. Date of beginning, 8. Juan Cap., Lib. de Mision, MS., 26. 
Dec. 1797, church of masonry with arches being built 53 x 10 varas. St. Pap., 
Miss., MS., ii. 110. 

31 May 1796, a weaver (tejedor de ancho) sent. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 79, 
245, 247. April 16, 1797, Pedro Pollorena’s report to Grajera. Blankets, 
wide woollen cloths, mangas for vaqueros, 30 yards of manta, 30 yards of 
baize successfully woven. Not so perfect as Mexican goods, but good enough 
for this country. The native women spin and pick wool and cotton, and also 
dye tolerably well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 261-2. April 17th, report of 
padres on progress. The weaver’s attempts at dyeing with vinegar, etc., not 
equal to what the natives could do with Campeche, Brazil, and Zacatastal 
woods. St. Pap., Suc., MS., vi. 103-5. April 28th, Grajera to Borica, the 
carpenter Gutierrez the only man who can put up looms. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ms., xvi. 261. April 29th, Borica to padres. May 31st, Fuster to Borica. Men- 
doza’s services in the past not worth much, but he will pay what Lasuen 
deems just. June 26th, Borica to commandant of Monterey. Make an 
arrangement with Lasuen and pay one eighth to Mendoza and seven eighths 
to royal treasury. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 15; Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 185-6, 189. Wool purchased for Monterey and Santa Barbara. Jd., 
ix. 0; St. PAD., Sac, DiS. Vie 2. 


LOS ANGELES. 659 


situated in a grove of trees, whose luxuriant and 
diversified folage, when contrasted with the adjacent 
shores, gave it a most romantic appearance; having 
the ocean in front, and being bounded on its other 
sides by rugged dreary mountains, where the vegeta- 
tion was not sufficient to hide the naked rocks. ‘The 
buildings of the mission were of brick and stone, and 
in their vicinity the soil seemed to be of uncommon 
and striking fertility. The landing on the beach in 
the cove seemed to be good.” In the fear of Eng- 
lish invasion which agitated the whole country in 
1797 a sentinel was posted on the beach at San Juan 
to watch for suspicious vessels, since it was not doubted 
that England had her eyes upon the cove anchorage. 
Whether a four-pounder was mounted here as recom- 
mended by Captain Grajera does not appear. The 
arrest of a neophyte Aurelio for the murder of his 
wife in 1797, and the earthquake of November 22, 
1800, which slichtly cracked the rising walls of the 
new church, complete the annals of the decade.* 


Respecting the pueblo of Los Angeles from 1791 
to 1800, the information extant is exceedingly slight. 
The number of families residing here increased from 
thirty to seventy, and the white population from 140 
to 315, chiefly by the growing-up of children and the 
ageoregation of invalids from the different presidios. 
Horses and cattle increased from 3,000 to 12,500, a 
larger number than is accredited to any other Cali- 
fornian establishment. Sheep numbered 1,700 only, 
though a special effort had been made since 1795 to 
increase the pueblo flocks with a view to the industry 


32 Vancouver’s Voyage, il. 467. This description seems to locate the mis- 
sion much nearer the shore than it really is, but it could hardly have been 
moved before 1797 when the new church was begun, and certainly not later. 
See chapter xiv. this vol. 

33 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 155-6, 170, 249-50; xxi. 54. The Indian 
Aurelio was not severely ‘punished. In a fit of jealousy he proceeded to 
administer some conjugal discipline, and in his zeal overdid the duty as he 
frankly confessed. He had no intention of killing her. The authorities de- 
cided it not a matter for criminal process. 


660 LOCAL EVEN'IS IN THE SOUTH. 


of weaving. Crops in 1800 were 4,600 bushels, the 
largest having been 7,800 in 1796, and the smallest 
2,700 in 1797. Seven eighths of the entire harvest 
was usually maize, though the inhabitants offered in 
1800 to contract for the supply of 3,400 bushels of 
wheat per year at $1.66 a bushel for the San Blas 
market. 











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84 From 9 to 12 pobladores in 1793. Expense of pay and rations $1,528, 
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 16. List of 42 names of male settlers in 
1799. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iii. 9,10. Two hundred sheep distributed in 
August, 1796. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 74; vi. 79; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 1. 
1796, Borica orders that land be given to heads of families who have none, 
but they must cultivate it. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 44-5. 1795, correspondence 
and orders requiring seeded lands to be fenced. In one case a willow fence 
is mentioned. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 12, 16, 17, 29. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 77. 
The same year especial effort was made by the governor through Commandant 
Goycoechea to encourage the settlers to raise good crops in view of the general 


Sen tin 


pai: 


AFFAIRS AT THE PUEBLO. 661 


Vicente Félix remained in charge of the pueblo as 
comisionado throughout the decade, except perhaps 
for a brief period in 1795-6 when Javier Alvarado 
seems to have held the office. The successive alcaldes 
were Mariano Verdugo, elected in 1790; Francisco 
Reyes, 1793-5; José Vanegas, 1796; Manuel Arellano, 
1797; Guillermo Soto, 1798; Francisco Serrano, 1799; 
and Joaquin Hignera for 1800. The pueblo was in 
the jurisdiction of Santa Barbara, the comisionado 
receiving his orders from the commandant of that 
presidio, though as we have seen the small military 
guard was furnished by the San Diego company. Of 
local events from year to year there is practically 
nothing in the records.” 

It is in connection with the pueblo of Los Angeles 
that the most interesting topic of early land-grants 
in this southern central region may most conveniently 
be noticed. In February 1795 there were five ranchos 
in private possession, held under provisional grants 
and supporting several thousand head of live-stock.® 
The first was San Rafael, granted by Fages October 
20, 1784, to the retired corporal of the San Diego 
company José Maria Verdugo. It was also known as 


drought. Id., xix. 38-40; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 15. Proposal to furnish wheat 
for the San Blas market. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 50. 1787, grain sold to 
Santa Barbara, $358. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ix. 4. Each settler 
must give annually two fanegas of maize or wheat for a fondo de proprias to 
be spent for the good of the community. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 98-9. 

35 Arrillaga reported that Los Angeles was in quiet in 1792, but certain 
unruly persons were ordered to leave, and though they did not go, the warn- 
ing proved effective. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 188. Oct. 11, 1795, Borica to 
comandante, if the comisionado is not active enough he must be removed. 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 29-80. Alvarado comisionado 1795-6. Id., iv. 39; 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 234; Id., Ben. Mil., xv. 7. 1796, Francisco Avila 
drowned in the tulares. Suspicions of murder proved groundless. Prov. Rec, 
MS., iv. 66, 71. Dec. 7, 1797, the settlers Avila and Arellano must be 
chastised and turned out if they continue to disturb the pueblo. Jd., iv. 
93-4. 1798, allusions to speedy completion of a jail. Prov. Rec., iv. 108. 
Padre Salazar relates that when he was here in 1795 a man who had 1,000 
mares and cattle in proportion came to San Gabriel to beg cloth for a shirt, 
for none could be had at pueblo or presidio. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., 
Meds 
36 Feb, 24, 1795, Goycoechea’s report to Borica in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., xxii. 7, 8. April, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., vi. 40-1. The 
former important report seems not to have been seen by either writers or 
lawyers in the past. 


662 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


La Zanja, described as across the river and four leagues 
from Los Angeles, and was confirmed by Borica 
January 12, 1798.” The second rancho was that of 
Manuel Nieto, held under [’ages’ permission of No- 
vember 1784, the largest and best of all, supporting 
1,100 head of cattle and large enough for a pueblo, 
since well known as Los Nietos, and formerly granted 
in several tracts to Nieto’s heirs by Kigueroa in 1834.* 
The third was the famous San Pedro, or Dominguez, 
rancho, occupied by Juan José Dominguez with about 
a thousand head of cattle under a permission given 
very likely by Fages, but the date of whichis not 
known. It was regranted by Sola in 1822, and is one 
of the few Californian ranchos that have remained in 
the possession of the original grantees and their de- 
scendants.” Fourth in the list was the rancho at Por- 
tezuelo,smaller but fertile and well watered and stocked 
with cattle on a small scale, situated about four leagues 
from Los Angeles on the main road, and occupied by 
the old veteran Sergeant Mariano de la Luz Verdu- 
go.” The fifth and last was the Encino rancho, where 


37 According to Reg. Brands, MS., 32-3. Fages permitted Verdugo on 
Oct. 20th to keep his cattle at Arroyo Hondo, one and a half leagues from San 
Gabriel on the road to Monterey, on condition that no harm was done to mis- 
sion or pueblo, and care taken with the natives. Jan. 12, 1798, in answer to 
petition of Nov. 4, 1797, Borica permitted him to settle with his family, rela- 
tives, and property, under like conditions, and the new one of raising sheep, at 
La Zanja. This rancho was visited in August 1795 by the party seeking a mis- 
sion site. Sta Maria, Registro, MS. 

38 In 1795-6 the mission of San Gabriel laid claim to Nieto’s land, called 
at the time La Zanja. After an investigation Borica allowed Nieto to retain 
what land he had actually under cultivation and in use, the rest to be used 
by the mission without prejudice to Nieto’s legal rights. Prov. fec., MS., iv. 
45, 51-2, 61-2. It would seem that other persons besides Nieto were living 
here in 1797, when the inhabitants were called on to be ready to resist English 
invasion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 249-50. This grant came before the U. 8. 
land comission in later times in five separate tracts: Los Cerritos, Los Coyotes, 
Las Bolsas, Los Alamitos, and Santa Gertrudis, aggregating 33 sq. leagues. 
LToffman’s Land Cases. 

8° Granted by Sola Dec. 31, 1822, to Sergt. Cristébal Dominguez as nephew 
and heir of Juan José. Leg. "Brands, MS., 35. The author of Los Angeles, 
Liist., 8, 9, supposes this grant to have been originally made before 1800, 
chiefly on the testimony of Manuel Dominguez and otker old settlers. No one 
has until now shown any documentary proof. 

*0 Verdugo enlisted at Loreto on Dec. 15, 1766, serving as private, corporal, 
and sergeant, seven years in each capacity. He came “with Capt. Rivera y 
Moncada in the first expedition of 1769, and served in several Indian cam- 
paigns. His name appears among the godfathers at the first baptisms in San 





i 


. a 7 


EARLY LAND-GRANTS. 663 


Alcalde Francisco Reyes had a house and where he 
kept his own live-stock as well as that of Cornelio 
Avila and others. This was where San Fernando was 
established in 1797, the friars taking possession of 
Reyes’ house, a fact that illustrates the slight tenure 
by which these early grants were held. Between 1795 
and 1800 there were perhaps granted two other ran- 
chos within this jurisdiction, San José de Gracia de 
Simf to Javier, Patricio, and Miguel Pico in or about 
1795; and El Refugio to Captain José Francisco 
Ortega or his sons a year or two later.“ 

San Gabriel, belonging throughout the decade to 


Diego, and he commanded the guard at San Luis Obispo in 1773. He was 
temporarily in command at San Diego in November 1775 at the time of the 
massacre, being the first to reach the mission and report the terrible event. 
He accompanied Gov. Neve to the Colorado in 1782. His wife, Dota Maria 
Guadalupe Lugo, was buried by Lasuen at San Diego April 15, 1780, and he 
subsequently married Gregoria Espinosa. From about 1780 he was sergeant 
of the Monterey company till 1787 when he was probably retired as an invalid. 
Prov, St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 14; viii. 8,9; xiv. 1, 2; xxii. 7; Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., i. 2, 4, 5; S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 77; San Luis Obispo, 
Lib. de Mision, MS., 29. 

41 The Simi Rancho, according ta Reg. Brands, MS., 33, and Hoffman’s 
Land Cases, was granted by Borica in 1795, being regranted, or at least 
petitioned for, in 1821, and also by Alvarado in 1542. According to Leg. 
Brands, MS., '32, El Refugio was granted by Borica, therefore betore 1800, 
to Capt. Ortega, therefore before 1798 when Ortega died. I think there is 
room for doubt about one or both of these grants. “Respecting both it may be 
said that Borica does not seem to have favored such grants. As to Simi, 
when an exploring party visited the valley in August 1795 they did not men- 
tion any rancho as they did Reyes’ and Verdugo’s; and not only this but in 
April 1796 Borica expressly refused to grant Pico (no given name) permission 
to leave the pueblo and settle on a rancho. As to El Refugio, we know that 
Ortega in 1796 was in trouble about a deficit in his Loreto accounts, Prov. 
Rec., MS8., iv. 68, 72, 81-2, 86; his son José Maria wished to take a land-grant 
on which to work and pay his father’s indebtedness, and although Borica 
advised him against the scheme, still a grant was ordered to be made to him 
of the Zanja de Cota lands if unoccupied. The author of Los Angeles, Hist., 
8, 9, thinks that Santiago de Santa Ana was one of these early grants. His 
reasonsare: A popular belief that this was one of the oldest ranchos; testimony 
in the district court that the original occupant was Grijalva; the probability 
that the grant to Yorba in 1810 was a regrant to Grijalva’s son-in-law; and 
finally a recognition by the court of the Peraltas’ claims as descendants of the 
original occupant. This is an ingenious but probably erroneous argument. 
Lieut. Grijalva was a pensioner of the San Diego company after 1796 as was 
Sergt. Yorba, his son-in-law, after 1798; but Grijalva, dying at San Diego in 
1806, named no land in his will though he did name cattle; and moreover he 
refused to give his daughters anything, on the ground that they had been pro- 
vided for at their marriage—one with Yorba in 1782 and the other with 
Peralta in1785. Peralta’s claims resulted from the fact that Arrillaga’s grant 
of July 1, 1810, was to Yorba and Peralta in company. In his petition of 
Noy. 24, 1809, Yorba says nothing of any previous occupancy by himself or 
others. Leg. Brands, Mis., 34. 


664 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


the jurisdiction of San Diego, was one of the most 
flourishing of the missions, but its annals may be very 
briefly disposed of. Cruzado and Sanchez still toiled 
together as ministers. Calzada remained until 1792. 
Cristébal Ordmas served here in 1792—3;" Juan Mar- 
tin in 1794-6; Juan Lope Cortés in 1796-8; and 
Pedro de San José Estévan to 1800 and later, so that 
the mission had always three padres. They baptized 
1,267 natives, but they buried 1,124,“ so that the com- 
munity was increased only from 1,040 to 1,140, stand- 
ing now third instead of second in the list. In large 
stock San Gabriel stood fourth, with a gain from 4,220 
to 7,090 head; while in sheep it was second to San 
Juan only, its flocks having increased from 6,000 to 
12,360. In agricultural products San Gabriel was a 
tie with San Buenaventura in 1800, with a crop of 
9,400 bushels, the smallest having been 3,600 in 1793, 
and the average about 6,400. 

José Maria Verdugo, owner of a rancho in the 
vicinity, was corporal of the mission guard much of 
the time down to 1798, and his successor was Pedro 
Pollorena. José Miguel Flores, a discharged soldier, 
was majordomo down to his death in 1796.4 A 
stone church was half finished in 1794, but in 1800 
it had not yet been completed. There is no record 
of manufacturing industries save that a little cotton 
obtained from San Blas was woven; but I suppose 
that a beginning of weaving woollen stuffs or of some 


# Of Cristébal Ordmas we only know that he had been for five years 
assistant curate and became a friar only a year before coming to California, 
whither he brought in 1786 a most flattering reputation from the guardian 
for genius and exemplary conduct. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 26-7. He 
served at Santa Barbara, of which mission he was a founder, from December 
1706 to December 1789; at Purisima until November 1792; and at San Gabriel 
until September 1793, when broken down in health he retired to the college. 

This death-rate of 90 per cent of baptisms and doubtless 500 per cent 
and more of births was not caused by any great epidemic in one year, for the 
a run quite evenly as follows: 104, 84, 98, 65, 80, 87, 92, 96, 138, and 

** San Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., passim. The mission-books contain 
but little beyond the names of padres and of persons baptized, married, or 
buried. The original registers are also imperfect, parts of several books 
having disappeared. 





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ME 


SANTA BARBARA DISTRICT. 665 


other branch of primitive manufactures must have 
been made at this period, for San Gabriel, so flourish- 
ing and so prominent in later years, would naturally 
have been among the first to make experiments. 
Events important or petty there are none to record. 
San Fernando, the new establishment in Encino Val- 
ley belonging to the jurisdiction of Santa Birbara, I 
have already noticed in another chapter.* 


Santa Barbara presidio remained under the able 
command of Lieutenant Felipe de Goycoechea, who 
was also habilitado, and was in 1798 promoted to be 
brevet captain. Pablo Antonio Cota was promoted to 
fill the vacant post of alférez, and served throughout 
the decade, dying at the end of 1800. José Maria 
Ortega, son of the lieutenant, took Cota’s place as ser- 
geant with Olivera and Carrillo; and when the latter 
went to Monterey in 1795 he was replaced by Fran- 
cisco Maria Ruiz. The presidial force was fifty-nine 
men, from which number guards were supplied to San 
Buenaventura, San Fernando, Santa Barbara, and 
Purisima missions. The number of pensioners in- 
creased from one to seventeen, and all, with their 
families, constituted a population de razon which in- 


5 Church-building. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 29,100,110. Cotton-weav- 
ing. Jd., ii. 6, 100; Arch. Arzodispado, MS., i. 30-2. July, 1796, 200 arrobas 
of wool can be had at 20 reals. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 6. Due mission 
from presidio of San Diego, 1797, $2,881. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265. For 
1798, $2,597. Id., xvi. 195. Due from Santa Barbara, 1797, $3,311. /d., 
xvii. 78-81. Two runaway neophytes from San Gabriel brought in by the 
Papagos to Tucson. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 58. 

46 Pablo Antonio Cota was born in 1744, and enlisted in 1768, coming to 
California probably in 1769, and certainly before 1774. He seems to have 
commanded the guard at San Buenaventura from its foundation in 1782 until 
1787, when he was removed on complaint of the padres. He subsequently 
commanded at Purisimia until replaced by Corporal Ortega in September 
1788. During this time he was engaged in one or two minor explorations 
and Indian campaigns. His commission as alférez was signed in Mexico Jan. 
13, 1788. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 55. His wife was Dofia Maria Rosa de Lugo, 
who died Jan. 10, 1797. S. Buenaventura, Lib. de Mision, MS., 2, 5, 9; Sta 
Barbara, Lib de Mision, MS., 30. In August 1795 he commanded the party 
exploring for the mission site of San Fernando. Sta Marta, Registro, MS. 
He died Dec. 30, 1800, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 87; xxi. 56, of pleurisy, 
which during this cold rainy winter attacked many persons at Santa Barbara. 
Prow. St. Pap.,; Ben. Mil.; MS., xxix. 3. 


666 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


creased from 200 to 370. The total white popula- 
tion of this district, including Los Angeles and the 
-ranchos, was 675, and neophytes, including San 
Gabriel and San Fernando, numbered almost 4,000. 
Having no fort,“ Santa Barbara obtained no part of 
the reénforcement of artillerymen and infantry sent 
to California in 1796, and was garrisoned by cuera 
cavalrymen only. The annual appropriation for this 
presidio from the royal treasury did not vary much 
from $15,000.” 

It has been seen that new presidio buildings had 
been completed or nearly so by 1790; but some of the 
roofs were constructed of tules; some of the timbers 
supporting tile roofs were bad; the family kitchens 
were inside the houses and not detached as was best; 
a fire did considerable damage in August 1789; and it 
seems that no new chapel had been built. Fages in 


47 Company rosters in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xxvi.; St. 
Pap., Sac., MS., i.-iii. List of about 100 persons in 1797 who have com- 
plied with religious obligations. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 89-93. List of 14 
young men fit for military service, but whose parents need their care. Jd., 
xv. 102-4. Full list of officers and men in 1798. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., xvii. 20-1. Four foundlings came here to live in 1800. Jd., xxviii. By 
Borica’s order each mission escolta was reduced by one man in 1795. Prov. 
ftec., MS., iv. 252 Proe, St. Pap., MS, xiiei7 i: 

48 One brass 6-pounder and three smaller iron pieces at the presidio with 
four iron guns at the three coast missions were the armament in 1798. Prov. 
“St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 5. Paper supplied to school and collected 
again for cartridges. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 32. 

#9 Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xv. xvii.—-viii. xxi. 
Rxill. xxviii.; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. iv. The memorias of supplies were from 
$13,000 to $17,000. Account of 1794, credit, $39,737; debit, $38,634. Prov. 
St. Pap., Presid., MS.,i. 3. Id. for 1797, cr., $42,377; dr., $43,095. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., ii. 68. Id. for 1798, cr., $40,520; dr., $40,658. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., xvii. 9-11. Total receipts of supplies in 1795, including $6,830 
from missions, $22,057. Id., xxi. 9. Waste in last memoria 1796, $690. 
Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 80. Mission supplies in 1797, $4,623; in 1798, $756. 
Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 10,11. Inventory of goods on hand. 
Dec. 31, 1798, $9,758. Id., xvii. 9. Account of 1799, cr., $45,728; dr., $467148. 
Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ii. 18,19. Postal revenue from $56 to $105. 
Prov. St. Pap.,- Ben) Mil., MS,, xxi. G).93 xxl. 8; xxv. 14: St. Pap, Gace 
MS., vi. 61. Tithes collected from $200 to $800 per year, the expense of col- 
lecting being from 15 to 20 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 4; 
xxi. 6; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 45-6; vi. 2; Dept. St. Pap., MS., x. 3, 4;Sé. Pap., 
Sac., MS., i. 124. In 1792-3, the papal bulls sold amounted to $62. Prov. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 6. From 1790 to 1795, only $8 out of $1,177 
worth sent. /d., xiii. 4; xxi. 9. In 1797, $87 worth sold, and those remain- 
ing ordered burned. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 87. It seems that this sale was a 
special one of bulls of the holy crusade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 79-80. 








ae wa a a 


re ae 


x 
+ 





SANTA BARBARA. 667 


his instructions to Romeu of February 1791 reported 
this state of things and hoped all would be completed 
that year. In August 1793 the governor pronounced 
the presidio buildings the best in California owing to 
Goycoechea’s activity, but still some roofs needed re- 
pairs. All would be done that year except the new 
chapel and a cemetery outside the square. Van- 
couver in November found here ‘‘the appearance of a 





































































































































































































oPURISIMA 
IX, / 
ision o STAJINES |. 
Wiej oe ° ¢ 
ey: as ae 
‘s 7 i ~ ¥ te x S Z f 
* BYR, : Se 


































































































































































































































































































































































































Map or Santa BARBARA District, 1800. 


far more civilized place than any other of the Spanish 
establishments had exhibited. The buildings appeared 
to be regular and well constructed, the walls clean 
and white, and the roofs of the houses were covered 
with a bright red tile. The presidio excels all the 
others in neatness, cleanliness, and other smaller 
though essential comforts; it is placed on an elevated 
part of the plain and is raised some feet from the 


668 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


ground by a basement story, which adds much to its 
pleasantness.” In October 1794 the commandant 
certified that to complete the buildings fifteen laborers 
for six months were necessary at a cost of $561. 
Thereupon work was stopped except upon the church 
and the most necessary repairs; and at the end of 
1796 the viceroy declared that the sailor-workmen 
could no longer be employed at royal expense; but 
the chapel was blessed on Guadalupe day in 1797." 
Though Santa Barbara seems to have had as yet 
no branch of the rancho del rey like those at the other 
presidios, yet it is credited in statistical reports with 
from 1,000 to 4,000 horses and cattle, and from 200 
to 600 sheep. This live-stock is not to be confounded 
with that, of the mission, but it was probably identical 
to some extent with that of the rancheros within the 
jurisdiction already referred to. There were also 
agricultural operations carried on by the soldiers dis- 
tinct from those of the mission neophytes. Records 
of results are very meagre, but in 1797 they reached 
1,650 bushels of wheat, corn, and beans.** Of mechan- 
ical industries there is nothing to record save that 
the attempt to obtain white apprentices was more 


50 Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 166. Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115; Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 451, 495. Oct. 11, 
1794, 15 men at 18 cents per day and 34 fanegas of maize at 13 reals, neces- 
sary to complete the buildings. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 62. Oct. 24th, build- 
ing expenses to stop. Jd., x1i. 98. Dec. 13th, Borica says the church is to be 
enlarged at cost of the fondo de gratificacion. Id., xii. 58. HKxpenses from 1784 
to 1794, $2,256. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 12. Dec. 16th, viceroy 
to governor, the 8 ship-boys and other workmen can no longer be paid from 
treasury of San Blas. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 57-8. Chapel to be blessed 
on Guadalupe day. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 87. The $2,256 charged to fondo de 
gratificacion by order of April 26, 1797. Zd., iv. 89. 

°! Jan. 15, 1794, governor orders that each soldier be allowed only four 
cows. These to be branded and the rest slaughtered. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 
208. 1794-5, commandant asks for and obtains from governor 200 steers for 
rations, Jd., iv..163;iProv,. St, Pap., MS. xi. 97. “Oct. 122;:1795, <Borics 
orders Goycoechea, Ortega, and other officers to fence their gardens; and 
reads them a lecture for complaining of the poor soldiers’ cattle. Why should 
so many suffer for the couvenience of a few? Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 33-4. In 
1796 an effort was made here as elsewhere to promote sheep-raising. Let 
Pefia have some land, says the governor June 9, 1796, if he will take Pico as 
a partner and raise twice as many sheep as other stock. Rancheros must go 
to the pueblo to live he says, Dec. 29th, unless they will raise sheep. Prov. 
fec., MS., iv. 66, 86. 





SANTA BARBARA. 669 


successful here than at San Diego, since six boys 
were taught by the weaver Enriquez during his south- 
ern tour in 1798.” 

Vancouver's visit in 1793 was first in the slight 
chain of local events to be recorded in this decade. 
He anchored here November 10th and sailed the 18th. 
His reception in comparison with that at Monterey 
and San Francisco seemed to him agreeable, though 
the difference was chiefly imaginary. Goycoechea 
was courteous and hospitable, and Vancouver had 
learned not to expect too much. Little was done 
except to obtain wood and water, purchase supplies 
from private individuals, and take required exercise 
within sight of the presidio, retiring on board at night. 
An excellent spring, said to have been unknown to 
the Spaniards, was found near the old wells. Fathers 
Miguel and Tapis were particularly affable and anxious 
to entertain and aid the foreigners, who carried away 
a flattering opinion of Santa Barbara and its peo- 
ple.” January 10, 1794, there was a public execution. 
Jonacio Rochin was shot, there being no hangman in 
the country, for the murder of one Alvarez. The wife 
of the victim, Rochin’s accomplice, was condemned to 
hard work as a servant, the sentences coming finally 
from the audiencia of Guadalajara.” 

In August 1795 the English merchant ship Phenix, 
Captain Moore, touched here for supplies and left a 
‘Boston boy’ who was soon sent to San Blas as already 
related.» The same year the inhabitants contributed 
nearly one thousand dollars toward paying the expenses 
of the war with France. 


52 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 99. July 21, 1796, Borica to Goycoechea, The sons 
of soldiers and settlers must be urged to learn weaving, tailoring, and pottery. 
Id., iv. 72-8. <A bricklayer, a carpenter, and a violinista in the company in 
1798. Id., iv. 95. Timber for oars sent to San Diego. Id., iv. 88. 

53 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 451-6, 493, 497, 500. The English navigator was 
surprised at the failure of the Spaniards to fortify so strong and important a 
position. He mentions two brass nine-pounders before the presidio entrance. 

54 Sta Bdrbara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 29; Prov. Rec.,-MS., iv. 5, 7; Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xii. 92; xiii. 176; Id., Ben. Mil., xxi. 8; Garcta, Hechos, MS., 
oe 


55See p. 536, this volume. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 9. 


670 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


The year 1796 was marked by the discovery of 
what was thought to be a quicksilver mine in the 
black mire at the Punta del Cerro de la Laguna. A 
load of the metal-bearing mud was taken to the presi- 
dio for examination by Borica’s orders, but nothing 
further is heard of it.° In February 1797 a soldier 
named Gonzalez is said to have been poisoned by the 
natives, who thus revenged themselves for what they 
regarded as cruel treatment.” In March and April 
came the alarm of war with England. Couriers were 
despatched, sentinels posted, guns made ready, the 
natives exhorted, and abundant reasons given for not 
doing more.® In May the Princesa arrived off the 
mouth of the Rio Purisima and landed thirty of her 
hundred and sixty men, who were suffering from 
scurvy, but who rapidly recovered.” In December 
there arrived the Magallanes, a full-rigged ship of war, 
which had come over from Manila to make observa- 
tions and if necessary convoy the San Blas vessels 
southward. On February 38, 1798, occurred the 
death of the old pioneer of 1769, Brevet Captain José 
Francisco Ortega, former commandant of Santa Bar- 
bara and for several years living as a retired pensioner 
in this vicinity. He left many sons and daughters, and 
many of his grandchildren still live in California.® 


56 Prov. Rec.; MS., iv. 57. 

51 The death of Rafael Gerardo Gonzalez on Feb. 14th is recorded in Sta 
Barbara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 30. The fact that he was poisoned rests on 
the statement of his son Rafael Gonzalez, still living at Santa Barbara, C'on- 
zalez, Lxperiencias, MS., 1, 2, who was born a few days after his father’s 
death. He flogged some boys who allowed the crows to eat his corn, and the 

‘natives soon invited him to a feast of poisoned fish. 

58 Goycocchea to Borica, March 28, April 10, 1797, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xv. 43-5, 188-9. 

59 Td., xv. 52; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 90-1. 

6° Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 113-14; xvi. 185; xvii. 1, 6. 

61 José Francisco Ortega was a native of the town of Zelaya in what is now 
the State of Guanajuato, where in his early youth he was employed as a ware- 
house clerk. Enlisting Oct. 1, 1755, he served in the cuera company of 
Loreto ten months as private, two years and a half as corporal, and fourteen 
and a half as sergeant. Some time after he was first made sergeant he ob- 
tained his discharge and gave his attention to mining in Baja California, where 
he was for a time a kind of alcalde of all the mining-camps of the peninsula. 
When Portola came as governor, Ortega was readmitted as sergeant and for 
a year or more attended to the accounts of the royal warehouse. He accom- 
panied the second land expedition northward in 1769 under Portol4 and with 


— 


ia we 


CAPTAIN ORTEGA. 671 


At Santa Barbara mission adjoining the presidio, 
Padre Antonio Paterna, the founder, and an old 


Junipero Serra. On the way he received a letter from Don José de Galvez 
promising him the place of lieutenant at Loreto on his return. On this march 
he distinguished himself by his tireless activity, always going ahead to explore 
the way and traversing the route three times before he reached San Diego. 
Then he went on with the first expedition to Monterey, and was perhaps the 
first to discover San Francisco Bay, probably the first to visit the site of the 
present city, and certainly the one who explored the bay region most exten- 
sively on this trip. Back at San Diego he was for a time in conmmand of the 
guard, but soon returned to Loreto where the governor kept him busy in con- 
stant journeys to Sinaloa and to San Diego, and in explorations. By his zeal 
in these early expeditions, Ortega made himself a great favorite with the mis- 
sionaries and especially with Junipero Serra, who in 1773 urged his appoint- 
ment as commandant in California to succeed Fages. Serra, Representacion de 
13 de Mayo 1773, MS. Itis from this document that we obtain many of the 
facts about his earlier life and services. Much is also gathered from his own 
later narratives. Ortega, Memorial al Comandunte General sobre méritos y ser- 
vicios miditares, 8 de Junio 1786, MS., and Ortega, Fragmento, MS., both of 
which are very important documents on early history. Serra’s efforts could 
not make him commandant, but he was made lieutenant and commanded at 
San Diego for over eight years. His services in the exciting times which fol- 
lowed the massacre of 1775 have been already recorded. In 1781 he founded 
Santa Barbara, planning the buildings, fortifications, and irrigating works in a 
manner which gained him great credit, and serving as commandant and habili- 
tado until 1784, when he was transferred to the frontier. Here in 1786 he 
petitioned for pecuniary relief and for retirement, being unfitted for duty by 
30 years of active service and by increasing obesity. His petition was not 
granted, but he was transferred back to California and was in command at 
Monterey from September 1787 to March 1791. A year later he went down 
to Loreto and was commandant there during Arrillaga’s absence until 1795, 
when he was retired as brevet captain on half leutenant’s pay, attached to the 
Santa Barbara company. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., Ms., xxii. 4; xxiii. 2. 
Like most other officers who served as habilitados. Ortega was in some trouble 
with his accounts during this last term at Loreto, and was oppressed by debt 
in the last years of his life. The deficit was $2,597. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 
73. José Maria Ortega, his son, asked to be discharged from military service 
or retired as invalid, and to be granted lands that he might pay off the deficit. 
Borica wrote July 11, 1796, approving the son’s desire to clear his father, but 
disapproving the scheme as not likely to succeed because the missions would 
have the preference in selling grain. He thought the captain would be 
allowed to keep a portion of his pay. Oct. 28th, he sent the discharge of 
the captain’s sons, and ordered their grain to be bought to pay the deticit. 
A strict watch was to be kept on the property to prevent other creditors from 
being favored. The sons tinally paid up the deficit. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
69-72, 81-2, 86. It is possible, though not certain, that there was provision- 
ally granted to the family at this time or before 1800, the rancho de Nuestro 
Senora del Refugio, which remained long in the family and was famous in 
connection with smuggling operations during the Mexican rule. Capt. Ortega 
died suddenly on Feb. 3, 1798, at the Casil rancheria while on his way to the 
presidio, and was buried next day in the mission cemetery by Tapis. Prov. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvi. 3; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 97; Sta Barbara, Lib. 
de Mision, MS., 31. Ortega’s wife was Dona Maria Antonia Victoria Car- 
rillo, who died very suddenly and was buried in the presidio church on May 
8, 1803. Jd., 33. In 1802 she received a pension of $9,150. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., xxx. 4. They had several children when they came to San Diego, 
Ignacio, José Maria, Vicente, Francisco, Juan, Maria Luisa, and Maria, ac- 
cording to Taylor, and there were born at San Diego, José Francisco Maria, 


672 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


pioneer of 1771, died in 1793” and was succeeded 
by Estévan Tapis. José de Miguel had served since 
1790, and was succeeded in 1798 by Juan Lope Cortés. 
By this missionary force 1,237 natives were baptized, 
634 were buried, and the number of neophytes was 
increased from 4388 to 864 in the ten years. Mcan- 
while horses and cattle had multiplied from 296 to 
2,492, and sheep from 503 to 5,615. Crops were 
3,000 bushels in 1800; 5,400 in 1797; and only 150 
bushels of wheat in 1795.™ 


Juan Capistrano Maria Hermégenes, Maria Antonio de Jesus, and José Maria 
Martin. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 12, 14, 17, 19, 27, 50; Loreto, Lib. 
Mision, MS., 198; Taylor’s Discoverers and Founders, ii. No. 27. 

62 Antonio Paterna was a native of Seville, and served 20 years in the 
Sierra Gorda missions before coming to California. He left his college in 
October 1770; sailed from San Blasin the San Antonio Jan. 21, 1771; arrived 
at San Diego March 12th, at Monterey May 2lst, and back at San Diego 
July 14th. He was supernumerary at San Gabriel until May 1772, and min- 
ister until September 1777. During this time he was acting president in 
1772-3 until Palou’s arrival. He was minister at San Luis Obispo from 1777 
to 1786; and at Santa Barbara from its foundation, Dec. 4, 1786, until his 
death on Feb. 13, 1793. Sta Barbara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 44-5; Arch. Sta 
Barbara, MS., vii. 5, 6; xi. 221. He had been a zealous and faithful worker. 
His body was buried in the mission church on Feb. 14th. Whether it was 
subsequently transferred to the new church does not appear from the records. 

“3The discrepancy of about 200 may result from the baptism of certain 
natives who were allowed to remain in their rancherias and not included on 
the mission registers. There was some correspondence in 1796 about the ran- 
cherias of the channel, and their willingness to become Christians if not com- 
pelled to leave their lands and fisheries and live at the missions. Borica 
favored allowing them to remain and adding an extra friar to Santa Barbara 
and Purisima to attend to their instruction, houses or stations being established 
at suitable points. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 92-8; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 55-6. 
In August 1797, 300 natives near the presidio were given over to Lasuen for 
baptism on condition of not leaving their rancheria. /d., iv. 92; vi. 54-5. 
According toa report of Goycoechea, March 12, 1796, the rancherias from San 
Buenaventura to Purisima were as follows: Sisolopo at San Buenaventura; Il 
Rincon, 5 leagues; La Carpinteria, ]1.; El Paredon, 141.; Montecito, 1}1.; 
Yuctu, at presidio, 141.; Sacpili, 21.; Alcas; Gelijec; Gelod; Miguigui, 31., 
Casil, 31. ; Quemada, 11.; Gaviota, 31.; El Bulito Estait. 21.; Sta Texas (?), 
21.; El Cojo Sisilopo, 141.; Espada, 141.; Pedernales, 141. Total number 
of gentiles, 1783. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 94. Najalayegua, Matita, and 
Somes are also named. 

64 Weather reports at Santa Barbara. Much complaint in 1795, 1797, and 
1800. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 65; x. 117; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 62; 
St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 100-1; St. Pap., Miss., MS.., ii. 103-6; Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 22; Prov. Iec., MS., xi. 1386. According to accounts in 
Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 133-9; ix. 476-83, 494-6, the mission had in 
1800 a credit balance in Mexico of $528; a draft from the habilitado for 
$1,267; $309 in money at the mission; $1,061 due from presidio; and $416 due 
from private individuals; total, $3,581 in addition to buildings, ete. Supplies 
furnished to presidio from 1793 to 1800, $5,179. Otter-skins sent to Mexico, 
$1,624. A full account of mission supplies purchased in Mexico is given in 
Sania Bdrbara, Memorias de los Lfectos remitidos a la Mision para los aftos 





ia 


®, 
ile MO, lla: a 


ee et, “Gives 1 teem 


L 
‘ 
g 

a 

% 





SANTA BARBARA MISSION. 673 


Much progress was made in mission buildings dur- 
ing this decade. In 1791 a guard-house and three 
tool-houses were added; in 1792 two large stone 
corrals. In 1793—4 a new church of adobes, tiled and 
plastered, 28 x 135 feet, with a sacristy 15 x 28 feet, and 
a brick portico in front, was erected; and in 1794 the 
improvements were a granary and spinnery on stone 
foundations, a cemetery enclosure 48 x 135 feet, and a 
sheep-corral. In 1795 a corridor with tile roof and 
brick pillars was added on the side of the square next 
the presidio, and another to the spinnery; four new 
rooms for the friars were completed; and beams of 
alder and poplar were replaced with pine wherever 
they had been used. In 1797 several rooms for 
granaries, store-rooms, and offices were completed. In 
1799 there were built nineteen adobe houses for 
natives, each 12 x 19 feet, plastered, whitewashed, 
and roofed with tiles; and an adobe wall nine feet 
high was extended for 1,200 yards round the garden 
and vineyard. In 1799 was added a warehouse, and 
in 1800 thirty-one more dwellings in a row, and cor- 
ridors on brick pillars round the three remaining sides 
of the square were completed; while preparations 
were made for the construction of a reservoir for 
drinking-water, to be made of stone, brick, and mor- 
tar.” In 1800 sixty neophytes were engaged in 


weaving and other work connected with that branch 


of industry. The carpenter of the presidio was en- 
gaged at one dollar per day to teach the natives his 
trade; and a corporal taught tanning at $150 per year. 
Of the two soldiers that constituted the guard one was 
employed by the friars as majordomo.” 


1786 hasta 1810,.MS. These supplies were purchased by the padres with their 
salaries and wiih the products of sales of produce. They consist of imple- 
ments, groceries, church vestments, and vessels, clothing, etc. The total 
amount for this decade was $10,500, of which $8, 000 was paid by the sinodos, 
and the rest by drafts from the habilitado. In 1800, as I have said, the mis- 
sion was $528 ahead; but before it owed from $100 to $2,000. 

% Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., v. 26-30, 39, 42-5, 49, 53, 58, 61-2; ii. 99, 
138-40; St. Pap., Miss., MS., Ns Ura be 71, 79, 
me Arch. Sta Bérbara, MS., ii. 96-7, 129, 137-8. Before October, 165 
naguas of home manufacture had been distributed, 800 yds. of cotton and 
Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 43 


674 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


San Buenaventura, the southernmost of the channel 
establishments, remained under the care of its founders, 
Francisco Dumetz and Vicente de Santa Maria, until 
1797, when the former was succeeded by José Fran- 
cisco de Paula Sefian. Though its population was 
smaller than that of any other mission except San 
Francisco and the new establishments, it had more 
cattle and raised more grain in 1800 than any other 
place in California.” Vancouver landed here Novem- 
ber 20, 17938, haying brought Padre Santa Marfa from 
Santa Barbara, and spent a few hours very pleasantly 
at the mission, which he found to be ‘‘in a very supe- 
rior style to any of the new establishments yet seen.” 
“The garden of Buena Ventura far exceeded anything 
I had before met with i these regions, both in respect 
of the quantity, quality, and variety of its excellent 
productions, not only indigenous to the country, but 
appertaining to the temperate as well as torrid zone; 
not one species having yet been sown or planted 
that had not flourished. These have principally con- 
sisted of apples, pears, plumbs, figs, oranges, grapes, 
peaches, and pomegranates, together with the plantain, 
banana, cocoa nut, sugar cane, indigo, and a great 
variety of the necessary and useful kitchen herbs, 
plants, and roots. All these were flourishing in the 
ereatest health and perfection, though separated from 
the sea-side only by. two or three fields of corn; that 
were cultivated within a few yards of the surf.” 

The buildings were also of a superior class, a pre- 
vious destruction by fire, noted only by Vancouver, 
having caused them to be rebuilt.° The church was 


taparabo woven, 700 yds. of blanketing. One thousand and twenty dollars 
worth of soap furnished to Monterey, perhaps by the presidio, in 1798. Prov. 
Rec., MS., iv. 105. 

6 Increase of neophytes, 385 to 715; baptisms, 757; burials, 412; cattle 
and horses, 961 to 10,013; sheep, 1,503 to 4,622; crops in 1850, 9,400 bushels; 
1,500 bushels in 1797 wag the smillest crop; average yield, 4,800 bushels; 
wheat was not largely raised until 1798, when it became the chief crop, over 
8,000 bushels per vear. 

68 Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 457-61, 494, 497. One reason of Santa Maria 
for going on board the ship was to remove a prejudice among the natives 
against foreigners. ‘lhey begged him for God’s sake not to intrust himself 





x 


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: mes Lian 


a 


Pod RM Fe 


a 


SAN BUENAVENTURA. 675 


not yet built, but it was begun about this time and 
half finished in 1794, all the rest of the square being 
complete. The new church was of stone, and in 1797 
is spoken of as nearly finished. It was not, however, 
completed before 1800.% <A fight between the neo- 
phytes and pagans in 1795 seems to have afforded the 
only excitement of the period. The Christians were 
victorious, killing two chiefs and taking six or seven 
captives, but having several wounded. The leaders 
on both sides were admonished or punished, the neo- 
phyte Domingo being put to work in chains.” 
Purisima is the last mission of this district. Here 
Father Arroita served until 1796 when he was per- 
mitted to retire, having completed his term of ten 
ears.” Ordmas.remained until 1792; José Antonio 
Calzada from October 1792 until August 1796, re- 
turning in May 1798; Juan Martin served in 1796-7; 
and Gregorio Fernandez from 1796. Baptizing 1,079 
and burying 397, the missionaries increased the neo- 
phyte community from 234 to 959. This was the 
largest proportional gain and the smallest death-rate 
in California. Live-stock, large and small, increased 
to 1,900 and 4,000 head respectively; and crops in 1800 


to the stranger’s care, and were positive he would never return. On arrival 
the surf prevented landing at the first attempt, and the padre was not a little 
frightened as he had not his prayer-book with him. When the natives brought 
the book his courage returned and he laughed at his former fears as the sailors 
had laughed before. On landing finally, the natives crowded round their 
padre to welcome him home and receive his blessing. Vancouver was deeply 
impressed with the missionary’s piety and the earnest devotion of his neo- 
phytes. He noted that the natives were always addressed in their own lan- 
guage, and there is other evidence of this. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 71. 

6 St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 24, 29, 71, 100. In 1791 there were two bells 
here belonging to Santa Barbara, which the friars refused to give up. Prov. 
pt. Pap., MS., x. 171... In San Buenaventura, Memorias de Efectos remitidos 
a la Mision, 1790-1810, MS., we have the mission accounts of supplies from 
Mexico, but not so complete nor so clearly stated as in the case of Santa 
Barbara. The mission was from $200 to $1,200 in debt during this decade, 
but cleared itself early in the next. Due mission from the presidio in 1797, 
$1,612. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 78-81. 

70 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 35-6. 

1 Francisco José de Arroita came from Spain to Mexico in 1785, was 


appointed to California in April 1786, and came to his post with a reputation 


from the guardian of being, like his companions, a good man, though some- 
what lively (vivo) and without much experience. He served at San Luis 
Obispo from April to December 1787, and at Purisima from its establishment 
till June 1796, about which time he sailed for San Blas. 


676 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. 


were 2,250 bushels, 4,000 in 1799 being the largest, 
and 1,200 in 1795 the smallest. Wheat and corn were 
the chief productions. Mission buildings were of adobes 
and tiles, and the houses had after 1794 corridors of 
brick. In 1795 the old church was in a bad condi- 
tion and materials were being collected fora new one, 
there being no record of further progress.” Bears 
and rattlesnakes were a prominent feature in the re- 
gion of Purisima. Two of the latter bit a neophyte 
at the same time, writes the minister on June 3, 1799.” 

72 St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 22, 71. Due mission from the presidio 1797 
$405. Prov. Sé. Pap., MS., xvii. 78-81. List of members of the guard, 1797, 
6 married soldiers and 3 bachelors. Jd., xv. 938. Antonio Enriquez, the 
weaver, taught the natives at Purisima in 1797. Prov. St. Pap., Brn. Mil, 


* MS., xxv. 14; Prov. Pec., MS., vi. 185-6. 
® Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 59. 


ee 





CHAPTER XXXI. 


LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 
1791-1800. 


Monterey PRestp1o—Minitary Force anp INHABITANTS—OFFICERS— LEON 
PARRILLA—-HERMENEGILDO SAL—PEREZ FERNANDEZ—PRESIDIO BuILp- 
INGS—BATTERY—RANCHO DEL REy—Private RancHos—INDUSTRIES— 
Company Accounts—INDIAN AFFAIRS—SAN CARLOS Miss1on—MISsSION- . 
ARY CHANGES—PascuaL MarTINEZ DE ARENAZA—STATISTICS OF AGRI- 
CULTURE, LIVE-STOCK, AND PopULATION—VANCOUVER’S DESCRIPTION—A 
New Stone CuurcH—A WIFE-MURDER—SAN ANTONIO DE PADUA DE 
Los Rosites—Micuet Preras—BeEniro CaTaLan—Sawn Luis OBIspu— 
MicvuEL GIRIBET—BARTOLOME GILI—INDIAN TROUBLES. 


Tue presidial cavalry company of Monterey con 
tained from sixty-two to eighty-five men, including 
two officers, six non-commissioned officers, a surgeon, 
a phlebotomist, two or three mechanics, fifty privates, 
and from two to twenty-four pensioners. After 1796_ 
there were also stationed here seven artillerymen and 
twenty Catalan volunteers of Alberni’s company, in- 
creasing the total force to about one hundred and ten, 
who with their families constituted a population de 
razon in the jurisdiction of about four hundred, or four 
hundred and ninety including Branciforte and Santa 
Cruz. About thirty of the cavalrymen were stationed 
at the six missions subject to Monterey—San Carlos, 
San Micuel, Soledad, San Antonio, San Luis Obispo 
and San Juan Bautista, in which the total population 
of christianized natives was four thousand.* 


1See company rolls in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 9; xiv. 2; 
myu; 6; xviii. 1; xx. 1; xxi. 2, 11; KK Os XR, Oy ee, ae, 15; XXvil. 4; 
St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 10-13; iii. 14; iv. 20. Missions included in the juris- 
diction. 'Sal’s report of 1798, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 63. White popu- 
lation in 1800, 518; Indian population, 3,949. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iui. 15, 

(677 ) 


678 LOCAL EVENTS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 


Diego Gonzalez kept his place on the rolls as nom- 


inal lieutenant of the Monterey company until August. 


1792, although he had long been absent; and his suc- 
cessor was Leon Parrilla, who held the place until 
September 1795, although from incompetency, ill- 
health, and partial insanity he never exercised any 
authority.’ 

Meanwhile the commandants were Ortega of the 
Loreto company until March 1791, and Argiiello of 
the San Francisco company until March 17962 Then 
Sal, who in September 1795 had been promoted from 
alférez to lieutenant, took the command which he held 
until his death in 1800, when he was succeeded by 


Twelve sailors from the Concepcion and San Carlos remained at Monterey as 
laborers in 1795, two of them as soldiers. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 62. Two 
foundlings in 1800. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 22. List of 16 
workmen who came in 1798 on the Concepcion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 
19-20. List of company in 1798. Jd., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 17-19. List of 
Catalan volunteers in 1799. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iii. 7. 

2 Leon Parrilla was promoted to be lieutenant of the Monterey company 
on Aug. 8, 1792. His past service had been three years as cadet, three years 
as guidon-bearer, and four years as alférez, first in the dragoons and later in 
the regiment of ispaiia. He had never given proof of courage or application, 
and his natural abilities were deemed only medium. Parrilla, Hoja de Ser- 
vicios, MS., in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., xxi. 4. He arrived in San Fran- 
cisco July 25, 1793, and soon proceeded to Monterey. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
iv. 18. Here he immediately became unfit to perform the duties of com- 
mandant and habilitado by reason of fits of insanity; consequently Atgiiello 
continued to discharge those duties by the governor’s order and the viceroy’s 
approval. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 165; viceroy to governor, April 26, 1794, in 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 169. August 13, 1794, Arrillaga, Papel a Puntos, 
MS., 196-7, says to Borica that Parrilla is incapable, apparently demented, and 
has to be confined to his house under guard. He sometimes escaped at night 
and had to be brought back by force. Once he tried to escape by sea in a 
boat. Dec. 13, 1794, Sal pronounces him incapable of keeping books. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xii. 140. At the end of 1794 Borica declares him useless. for 
any services, and proposes to send him away in the first vessel for San Blas. 
This was done, and approved by the viceroy. Parrilla was put on the retired 
list with a pension from July 1, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 213; xili, 
123,270; di | Beni Mas MSA xx. 4: 

: Ortega did not, however, leave Monterey until May 1792. Argiiello in 
1794 was administrator of tobacco revenues and had a kind of supervision 
over all presidio accounts. Sal in 1799 was called administrador general 
de real hacienda for New California, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 1386-7; xvii. 
285, 315; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 176. 

*Hermenegildo Sal seems to have come to California as a private soldier 
with Anza’s expedition in 1776. This would be remarkable for a man of his 
ability were it not for certain hints that he came under pardon for some 
offence not specified which may have reduced him to the ranks. Prov. Rec., 
MS., ii. 74.. He was a native of the Villa de Valdemoro, Castilla la Nueva. 
San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii. 1,2. He was 
with Capt. Rivera at San Diego in 1776, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 219, and was 





a 





HERMENEGILDO SAL. 679 


Raimundo Carrillo. It must be noted, however, that 
while Sal and Carrillo were commanders of the presi- 
dial company, Lieutenant-colonel Alberni came down 
from San Francisco early in 1800 and by virtue of 
his superior rank became comandante of the post. 


by that officer put in charge of the military warehouse of San Francisco. 
Here Gov. Neve noticed his intelligent management of financial affairs in 
May 1777, and the next year obtained his appointment as guarda-almacen, 
which position he held until February 1782, when he was called to Monterey 
to settle the accounts of the defunct store-keeper. Prov. Ivec., MS., i. 69, 119; 
ul. 75; San Francisco, Lib. de Alision, MS., 6. May 19, 1782, he was made 
sergeant of the Santa Barbara Company, and in August received his commis- 
sion as alférez of Monterey, dated May 29th. His commission as lieutenant 
was dated April 27, 1795, and was received in August or September. Prov. 
oc. ap., MS., 11. 209; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 65; iv. 232; St: Pap,, Sac., MS., 
ili, 1,2, 55. He was at Monterey from 1782 to 1791, and from 1794 to 1800, 
being habilitado from 1782 to 1787 and from 1797 to 1800, and commandant 
from 1785 to 1787 and 1796 to 1800. He was at San Francisco as habilitado 
and acting commandant from 1791 to 1794. In addition to his other duties 
Sal acted as governor’s secretary during a large part of Borica’s administra- 
tion. He was present at the founding of Santa Cruz in 1791 and at the con- 
secration of its church in 1794. In 1795 he accompanied Danti in a search 
for mission sites. Don Hermenegildo had a good education for his time, 
wrote a fine hand, and was probably the best accountant and the clearest 
headed business man in California. Only once was fault found with his 
accounts, and an investigation showed that instead of his owing the company 
$3,000 as was charged, the company was in debt to him. He was a hasty, 
quick-tempered man, prone as a commander to order severe penalties for 
offences against his strict discipline, and then to countermand the order when 
his anger had passed away. Stung by the taunts of an anonymous letter 
he once made a personal attack upon Capt. Nicolds Soler, accusing him of an 
intrigue with his wife. Sal married at San Francisco on May 16, 1777, Maria 
José Amézquita, San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 55, 72, by whom he 
had several children, some of whom died in infancy. Vancouver, who speaks 
in the highest terms of Sal and his wife, was also delighted with the decorous 
behavior of their two daughters and son, and the attention that had evidently 
been paid to their education. Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 8. One daughter, 
Rafaela, was the first wife of Luis Antonio Argiiello and died at San ['ran- 
cisco Feb. 6, 1814, as shown by the mission records. Another, Josefa, was 
the wife of Sergt. Roca who commanded the artillery at San Diego, and was 
left a widow in 1814. S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 94. A third, unmarried, 
was the guest of R. C. Hopkins of San Francisco in 1863, and died before 
1867. Dwinelle’s Colon. Hist., xvii. José Maria Amador speaks of a son, 
Domingo, who was a soldado distinguido in the San Francisco company and 
died young. Amador, Jfem., MS., 121. Another son, Meliton, was buried at 
San Diego, Aug. 21, 1810. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 42. Suffering 
from phthisis and unable to discharge efficiently his duties, on March 18, 
1800, Sal petitioned the king for retirement with rank of captain. The viceroy 
granted the request provisionally on Aug. Ist, with encouragement to hope 
for success at court. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 32; ix. 60. In September a 
settler named Borbosa attempted to murder him with a dagger, but was pre- 
vented by Surgeon Soler. Prov. Rec., xi. 145-6. Finally he died at Monterey. 
Dec. 8, 1800, and his remains were interred at San Carlos mission with military 
honors. His executors were Lieut. Argiiello and Sergt. Roca. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xviii. 10-17; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 3; xxxii. 7; Prov. Rec., MS., x. 
9. His disease was in those days regarded as contagious, and therefore, at the 


680 LOCAL EVENTS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 


The position of habilitado accompanied that of com- 
mandant, except that José Perez Fernandez held it 
from April 1796 to June 1797.2 The company alférez 
was Sal down to 1795 and Carrillo down to 1800. 
Pablo Soler held the place of surgeon throughout the 
decade. Manuel Rodriguez was connected with the 
company as cadet from 1794 to 1797. Manuel Var- 
gas was the sergeant until 1794, when he became an 
invalid, and Macario Castro took the position.°® 

The ravages caused by the fire of 1789 had been 
nearly repaired before Fages left the country, and, 
with the exception of the chapel, the buildings seem 
to have been completed in 1791,’ though another fire 


recommendation of the surgeon, all his clothing and bedding were burned as 
was the roof of his house after the plastering had been removed from the 
walls. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 29; Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 149. 

5 José Perez Fernandez was in 1791 a sergeant attached to the Loreto 
company, having come there that year after 16 years’ service in the Espafia 
dragoons. In 1791 he was recommended by the governor in a terna with 
Carrillo and Amador—but with a preference by reason of his skill in ac- 
counts—for alférez of San Francisco. He was commissioned Aug. 17, 1792, 
and held the p!ace until 1797, being habilitado and acting commandant from 
July 1794 to April 1796. Then he served as habilitado at Monterey, though 
still belonging to the San Francisco company, until June 1797, and two 
months later he was transferred to Loreto. He was born in 1749. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., i. 55; v. 76; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 268; vi. 78. 

®It would serve no good purpose to give all the multitudinous references 
from which I have formed the preceding account of Monterey officials. The 
following are a few of the most important, or at least the most definite: 
Ortega gives up habilitacion to Argiiello March 31, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xv. 3. Argiiello commandant as early as July 1791. Arch. 
Arzobispado, MS., i. 20, 63. But in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 9, 
Ortega is called commandant until May 1792. There are indications that 
Parrilla may have attempted to perform the functions of his office in 1794. 
Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 152, 165. There is some confusion about the hAabilita- 
cion of Sal and Perez Fernandez in 1796-7. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 20; vii. 
38-9, 47; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 206-7; v. 77, 268; vi. 2, 4. Argiiello is spoken 
of as commandant in April 1797, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 212. Sal 
called justicia mayor of the partido. S. José Arch., MS., iv. 22. 

‘The total cost of the restoration was $2,609, and Fages, in a report dated 
Aug. 12, 1793, took great credit to himself for having done the work so 
cheaply by means of voluntary labor of gentiles, soldiers, and sailors. Prov. 
St. Lap., MS., xiii. 191. Elsewhere the expense exclusive of the church 
is given as $2,362. Jd., xxi. 125. Jan. 23, 1794, viccroy approves account 
of $2,609. Id., xi. 159. Oct. 31, 1795, Argiiello to habilitado general, $1,600 
in effects received in 1792 given to persons who worked on presidio to end 
of 1792. These were 3 sergeants, 9 corporals, and 103 soldiers, whose 
gratuity amounts to $1,181. Prov. St. Pap., Presid., MS., ii. 2,3. Dec. 1795, 
$3,122 paid over for building expenses. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 41; Prov. 
Lec., MS., iv. 182. March 12, 1795, Borica to viceroy, the buildings would 
have cost very heavily had it not been for the convenient supply of stone, 
lime, sand, and timber. The other presidios have not such advantages. Sé. 





at 
x 


ee 





AFFAIRS AT MONTEREY. 681 


did some damage in October’1792. Vancouver de- 
scribes and gives a view of the presidio as it appeared 
in 1792. It was like that of San Francisco® except 
that the enclosure was complete. There was a circular 
block-house at each corner raised a little above the 
top of the wall; there were two or three small doors 
besides the main gate-way, and the commandant’s 
house had boarded floors. He is in error when he 
states that the square was 3800 x 250 yards, and that 
the structure had not undergone the slightest change 
or improvement since the foundation.° 

According to a report of Carrillo at the end of 
1800 each side of the square measured one hundred 
and ten yards, the four walls were built of adobes and 
stone, and the buildings were roofed with tiles. On 
the north were the main entrance, the guard-house, 
and the warehouses; on the west the houses of the 
governor, commandant, and other officers, some fifteen 
apartments in all; on the east nine houses for the sol- 
diers, and a blacksmith shop; and on the south besides 
nine similar houses was the presidio church opposite 
the main gate-way.” All the structures were again 
in bad condition; the walls were cracked, having been 
built on insufficient foundations after the fire; and 


Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 3. Three thousand one hundred and twenty-two dol- 
lars was the total expense down to Dec. 31, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 
196, 201. Aug. 20, 1793, bastions unfinished, and house of the alférez needs 
repairs like some of the soldiers’ dwellings, Total cost of repairs to date, 
b2,000. Id,, xxi. 115. Fire of Oct. 15, 1792. Jd.,.xxi. 90. 

8 See next chapter for plan and description of San Francisco Presidio, 

9 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 43-4: View of presidio, 1. 440; view of scene in 
Salinas Valley, iii. 3384. Vancouver deemed the site chosen by no means the 
best in the vicinity. There was low marshy ground between the square 
and the beach. 

10 Aug. 6-9, 1791, instruetions addressed to Argtiello about building the 
church. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 42. March 1, 1792, viceroy orders work 
suspended until further orders. St. Pap., Sac., MS.,iv.1. April 4th, viceroy 
sends a plan for church, made by the directors of the academy of architecture 
of San Carlos, Mexico. Jd., i. 112. Fages says he followed such a plan, but 
this must have been an earlier one. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 191. Van- 
couver’s picture represents the church as completed. The cost was $1,500, 
which was refunded to the company by the government. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
206; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 58; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 227. Had it 
been built by day-laborers in the usual way the expense would have been at 
least $5,000, as Borica believed. It was done by troops, sailors, Indians, and 
convicts. Id., xxi. 267-8. 


682 . LOCAL EVENTS—MONTEEY DISTRICT. 


further delay would greatly increase the cost of 
prospective repairs..* ‘The armament of Monterey 
at the time of Vancouver’s first visit consisted of 
seven small guns planted outside the presidio walls 
without breastwork or protection from the weather. 
At the same time Bodega y Cuadra left some mate- 
rial, and men were set at work on a battery to be 
erected on a neighboring eminence. Accordingly on 
Vancouver’s return in 1793 he found the guns mounted 
on a “sorry kind of barbet battery, consisting chietly 
of a few logs of wood, irregularly placed; behind which 
those cannon, about eleven in number, are opposed to 
the anchorage, with very little protection in the front, 
and on their rear and flanks intirely open and exposed.” 
This work cost $450, and, while it might serve to pre- 
vent a foe from cutting out vessels at anchor, -was 
entirely uscless, as Cordoba reported in 1796, for the 
defence of the port. It does not appear that any- 
thing was done for its Improvement before 1800.” 
Connected with this presidio was the main establish- 
ment of the rancho del rey, located where now stands 
Salinas City; or at least that was its location in later 
years, and I find no record of any transfer. At the 
beginning of the decade there were 5,000 cattle and 
2,000 horses in this royal establishment, and during 
the first half of the period the net annual proceeds 
of sales were from $3,000 to $2,000; but subse- 
quently the sum was diminished to but little over 
$500, and in 1800 the cattle had dwindled to 1,600 


1 Carrillo, Los Edificios de Monterey, 1800, MS. Alberni on coming to the 
‘Corte Californiana’ in 1800 found things in a deplorable state, and built 
four houses for married soldiers at his own expense. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xviii. 11. 

121792, slight description of presidio buildings in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, 
162. Cuadra’s battery of four guns on the hill. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 89, 
164; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 158; Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 500. 1796, battery of 
ten guns of small calibre. Vessels could easily anchor beyond their range. 
Coérdoba’s report, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 83. Lists of munitions, 1796-7. 
St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 91; viii. 76-7; ix. 34. Esplanade, casamata, and bar- 
rack cost $450, built very economically. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 267-8. 
Viceroy ordered $444 paid in 1797. Prov. Lec., MS., iv. 205. Three hundred 
and eighty-one dollars spent in repairs before February 1798. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvii. 11. 








ea" 





RANCHOS AND INDUSTRIES. 683 


while the horses had increased to 6,000.% Besides 
the kine’s live-stock the company or its members had 
in 1800 over 1,000 horses, 700 cattle, 250 mules and 
asses, and 400 sheep. The horses had increased very 
rapidly and subsequently decreased as abruptly so far 
as we may trust the meagre statistics. Sheep had 
decreased from 700 in 1794, in spite of special efforts 
made in 1796 to foster this branch of industry. These 
last ficures include, I suppose; the live-stock kept on 
the half-dozen private ranchos in the Monterey region. 
These ranchos, like those already referred to in the 
south, were provisionally granted to settlers and pen- 
sioners; but unlike the former none of them seem to 
have been rendered permanent by subsequent re- 
rants.“ 

In the early part of the decade industrial opera- 
tions were confined for the most part to the labors of 
carpenters, bricklayers, and masons on the presidio 
buildings; but later, a tailor, saddler, and one or more 


13Tn 1798 the change was still more marked, when there are said to have 
been 7,491 horses and 1,200 cattle. This result was attributed to droughts, 
thefts, export of females to Baja California, ravages of bears and wolves, foun- 
dation of the branch at San Francisco, and the lack of a market for horses. 
Sergt. Macario Castro had charge of the rancho as majordomo, with six sol- 
diers. Gov. to viceroy, Dec. 3, 1798. Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 104, 109. Accounts 
of the rancho in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 1, 4; xviii. 1, 2, 7; 
xxiii. 3; xxv. 2, 3; xxviii. 4. Two hundred fat cattle to be killed annually; 
no tallow to come from San Blas; Sta Barbara to be supplied—1792. Prov. 
Rec., MS., ii. 156. Cattle very numerous in 1794. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 
189-91. Bears very numerous and troublesome in 1792, doing great harm 
both to live-stock and to gardens. Prov. Lec., MS., ii. 159. Sheep-raising fos- 
tered, 1796. Jd., vi. 79; iv. 62. 

The ranchos were six in number in January 1795: Buenavista, 5 
leagues from Monterey, held by José Soberanes and Joaquin Castro; Salina, 
4 leagues, by Antonio Aceves and Antonio Romero; Bajada 4 Huerta Vieja, 
4 league, by Antonio Montafio; Cafiada de Huerta Vieja, ? league, by An- 
tonio Buelna; Mesa de la Pélvora, a musket-shot, by Eugenio RKosalio; and 
Chupadero, 1 mile, by Bernardo Heredia and Juan Padiila. There were on 
these ranchos 277 cattle, 112 horses, 110 sheep, and 9 mules. J/onterey, 
Ranchos existentes en 1795, MS. But this very year, according to Calleja, 
Respuesta, MS., 12, one of these ranchos, that of Aceves and Romero, was de- 
stroyed by Indians; and also another not in the list belonging to Osuna and 
Alegre. Lands were granted provisionally to invalids and settlers on the 
river (Salinas) near Monterey before 1793. Id., xxi. 132; xii. 189; Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 40-1. A small piece of land had been granted by Rivera in 1775 to 
Manuel Butron; but Butron was now an inhabitant of San José, and there is 
no evidence of any lands whatever held by the soldiers, except the six or 
seven ranchos mentioned, 


684 LOCAL EVENTS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 


weavers were kept at work. The looms turned out 
only the coarsest varieties of blankets and woollen 
stuffs; and so unsatisfactory were the results, due 
largely to the poor quality of the wool, that Sal in 
1800 determined to stop the work, employing the 
workmen in sweeping the plaza and serving the offi- 
cers.” 

The subject of presidial finances and supplies at 
Monterey as capital of the province is naturally more ~ 
important and also more complicated than at the 
other jurisdictions; but unfortunately the preserved 
records, though bulky, are far less complete and satis- 
factory here than elsewhere. The pay-rolls and ordi- 
nary expenses of the Monterey company were about 
$15,000 per year; a sum which was increased by the 
salaries of provincial officers and other government 
expenses to a total varying from $19,000 to $25,000; 
and the annual supplies from Mexico and San Blas, 
though varying considerably, do not seem to have 
fallen short of the total appropriation for expenses, 
although supplies to the average amount of $5,000 
were obtained from the missions, and others from San 
José. In fact these supples were purchased with 
articles sent from Mexico or with drafts on Mexico, 
so that in either case the amounts were included in 
the memorias. Tithes and postage in this district 


15 Aug. 1791, four mechanics came. Tailors did $125 of work for pri- 
vate parties. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 95; xiii. 3. 1792, stone-cutters and 
masons, Santiago Ruiz, Salvador Rivera, and Pedro Alcantara. /d., ii. 9, 10. 
Six mechanics arrived in July. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 73-4. 1793, the 
armorer Pedro Gonzalez Garcia ordered to remain at Monterey. Jd., xiii. 56-8. 
1794, one bricklayer and a carpenter, also three masons to work on church. 
Id., xii. 192-3; xxi. 128-9. 1796, a tailor and a listonero to remain. Prov. 
fec., MS., v. 78. Alcantara left this year. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 236. 
Salvador Béjar engaged as carpenter in April. Jd., xxi. 238. Antonio Her- 
nandez, a saddler, in August. Jd., xxi. 44. April 28, 1797, weavers llendoza 
and Enriquez must be sent to Monterey; 200 arrobas of wool to be bought in 
the south. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 89. July 20, 1797, a manufactory of blankets 
renders importation unnecessary. Sal to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 
233. In 1797 the tailoring account was as follows: work done, $573; expense 
of supporting six apprentices, $295; paid to the tailor 4 of proceeds, $34; net 
proceeds, 3244. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 5, 6. Proceeds in 1800, 
$225. Zd., xxviii. 3. The weaver and saddler earned in 1800, down to the 
time of discharge, $1,365. Id., xxvii. 6. eS asebenges by Sal. Prov. 
Db. ¢ Ape WLDs, XViD, Ace 





Se a a ea Sa ee 





MINOR HAPPENINGS. 685 


yielded to the royal treasury about $400 each per 
year, while the tobacco revenue was from $1,000 to 
$2,000, and the sale of papal indulgences yielded from 
$75 to $125. ‘The annual inventory showed the con- 
tents of the warehouses to be usually about $40,000. 
In addition to the foregoing statistics Monterey annals 
from 1791 to 1800 present nothing of interest which 
has not been recorded in preceding chapters devoted 
to gubernatorial changes, precautions against foreign- 
ers, and the movements of vessels. The only foreign 
craft that touched at Monterey during the decade were 
those of Vancouver in 1792-4; the English Providence 
under. Broughton in 1796; the American Otter under 
Dorr in the same year; and an unknown vessel that 
anchored in the bay in 1800. The only Indian 
troubles in this district that require notice were those 
at San Juan and have already been described.” 


The missions of the Monterey jurisdiction, besides 
the new establishments, San Miguel, Soledad, and San 
Juan Bautista, were San Carlos, San Antonio, and 
San Luis Obispo. At San Carlos Father Arenaza 
served as minister until 1797, when he left the coun- 
try.* Sefian was permitted to retire in 1795 to the 

16 Monterey presidial accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 2, 


20; xiv. 4, 8; xvi. 5; xvii. 8,9; xviii. 1, 5-7, 8-11; xix. 7-9; xxiii. 7-9, 1] 
xxiv. 17; xxv. 3-5, 8-9, 11-13; xxvi. 5-7; xxvii. 1, 5,6; xxviii. 6, 8, 9, of 


Pxxxis Ipcl4: Si. Pap., Sac.,:01S., 1. 14: i. 36, 64s v. 715 vi. 118-20; vii. 


59, SI-S= ix. 48; Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., 1. 13; i. 17,18; Prov. St. Pap.; 
MB8., xvii. 8, 11, 36-43, 68; xxi. 120; and Perez Fernandez, Cuenta General 
dela Habilitacionde Monterey, 1796, MS., which is a very complete report 
rendered on turning over the company accounts to Sal. In 1793 the gov- 
ernor pointed out an error in the treasury accounts of about $30,000. ‘The 
totals of the habilitado’s accounts varied from $60,000 to $85,000. The bal- 
ance due the treasury or the company was usually only afew hundred dollars. 
The company applied to its use the proceeds of tithes, postage, and tobacco, 
and paid the amounts by drafts in Mexico, which were charged on the next 
memoria. The habilitado’s commission in 1796 was $2,780. Debt of com- 
pany in 1796, $9,788. In 1799 a robbery of $800 from the warehouse is noted. 
The fondo de retencion amounted in 1799 to $3,037 after $587 had been paid 
out. This fund was due to 36 men, or not quite $100 to each. 

17 See chapter xxvi., this volume. 

18 Pascual Martinez de Arenaza came to Mexico from his native Basque 
province of Alava in 1785. He volunteered and was assigned to California in 
1786, with a good reputation from the guardian, though his experience was 
limited and his character somewhat vivo. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xu 
26-7. After a term as supernumerary he served as minister at San Carlos 


686 LOCAL EVENTS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 


college, though he subsequently came back to Cali- 
fornia. Arenaza was followed in the ministry by 
Francisco Pujol who completed the decade; Sefian by 
Antonio Jaime in 1795-6, Mariano Payeras in 1796-8, 
and José Vitials from 1798, Carnicer serving also for 
a short period in 1798-9. Throughout the decade, 
moreover, President Lasuen made San Cédrlos his 
home when not absent on one of his frequent tours 
through the province. Although the baptisms, 790 in 
number, exceeded the deaths “by 220, yet the neo- 
phyte population increased during this’ decade only 
from 733 to 758. San Carlos had reached its highest 
figure, 927, in 1794, and was now on the retrograde. 
Meanwhile horses and cattle had increased from 1,378 
to 2,180, and smaller live-stock from 1,263 to 4,160. 
The crop in 1800 was about 6,000 bushels; the largest 
in 1797, 7,400 bushels; the smallest in 1795, 1,100 
bushels;” average 3,700 bushels. 

Vancouver was at San Carlos on Sunday, Decem- 
ber 2, 1792, and while he gives no detailed descrip- 
tion of the establishment, contenting himself with 
the remark that the buildings, though smaller, were 
similar in architecture and material to those of San 


Francisco and Santa Clara previously visited, he pre- 


sents a drawing which shows four buildings irregularly 
arranged and partially enclosing a square. The old 


from 1788 to 1797. On the expiration of his 10 years of service he was 
granted permission to retire on July 8, 1797. The last trace of his presence in 
California is on Oct. 3d of the same year when he officiated at Soledad. Sole- 
dad, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20. After his arrival in Mexico he died of phthisis 
before May 14, 1799, as we learn from a letter of the guardian in Arch. Sta 
Barbara, MS., xi. 281-2. 

19 Barley was usually produced in as large quantities as wheat, and maize 
was not far behind. In 1795 both were a total failure. This year supplies 
had to be obtained from Santa Clara. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 229-30. 
1796 was not much better than 1795, and in 1792 the crops had been very 
light, and heavy rains after the harvest not only injured much grain in the 
warehouses, but prevented the hauling of supplies from abroad. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., vii. 68. April 2, 1796, governor says the troops are suffering 
want in cons sequence of droughts for three successive years. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS. 5x1 225. ag 2, 1797, , he rejoices at a surplus of 1,700 fanegas of bar- 
ley and 200 of pease at San Carlos. Prov. Rec. ,MS., vi. 194, There wasa gen- 
eral drought in 1800, but San Carlos had good crops. Jd., ix. 7; St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., vii. 69. Supplies furnished to the presidio in 1795-6, $1, 768 and $1, 334. 
Prov. Si. Pup., Ms., xvi. 268, 206. 








a Nall ppb’ gai 


SAN CARLOS MISSION. 687 


church, partly thatched and partly tiled, stands on 
the left of the picture, and probably on the west side 
of the square. Three bells hang on a frame raised 
on a stone foundation; a lofty cross, bearing a close 
resemblance to a modern telegraph-pole, rears its 
head near the centre of the plaza, and just beyond, 
almost in contact with, and apparently north-east- 
ward from, the old church, are the rising stone walls 
of anew one. Beyond, on an eminence, may be seen 
a corral for cattle, while at the right are the conical 
huts of the neophytes. The new church was being 
built of a soft, straw-colored stone, which was said to 
harden on exposure to the air. The lime used was 
made from sea-shells. This church, the ruins of 
which are still to be seen on the banks of the Car- 
melo, was completed and dedicated in September 
1797.” Nothing occurred to vary the monotonous 
routine of mission life at San Carlos, unless a rather 
curious uUlustration of the method in which justice 
was administered be worth a place in the record. 
Estanislao, a neophyte, did not live happily with his 


20 There is some confusion among the different authorities respecting this 
church. Vancouver, Voyage, ii. 10, 34-6, gives the views alluded to, and 
says distinctly that the natives were at work on the new church at the time 
of his visit in 1792, the only visit mentioned in his work. But President 
Lasuen, in two letters of June 7 and Dec. 10, 1794, Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., 
vi. 219-20; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 38, says that the first stone was laid 
on July 7, 1793, or a yeat after Vancouver’s visit. He says that the mason 
Ruiz came to San Carlos in December 1792, but that no materials were ready, 
and he had to wait until the rainy season was past. It is impossible to 
reconcile these two statements; the difficulty may, however, be partially 
removed by supposing that Vancouver’s picture was made at his third visit, 
in 1794. Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii., No. 28, 167, tells us that the new 
church was dedicated Feb. 2, 1793; while David Spence, Jd., ii., No. 24, 3, 
says it was finished in 1786; that it stood north and south, forming the 
west side of the square, and coming up nearly to the west end of the present 
church; that the foundations were still visible in 1851; and that Serra’s 
remains were removed on the day of dedication, being buried at the foot 
of the altar. 1794, masonry church half finished; 1797, ‘muy adelantada.’ 
St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 29, 100. 1797, finished, with tile roof. /d., 120. 
Consecrated in September 1797. Lasuen, in Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xii. 
66. In 1798 the Indians still lived in miserable grass huts. Sal’s Report, in 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 65. 1793-4, several Indians work as carpenters, 
bricklayers, and stone-cutters under the instruction of the king’s artisans. 
Arch, Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59. 1794, one master of each of the trades 
mentioned assigned to San Carlos. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 192-3. 1799, 
hemp used to some extent for clothing for neophytes. Prov. fec., MS., vi. 
117. 


688 LOCAL EVENTS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 


wife, and finally left her in the woods, after having 
adininistered some severe blows. So he confessed to 
his mistress, and so he testified before Sergeant Var- 
gas, who was sent to investigate after the dead body 
of the woman had been found. but Estanislao’s tes- 
timony was somewhat conflicting as to the force and 
manner of his blows, and he was acquitted on the 
theory that his spouse might have been killed by a 
bear. 


At San Antonio de Padua de los Robles the gain 
in neophyte population was from 1,076 to 1,118, with 
767 baptisms and 656 deaths, this mission thus reced- 
ing from the first to the fourth place, behind Santa 
Clara, San Diego, and San Gabriel. Cattle and 
horses had decreased from 2,232 to 2,217, having 
been as low as 1,175 1n 1795. Small stock had in- 
creased only from 1,984 to 2,075; but 240 goats had 
disappeared altogether. Crops were 1,700 bushels in 
1800, 4,200 bushels in 1799 and 420 bushels in 1795 
being the extremes, and the average 2,200 bushels.” 
In 1787 the San Antonio church was mentioned as 
one of the best in California; in 1793 a block eighty 
varas long and one vara thick was built for friars’ 
houses, church, and storehouse; and in 1797 the church 
is mentioned as of adobes with tile roof. The huts 
of the neophytes were of a more substantial character 
than at San Carlos.* The two venerable founders 
Pieras and Sitjar served together until 1794, when 


21 Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 20-7. Estanislao was freed by an order of 
Arrillaga dated Loreto, Sept. 138, 1792. 

22 Wheat was the leading crop, barley and corn varying greatly, but the 
latter generally in excess. 1794-6 were very hard years. In 1795-6 the 
Indians killed a good deal of stock, and Lasuen favored severe measures, to 
dispel the Indians’ prevalent idea that Spanish forbearance proceeded from 
weakness. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 64-5. Supplies to the presidio in 
1795-6, $1,490 and $483. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 203, 206. Hard times 
in respect of church vestments in 1795-1800. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 
62, 64. 

23 Fages, Informe Gen., MS., 146; St Pap., Miss., MS., i. 121; ii. 120-1; 
Sal’s Report in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 65. The exact meaning of the re- 
port of 1793 is not clear. In 1794 an adobe room 14x9 varas, and a tile: 
roofed pozolera, or porridge-room, were completed. 





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Rie 0 iy - 





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SAN LUIS OBISPO. 639 


the former, worn out with his long labors, retired to 


his college,“ and was succeeded by José de la Cruz 
Espi in 1793-4, José Manuel Martiarena in 1794-5, 
and Marcelino Ciprés from 1795. Sitjar was absent 


at San Miguel from July 1797 to August 1798, and 


his place was filled by Benito Catalan, who served 
here from 1796 to 1799.” 


At San Luis Obispo Miguel Giribet continued as 
senior missionary until 1799, when he left California 
for his college; and President Lasuen seems to have 
acted as senior minister after Giribet’s departure until 
August 1800, when José Miguel came. The position 
of associate was*held successfully by Estévan Tapis 
in 1790-3, Gregorie Fernandez in 1794-6, Antonio 
Peyri in 1796-8, and Luis Antonio Martinez, who 
began his long ministry in 1798. Bartolomé Gili 
spent some time here before his departure in 1794.” 


24 Miguel Pieras was a native of the island of Mallorca; was appointed to 
the California missions in August 1770; left the college in October; sailed 
from San Blas in January 1771; arrived at San Diego March 12th, and at 
Monterey May 21st. His only service as regular minister was at San Anto- 
nio where he served from the foundation July 14, 1772, to April or May 1794. 
His last signature in the mission-books was April 27th. His license from 
the viceroy was dated Jan. 10th, and that of the governer on May 31st. I 
have found nothing in the records bearing upon his character. For his hand- 
writing and autograph see San Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 18, 22. 

2°? Nothing is known of Padre Benito Catalan beyond the fact that he 
served at San Antonio, was one of the unfortunate padres afflicted with in- 
sanity, Lasuen, in Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 56, and sailed from San Diego 
on the Concepcion in January 1800. 

26 Miguel Giribet came to California in 1785 where he served two years at 
San Francisco and 12 at San Luis Obispo. It is noticeable that President 
Lasuen in a letter of Aug. 13, 1799, to Borica, credits Giribet with only 12 
years of service in California. He was zealous and successful, but as was so 
frequently the case his health was unequal to his task. His last signature on 
the San Luis books was on Oct. 2, 1799. His license from the governor was 
dated Aug. 22d, and he sailed from San Diego on Jan. 16, 1800. He died in 
1804 at the college. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 60-1, 283, 294; Arch. Arzo- 
bispado, MS., i. 56; S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS.; S. Luis Obispo, Lib. 
de Mision, MS. 

*7 Bartolomé Gili came to California in 1791, and served irregularly, as 
supernumerary for the most part, at San Antonio, Soledad, and San Luis, 
from 1791 to 1794. He was one of the few black sheep in the missionary fold. 
He asked leave to retire in 1793 on a plea of ill-health, but his request was 
denied until a full report could be rendered respecting the peculiar nature of 
his illness and his immoral excesses for a period of five years. The full results 
of the investigation are not known; but Gili sailed as chaplain of the Con- 
cepcion in August 1794. 

Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 44 


690 LOCAL EVENTS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 


San Luis with 675 baptisms and 523 deaths had 
gained in neophyte population from 605 in 1790 to 
726 in 1800; but this mission had reached its highest 
figure of population in 1794 with 946 souls. Cattle 
and horses had increased to 6,500 head; sheep to 
6,150; and 2,700 bushels of grain were raised in 1800, 
4,100 bushels in 1798 being the largest yield, 1,800 in 
1791 the smallest, and 3,200 bushels the average. No 
barley was raised at this mission.” A water-power 
mill was finished early in 1798; a miller, smith, and 
carpenter of the king’s artisan instructors were sent 
here in 1794; and a small quantity of cotton from 
San Blas was woven on the mission looms.” The 
church, of adobes with tile roof, avas built before 
1798, in which year a portico was added to the front. 
In 1794 the ministers’ house, work-room, barrack, 
and guard-house were completed. The native huts 
here were well built and afforded sufficient protection 
against everything but fire.” 

In 1794 a slight ripple of excitement was caused 
by what seems to have been an attempt to incite an 
Indian revolt at San Luis. Four or five gentile chiefs 
were the guilty parties, and they sent agents with 
presents to enlist the neophytes of Purfsima. Indeed 
this sending of agents was apparently the only overt 
act committed; but the neophytes refused to attack 
their Christian friends for any such paltry presents as 
were offered, and the matter ended with the condem- 
nation of five ringleaders to hard work at the presi- 
dios.* Subsequently in the beginning of 1797 the 
natives were in an excited condition over the murder 
of a neophyte by two gentiles, but the presence of 
Captain Ortega served to restore quiet. 

8 Supplies to Monterey presidio in 1795-6, $2,504 and $1,131. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xvi. 203, 206; Prov. fec., MS., iv. 222. The governor granted a 
piece ‘of land at Santa Mare ‘arita to the invalid cor poral Cayuelas in the nate 
of his neophyte wife, but Lasuen objected. Arch. Sia Barbura, MS., xi. 398. 

22 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 177; vi. 68; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 192-3; St. 
Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 6, 108; Arch. Arzbispado, MS., i. 30-2. 


30° St, Pap., Mise., MS., 1, 1193s 21, 1205. roy. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 65. 
51 Prov, St. Pap., "MS., Xil. 100-3, 194, 





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CHAPTER XXXII. 


LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—SAN FRANCISCO 
JURISDICTION. 


1791-1800. 


San Francisco OrrictaLts—Mi.itary ForcE—PopuLaTIoN—FINANCE—PRE- 
SIDIO BuILDINGS—PLAN—CASTILLO DE SAN JOAQUIN AT Fort Point— 
Cérposa’s Rerport—RavacGEs oF ELEMENTS—REPAIRS—BATTERY OF 
YERBA BUENA AT BLACK POINT—VANCOUVER’S VISITS—CAPTAIN BROWN— 
MinEs DiscovERED—ALBERNI’S COMPANY—WRECK OF THE ‘SAN CAR- 
Los "—THE ‘ ELizA’—RANcHO DEL REY—MISSION VERSUS PRESIDIO— 
InpIAN AFFAIRS—RuNaway NEOPHYTES—AMADOR’S CAMPAIGNS— 
PapRE’s CRUELTY—SAN FRANctsco Mission—Fatuers Campon, Espt, 
Danti, GARCIA, AND FERNANDEZ—BUILDINGS, STATISTICS, INDUSTRIES— 
PUEBLO OF SAN JOSE—INHABITANTS AND OFFICIALS—STATISTICS—HEMP 
CuLTURE—LOocAL EvENTS—PROPOSED REMOVAL—BounbDaARY DIspuTE-— 
Santa CLARA—PENA AND NoBoA—POPULATION, AGRICULTURE, BUILD- 
INGS, AND MANUFACTURES. . 


Tue official list of San Francisco for this decade is 
confused, though the minor complications are hardly 
worth recording. José Argiiello was the lieutenant, 
brevetted captain in 1798, of the company,and properly 
its commander throughout the period; but he was 
absent in Monterey from 1791 to 1796, during which 
absence Alférez Hermenegildo Sal of the Monterey 
company was acting comandante until the middle of 
1794, and Alférez José Perez Fernandez from that 
time till the spring of 1796. The same persons acted 
as habilitados, except that Raimundo Carrillo served 
in 1796-7.1. It must be noted, however, that Lieu- 


1 These brief statements are made from a careful study of the 65 distinct 
references to different archives which are before me, but which it would serve 
no good purpose to print. About the date of Argiiello’s return there is some 
confusion. May 2, 1795, viceroy’s order that Argiiello rejoin his company. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 85, 91. Ordered by governor in January 1796 to 

(692) * 


a 





ay 


PRESIDIAL COMPANY. 693 


tenant-colonel Pedro de Alberni, captain of the Cata- 
lan volunteers, by reason of his superior rank in the 
army, was commandant of the military post from 
April 1796. The alférez of the presidial company 
was Ramon Lasso de la Vega until the end of 1791, 
José Perez Fernandez from 1792 until 1797, and 
Manuel Rodriguez from 1797 to 1800, although he 
never served at San Francisco, and the place was 
practically vacant. The position of sergeant was held 
throughout the decade by Pedro Amador. 

The company was composed of thirty-one privates, 
besides the sergeant and four corporals. After the 
middle of 1796 the military force was augmented by 
detachments of twenty-five Catalan volunteers and 
seven or eight artillerymen. There were also from 
three to eight pensioners, making 79 men in all, who 
with their families constituted a population, not includ- 
ing San José and Branciforte, of 225 within the juris- 
diction. With the two pueblos the population was 
460, and the christianized natives numbered 2,670. 
Not less than twenty of the soldiers were usually 
scattered in the mission and pueblo guards, so that 
before the infantry reénforcement came the presidio 
had but a very small force, and when parties had to 
be sent with despatches, or against the natives, or for 
turn over command at Monterey and go to San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., vii. 38-9; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 178. Took command in April. /d., v. 
85. But there are indications that Argiiello went again to Monterey to com- 
mand for a short time in the spring of 1797. He returned to San Francisco 
April 18th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57,212. Sal gave uv the command to 
Perez on June 30, 1794. Id., xvi. 84; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 149. Perez retained 
the command until November 1795, when Sal seems to have resumed it for a 
few months until Argiiello’s arrival. Jd., iv. 237; v.75. But Sal did not 
resume the habilitacion, which Perez gave up to Carrillo in April 1796, accord- 
ing to orders dated Nov. 8, and Dec. 11, 1795, transferring him to Monterey. 
Id., iv. 237; v. 74. Carrillo gave up the habilitacion to Argiiello on Sept. 1, 
1797. Id., vi. 7. Carrillo’s accounts at the end of August showed a deficit of 
$1,823. Figures given Prov. St. Pap., Presid., MS., i. 81-2, 84-7. Also stated 
to have been $1,425, and $1,946. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 265, 267; Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvi. 80-1. This amount was charged to the company, until it could be 
repaid from half of Carrillo’s pay as alférez. It was a great hardship to the 
soldiers and their families; and Argiiello thought it particularly unjust that 
the presidal company should have to bear the whole burden while the volun- 
teers and artillerymen were exempt, and also while Lasso de la Vega was re- 


ceiving half-pay and was not required to pay up his old indebtedness. Jd., 
xvi. 40-1. 


694 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


supplies, the post was left almost deserted.? From 
the fragmentary company accounts that have been 
preserved we learn that the annual appropriation for 
pay-roll and contingent fund of San Francisco was 
a little less than $10,000; supplies from Mexico 
amounted on an average to about $7,000; and sup- 
plies from the missions about $3,000. At the end of 
each year an inventory showed from $11,000 to $16,- 
000 worth of goods in the presidial warehouse.’ 

The subject of presidio buildings received a large 
share of attention and correspondence between 1791 


2 March 4, 1792. Nov. 1, 1794, complaints of commandant. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xi. 51-2, 56; xii. 42. Thirty soldiers were left at San Francisco in April 
1797 as a temporary expedient, /d., xxi. 255-6; Prov. Rec., MS., viil. 178; 
and there were also workmen left at other times not included in the statistics 
of population. The guard at San Francisco mission was four men. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xii. 25,77; xiii. 231. List of the cuera soldiers and their families 
in 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 236-7, 242-4. List of the artillerymen. 
Id., xiii. 75. List of volunteers. Jd., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 1,2. List of presidial 
company in 1798. Jd., xvi. 16,17. Company rolls and statement, in Prov. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil;, MS. xi. aarvil; SiPap:, Sac Mists ty. 

3’ Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xviil. passim; 
St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 52; ii. 36; v. 60, 73-4; vi. 120. Argiiello’s account as 
habilitado for 1800 is as follows: charges himself with effects on hand Dec. 
31, 1799, $14,748; supplies from Mexico and San Blas, 1800, $10,876; balances 
due soldiers, $3,299; funds of montepio, invdlidos, and retencion (amounts 
held for the soldiers), $604; proceeds of tobacco, post-office, and tithes, $1,403; 
debt to presidio of Monterey, $881; supplies received from missions, $3,417; 
draft on habilitado general, $680. Total, $35,748. Credits himself with: 
pay-roll of company and pensioners, $9,504; amount paid company on old 
. account, $3,573; other sums paid, $565; paid debt of 1799 to Monterey, 
$2,593; paid missions for supplies of 1799, $3,776; amount charged by habili- 
tado general, $3,081; effects on Dec. 31, 1800, $12,885. Total, $35,977. Balance 
in favor of Argiiello, $229. The fondo de retencion (money held back from a 
soldier’s pay to be given him at discharge) amounted in the early years to 
about $1,200, but later, when added to the fondo de invdlidos (percentage on 
pay reserved with which to pay pensions), and the fondo de montepio (per- 
centage on officers’ pay for their widows), it amounted to only about $709. 
St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 60, 73-4; Prov. Sé. Pap., MS., xvi. 202-3. In 1795 
the habilitado reports only $3,490 to pay for the next year’s supplies. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS.,i.52. Of $1,122 in coin sent up in 1796, $266 was paid to soldiers, 
$300 to the mission, and $400 to Argiiello; so that the sergeant applying for 
money was told to wait. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. i. In 1798 the presidio 
got $6,404 in supplies from the missions. Jd., Ben. Mil., xvii. 12, 13. In 
1797 the amount was $8,973. Jd., xxv. 9,10. In 1799 it was $3,776. Jd., 
xxvi. 7,8. In 1800 it was $3,417. Jd., xxviii. 18,19. Accounts of tithes are 
neither complete nor altogether intelligible. Forsome years the proceeds are 
given as $500 and in others $80, some reports perhaps including the whole 
jurisdiction and others not. Papal bulls yielded in 1797 only $2. The net 
proceeds of the post-office averaged $83 per year for the decade. Revenuesfrom 
tobac 20 sales were from $500 to $1,500, averaging $1,100. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
XXL) 193: id, (Ben, MuloxinGsxive Psyvaliosl4enixile Xue. Ae ewig tos 
XXL LS RXV. Os KWL, 7 REV Oe Reo, 


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PRESIDIO BUILDINGS. 695 


and 1800, with but meagre results so far as the 
presidio proper was concerned. On March 4, 1792, 
Comandante Sal sent the governor a description 
accompanied by a plan which I reproduce. Three 
sides of the square of 120 yards were occupied by 
adobe walls and houses, both of adobes and of rough 
stones laid in mud; and the fourth side was protected 
by a primitive palisade fence. All the structures 
were roofed with straw and tules, exposed to fire and 
at the mercy of the winds. All, except the com- 




















PLAN oF SAN Francisco, 1792. 


mandant’s house lately completed and two or three of 
the soldiers’ houses, were, through the poor quality 
of materials and want of knowledge and care on the 
part of the builders, liable to fall at any moment, the 
church being in a particularly precarious condition. 
None of the structures were those originally built; 
each year some of them had fallen and been restored 
in the same faulty manner with the same perishable 

4 Sal, Informes sobre los Edificios de San Francisco, 1792, MS. 1. Com- 
mandant’s house, 4 rooms and yard, 37 x 6 varas, of adobes. 2. Sergeant’s 
house, of stone, without mortar. 3. Chapel 19 x 8 varas. 4. Barracks, 


guard-house, and calabooses, of adobe and stones. 5, 6. Warehouses for food 
and clothing, of stones and mud. The other structures are the soldiers’ 


696 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT 


material. Timber had to be brought thirty miles, and 
tules nine miles. The garrison was so small and its 
duties so many that Sal deemed it impossible to accom- 
plish the necessary repairs. At the end of the year 
the same condition of affairs existed, and Sal urged 
the government to send eight or ten sailor-workmen 
and a bricklayer; otherwise an appropriation of $3,000 
would be required to hire Indian laborers. Mean- 
while Vancouver visited and described the presidio in 
November, and he describes it as a “square area 
whose sides were about two hundred yards in length 
enclosed by a mud wall, and resembling a pound for 
cattle. Above this wall the thatched roofs of their 
low small houses just made their appearance.” One 
side was “ very indifferently fenced in by a few bushes 
here and there, fastened to stakes in the ground.” 
The wall was “ about fourteen feet high, and five feet 
in breadth, and was first formed by uprights and hor- 
izontal rafters of large timber, between which dried 
sods and moistened earth were pressed as close and 
hard as possible, after which the whole was cased with 
the earth made into a sort of mud plaster, which gave 
it the appearance of durability.” The church had 
been whitewashed and was neat in comparison to the 
rest. The floor in the commandant’s house was the 
native soil raised about three feet above the original 
level. The windows were mere holes in the thick 
walls, without glass.° 

In 1793-4 complaints and calls for aid continued, 
but attention was given almost exclusively to new 
fortifications on the shore to the neglect of the presidio 


5 Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 7-9. There is a communication from Sal to 
Arrillaga dated Nov. 29th, stating that work on the building was finished, 
tile roofs on the church, warehouses, and nine new houses for soldiers; but 
this does not agree with the other records, and I am at a loss to know why 
such a letter was written. St. Pap., Sac.,MS.,i.118. August 20, 1793, the gov- 
ernor informs the viceroy of the bad condition of the buildings, although 
$1,400 have been spent on repairs since the foundation. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xxl. 114-15, Dec. 29th, Sal to Borica, the $1,200 gratuity for the troops for 
building the presidio not yet received; nor are there any lists. Hints that 
the other presidios get $4,000. /d., xi. 54, 57. 


eS ee ae ee 


* 
ss 


xx: 


Sl 


PROGRESS IN BUILDINGS. 697 


square.® Late in 1794 Sal proposed removal to a better 
site near Fort Point. Borica would not consent until 
he had made a personal examination; but in June 
1795 he reported in favor of the scheme and esti- 
mated the cost of the new presidio at $11,716. The 
viceroy disapproved so large an outlay for buildings 
of doubtful utility, the matter was dropped, and the 
rains and winds continued their ravages,’ the drifting 
sand contributing to the devastation by covering the 
powder-magazine, notwithstanding the soldiers’ efforts. 
Quarters of some kind must have been built for the 
volunteers and artillerymen,’ but I find no evidence 
that there was any material improvement within the 
presidio square from the date of Vancouver's visit to 


1800. 
Still there was some building done in the way of 
fortifications. In the general movement already 


6 Aug. 8, 1794, Perez Fernandez and others state that nothing has been 
done, and the soldiers are overburdened with work. The buildings should be 
solidly constructed to avoid later repairs, and he and the commandant will 
guarantee to complete the work economically and well if a few mechanics can 
be furnished. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 108-10. Arrillaga informs Borica of the 
needs of San Francisco in 1794. Papel de Puntos, MS., 192. Jan. 31, 1794, 
commandant to governor; house of 2d officer in a bad state; adobes and tiles 
melting away; will try to save the timbers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 66. 
Feb. 1, 1794, rain came near spoiling the powder, but hides and tiles were 
arranged to save it. Id., xii. 56. 

7 Nov. 1, 1794, commandant to governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. -35-6. 
Dec. 3, Borica’s reply. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 28, 54-5. June 27, 1795, B. to 
viceroy, old buildings ready to fall; total expenses since 1776, $8,188; presi- 
dio, 2,889 varas from fort; new one, 481 varas. Jd., vi. 51. Dec. 4, 1795, V. 
R. to B., advises that the new structures be not undertaken, but wants addi- 
tional information. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 832-6. Jan. 22, 1796, a heavy 
gale did much damage to church and one house. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., xxiii. 6,7; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 81. June 16, B. calls for a report from 
Alberni. Prov, St. Pup., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 7. June 30th, Alberni to B., 
he disapproves the removal, because the San Joaquin hill has no water and 
is less sheltered; but the coming rains will bring the old buildings down, and 
a new presidio should be begun. Cordoba agrees with Alberni. St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., iv. 36-7. July 20, 1797, Argiiello to B. The old complaints. Nothing 
done yet. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 11,12. Aug. 8, Id. toId. Warehouses 
badly built and in great danger from fire. Jd., xvi. 389. Aug. 19, B. orders’ 
Argiiello to have warehouses of stone or adobe built. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 267. 
In January 1800 a huricane tore off several roofs; $1,799 were spent in repairs 
during the year; and complaints continued. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 24-7; 
xxi. 31. 

8 One hundred and ninety-two dollars spent on quarters for volunteers. 
Expenditure approved by viceroy Feb. 28, 1798. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 


10, 11 


698 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


noticed towards the strengthening of coast defences 
San Francisco could not be neglected, since it was 
recognized as the strongest and most important natu- 
ral position in California. Vancouver as he entered 
the bay was saluted by a brass three-pounder lashed 
toa log at Fort Point, and he found another mounted 
on a rotten carriage before the presidio. There had 
been two guns here, but one had burst shortly before 
in firing a salute on a saint’s day. No wonder the 
Englishman was surprised at the unprotected condi- 
tion of so important a point. When he returned in 
1793, eleven brass nine-pounders were lying on the 
beach, and a number of natives were. erecting what 
seemed to be a platform or barbette battery at Fort 
Point; but this was intended by the Spaniards to be 
a much more formidable work, the Castillo de San 
Joaquin, to command the entrance to San Francisco 
Bay. The guns had been sent from San Blas in the 
Aranzazu, and a gunner’s mate, master-carpenter, and 
one or two workmen ‘had begun work on the fort in 
August.° Thirty neophytes were hired from the 
mission, and as many more gentiles from San José. 
Choppers were sent to the distant forests down the 
peninsula; twenty-three yoke of oxen were employed 
in hauling the timber; adobes, bricks, and tiles were 
rapidly prepared, and the work was pushed: forward 
until interrupted by the rains. Soon after its resump- 
tion in the spring of 1794 there came an order from 
the viceroy that the works here and elsewhere were 
to be constructed of fascines, to avoid heavy expenses; 
but so much progress had been made that it was 
deemed best to complete the fortification as begun, 

° Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 9, 500. Sept. 30, 1792, Sal reports the bursting 
of the gun into 10 pieces, nobody hurt. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 74; i. 117. 
Although Vancouver says a gun was fired, Sal reports to the governor that 
the Chatham got no salute for want of a cannon. Jd., iii. 23. Oct. 31st, Sal to 
Arrillaga. Only one cannon, and that burst several years ago. Cuadra gave 
some powder and promised four or five guns. So it seems that the presidio 
gun was not so effective even as Vancouver supposed. Jd., i. 119. Aug. 20, 
1793, Arrillaga to viceroy, announcing that work had been begun on a fort. 


After completing it the men will go to Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 
113. Dec. 31, 1793, statement of munitions. St. Pap., Sac., MS. v. 61. 








CASTILLO DE SAN JOAQUIN. 699 


especially as earthworks and fascines were thought to 
be useless here. The fort was completed and blessed 
under the name of San Joaquin on December 8, 1794, 
the eight guns of the battery being mounted, the 
sentry-box, casemate, and other necessary buildings 
being attached, and nothing more being required but 
a garrison to prevent any hostile vessel from entering 




















































































































CASTILLO 
DE 


SAN JOAQUIN 











the port—so at least Arrillagva believed. We have 
no detailed description of this fort, but its main walls 
were of adobes, faced in the embrasures with bricks. 
The annexed plan is from an original in my possession. 


700 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


The castillo was of horseshoe shape, about one hundred 
‘by one hundred and twenty feet. Its cost was $6,000, 
which was paid with some reluctance by the royal 
treasury.” 

The elements had now another object on which to 
exert their destructive power, and repairs kept pace as 
nearly as possible. The San Carlos brought some 
new guns in April 1796, and the Concepcion left 
twenty-four sailors. Cdérdoba examined the fort on 
his arrival, and in September reported unfavorably. 
The structure rested mainly on sand; the brick-faced 
adobe walls crumbled at the shock whenever a salute 
was fired; the guns were badly mounted and for the 
most part worn out, only two of the thirteen twenty- 
four pounders being serviceable or capable of sending 
a ball across the entrance of the port. The whole 
work, protected by an adobe wall with one gate, was 
commanded by a hill in the rear, and the garrison of 


10 Jan. 30, 1794, Sal to governor, has begun to fell timber; guns on the 
esplanade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 47-51. Jan. 31st, 6 guns in the battery 
facing the harbor. Jd., xii. 67. The padres endeavored to obtain an extra 
blanket and pair of breeches for each neophyte laborer per month but failed; 
1,500 adobes being made daily. April 30th, a sergeant and four soldiers in 
charge of the laborers. Jd., xii. 74. Twenty-two Indians ran away in April. 
Id., xii. 53. June 9th, viceroy acknowledges receipt of advices on measures 
taken to complete the provisional esplanade. /d., xi. 174. Jan. 10th, vice- 
roy’s orders to use fascines and reduce expenses. June 12th, governor’s 
reply. Jd., xxi. 143-4; xii. 120. <A condestable, carpenter, and two sawyers 
sent from San Blas, and a bricklayer and tile-maker were also retained. The 
troops did most of the work. Arrillaga, in Id., xii. 191-2. Dec. 1st, com- 
mandant says the work is almost finished, and he sends the workmen tc 
Monterey. /d., xii. 31. Dec. 3d, governor refers to the tower, sentry-box, 
and other buildings as being nearly done. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 29. Fort 
blessed on Dec. 8th. /d., v. 31-2; Prov, St. Pap., MS., xii. 26. Jan. 1, 1795, 
governor sends the viceroy a plan of the work, and asks for a garrison of a 
captain, sergeant, and 11 men. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 35. I copy a plan of 
what I suppose to be this fortification from Alviso, Doc. Hist. Cul., 156. 
Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 344, says he has the plan in his possession. 
One of the old guns, four of which serve as fender-posts of the present fort, 
bears the inscription ‘ Governando los seiores de la Real Audiencia de Lima.’ 
Cost of building the castillo, $6,491, which real hacienda is ordered to pay on 
Oct. 8, 1795, as V. R. informs the gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 45, 162; 
Prov. Rec., MS., v. 35. $6,503, according to St. Pap., Sac., iv. 52. Dec. 4, 
1795, viceroy to Borica, $1,482 have been paid over to habilitado general in 
favor of company fund. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 32. May 16, 1795, José 
Garaycoechea, condestable distinguido de artilleria de marina, employed on the 
fort, discharged, his work being done. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 46. Dec. 4th, the 
viceroy complains that a fort, costly and not needed (?), has been improperly 
constructed, without investigation or skill. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 32-6. 





Ra Gye ee a, ee ST ee 








BATTERY OF YERBA BUENA. 701 


a corporal and six artillerymen was altogether insuf- 
ficient. There were several places between Monterey 
and San francisco where an enemy might land, there- 
fore the cavalry force should be increased. To repair 
Fort San Joaquin would be very costly; but a new 
fort should be built on the hill just back of it, and 
another across the channel at San Carlos." 

Beyond the constant repairs by which Fort San 
Joaquin was kept as nearly in its original state as 
possible, and some changes in the disposition of the 
euns under Cérdoba’s instructions, I find no evidence 
of further progress at Fort Point during this decade. 
There was, however, still another battery established 
in 1797. This was to the east on Point Médanos, 
later called Point San José and Black Point, re- 
named Mason, and long occupied by abattery. It was 


1 Cérdoba, Informe al Virey, MS., 82-3. The point across the channel is 
called Punto de Bonetes in 1776. Arch. Sta B., MS., iv. 153. Feb. 22, 1796, 
damage to fort by a storm from the north. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 234. 
Mar. 22d, reference to a sentry-box erected. April, Borica orders mortar to 
be used in the roofing, and the powder-house to have a new adobe wall at 
some distance. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 83, 85. Arrival of guns and sailors. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xiv. 86, 175; Jd., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 12. July 9th, Alberni to 
have charge of the work, 41 Indians from Santa Clara at work. Prov. Rec., 
MS., v. 87-8. July 16th, Cordoba has been at work onrepairs. St. Pap., Sac., 
MS., xvii. 8. Nov. 29th, 6,000 ball-cartridges being made. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xiv. 119. Dec. 6th, Borica to V. R., announces damages caused by 
rains. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 69. Dec. 27th, V. R. to B., will send the 
needed armament of heavy guns; meanwhile let guns be taken from other 
places where they are less needed. Jd., vii. 32-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 
251. Jan. 30, 1797, Habilitado Carrillo asks for reimbursement of $468 
spent on casema:e, etc. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 69. March 26th, Cordoba 
wants 1] 24-pounders; smaller guns of no use here. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 
86. April 4th, B. forwards V. R.’s orders for repairs, etc. Prov. St. Pap.; 
MS., xxi. 251-2; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 103. April 30th, work on fort not yet 
begun. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 148. June, fort repaired, with 6 guns in 
front and 3 on each side. Jd., xxi. 264. Oct. 24th, 24 sailors left on the 
San Cdrlos for Sen Blas. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. Feb. 1, 1798, B. asks the 
V. R. for a new fort on the other shore, an increase of armament to 26 24. 
pounders, an increase of 128 infantry and 19 gunners in the garrisons, and a 
boat with a patron and 10 sailors. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 69. March 15, 1799, 
another appeal for a boat. Id., vi. 120. December 31, 1798, there were 3 
iron 24-pounders, | iron 12-pounder, and 8 brass 8-pounders. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 7. Expenses of the year for repairs $661. /d., xvii. 13. 
March 2, 1799, B. informs V. R. that a rainstorm caused the walls of the fort 
to fall, also the new casemate wall, and the barracks are threatened. Prov. 
Rec., MS., vi. 119. July 15th, V. R. will attend to the matter. Meanwhile 
let the works be repaired with adobes, fascines, and earth. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvii. 341. In January 1800 a hurricane broke the flag-staff which fell 
on the barracks of the garrison and smashed some tiles. Id., xxill..24; xxi. 31. 


\ 


702 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


known as the Battery at Yerba Buena, designed te 
command the shore stretching westward to Fort 
Point, and that stretching eastward to what was 
called later North Point, together with the body of 
water between that shore and Alcatraz Island, already 
so called, known as the anchorage of Yerba Buena, 
though it does not appear that any vessel except that 
of Vancouver ever had anchored there. Thus it-will 
be seen that the name Yerba Buena, while it may 
have been given in a general way to the whole eastern 

art of the peninsula from Black Point to Rincon 
Baad was applied in these early times particularly to 
the North Beach region and not, as is commonly sup- 
posed and as was the case after 1830, to the cove 
south of Telegraph Hill. Of the battery we know 
but little save that it was a less elaborate work than 
Fort San Joaquin, being hastily constructed of brush- 
wood fascines for the most part, with eight embrasures 
and five eight-pound guns not needed at the fort. No 
permanent garrison was kept here, but at least. until 
after 1800 the works were visited daily by a sentinel, 
and to a certain extent kept in order.” 


I have spoken several times of Vancouver’s voyages 
and his observations in California; but as his was the 
first visit of a foreigner to San Francisco Bay, as it 


The battery is first mentioned by the governor in communications of 
April 4, 1797. On April 19th Argiiello received Borica’s orders to furnish 
aid. April 30th, Cérdoba objected on account of small garrisons and distance 
from the fort. But May 3d he was ordered by Borica to begin work, and in 
June it was almost finished. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 55; xvii. 148-9; 
Xvilil, 28; xxi. 251-2, 256, 264; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 103, 107; vi. 53, 69. 
The first use of the name Yerba Buena that I have seen is in Sal’s letter of 
Nov. 14, 1792, announcing Vancouver’s arrival. He is said to have anchored 
‘como 4 una legua mas abajo del presidio frente del parage que llamamos la 
Yerba Buena.’ St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 116. It is also used in Sal’s letter of 
Nov. 30th. /d., iii. 21. Vancouver’s anchorage was about midway between 
Black Point and North Point. Vancouver's Voyage, Atlas. The name is that 
of a species of mint. Whether it was first applied to the island and from 
that to the eastern part of the peninsula, or vice versa, Iam uncertain. The 
name Isla del Alcatraz is used by Borica in July 1797. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xxi. 264. I mention this fact because it has often been stated that the orig- 
inal and correct form was Alcatraces inthe plural. The name is that applied 
by Californians and Mexicans to the pelican, though more properly belonging 
to the albatross, 





MAP OF SAN FRANCISCO. 703 





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704 " LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


was here that he had the best opportunities to make 
observations respecting the institutions of the country, 
and as his visit was one of the chief interruptions of 
the dull monotony of San Francisco life during the 
decade, I deem the subject worthy of brief additional 
mention here in connection with local annals. 

As Vancouver entered the port at nightfall Nov- 
ember 14, 1792, he looked in vain for the lights of 
the town which he supposed to be planted here, and 
next morning the only sign of civilization was the 
herds seen in the distance. After a quail-shooting 
expedition on the hills where the city now stands he 
caine into contact with Commandant Sal and was 
entertained at the presidio, where the wife of Don 
Hermenegildo received him “decently dressed, seated 
cross-legged on a mat, placed on a small square wooden 
platform raised three or four inches from the ground, 
nearly in front of the door, with two daughters and a 
son, clean and decently dressed, sitting by her; this 
being the mode observed by these ladies when they 
receive visitors.” Then he was invited to the mission 
and was most kindly treated by fathers Landaeta 
and Danti. He saw all that was to be seen on the 
peninsula, much more than it was prudent to let him 
see, and though greatly surprised at the weakness 
and poverty of the Spanish establishment and the 
Jack of ‘‘those articles. which alone can render the 
essentials of life capable of being relished,” yet for the 
kindness and hospitality of the people he had nothing 
but words of praise. The Spaniards as is their wont 
placed everything at his disposal, and he interpreted 
their offers somewhat too literally, making a visit to 
Santa Clara that gave Sal many forebodings. He 
made no survey of the bay, but found Yerba Buena 
a better anchorage than the usual one nearer the pre- 


sidio. Every facility was afforded him for obtaining 


wood, water, and supplies, though the carts placed at 
the disposition of the sailors were found to be a more 
clumsy and useless contrivance on land than the rude 


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FOREIGN VISITORS. 705 


balsas of the natives as water craft. Vancouver sailed 


for Monterey on the 25th of November. He came 
back in October of the next year, but was obliged to 
put up with the ordinary courtesies allowed to for- 
eigners in Spanish ‘colonial ports, and so great was 
the contrast that he left in disgust after a few days’ 
stay at anchor.” 

The 18th of March 1793 a strange vessel was an- 


nounced at the entrance of the port. A guard was 


posted and the live-stock driven in. A boat came to 
land in the afternoon, with six men who said the 
vessel was English and the captain’s name Brown, in 
need of water, wood, and meat, for which he would 
send the next day. The vessel anchored beyond Point 
Almejas, opposite San Pedro rancho, fired a gun, 
and displayed the English flag. On the 15th she 
was seen near the Farallones, and on the 16th Sal 
reported these facts with his opinion that the foreign 


craft meant mischief, though pretending to be bound 


for Nootka." 


In 1795 three mines were discovered somewhere 
within the jurisdiction of San Francisco, called San 
Diego, Carmen, and San José, with the respective 
aliases of Descubridora, Buenavista, and Hsperanza. 
One of them was expected to yield gold, and the others 
silver or quicksilver. Specimens of the ore were sent 
by Perez Fernandez to the governor, but Monterey 
experts failed to discover metal except in one speci- 
men.” The coming of Alberni and his company of 
volunteers was the event of 1796, but beyond a bare 
mention and the enrolment of the reénforcements on 


the military records it left no trace in local annals; 


yet as almost doubling the population of San T'ran- 


138 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 1-27, 433-4. For further account of this voy- 
age, and a map published in Vancouver’s work, see chapter xxiv., this vol- 
ume. 

14 March 16th, Sal to Borica, in Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 131-2. 

15 Sept. 28, 1795, Perez Fernandez to Borica. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 
66-7. Sept. 30th, B."s Peay authorizing ore to be sent to San Blas for assay- 
ing. Prov. [ec., MS.. v. 70 

HIst. ‘Cab, VOL, Le 45 


706 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


cisco it merits mention.” In 1797 there was a propo- 
sition to establish a Carmelite convent and hospice at 
San Francisco, but it was disapproved by both the 
guardian and the fiscal, and consequently was aban- 
doned.” The leading event of this year was the 
wreck of the transport vessel San Carlos in the bay 
on the night of the 23d of March. No details are 
known except that little of the cargo was lost.* The 
Concepcion as a coast guard spent a large part of the 
year in this port. At the end of May 1799 the 
American ship Lhza of 136 tons and carrying twelve 
guns, bound for Boston with hides, under James 
Rowan, obtained supplies under the prescribed re- 
strictions.” 

There were two topics of local interest at San Fran- 
cisco during the decade which affected the mission not 
less than the presidio. These were the establishment 
of the rancho del rey, and Indian affairs. The royal 
rancho had been founded here in 1777, with 115 head 
of cattle, which were pastured on the hills about the 
presidio. The animals multiplied rapidly notwith- 
standing annual slaughters in the later years and the 


16Tt is implied by Borica, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 241, that Alberni’s 
men had lands granted them at San Francisco and the Alameda; but such was 
probably not the case. Alberni and his company arrived May 7, 1796, on 
the San Carlos. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiii. 83. 

M1 Arch, Sta Barbara, MS., iv. 186-93; ix. 10-14; xiii. 84. 

18 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57-8, 181; xvii. 242; xxi. 251, 268; Prov. Rec., 
MS., vi. 86, 92, 95. This was not the original San Carlos of 1769, but her 
successor surnamed H/ Filipino. The crew were obliged to remain for some 
time in California. The only stores specially named as lost are 4 boxes of 
cigars and 151bs. of powder. April 26th, Capt. Saavedra says to Argiiello that 
most of his men lost their clothes, tobacco, and soap in the wreck. He asks 
for them the advance of a month’s pay, which was granted to the amount of 
$1,026. ‘The troops with 55 natives worked to save the cargo. April 24th, 
the padres answer the complaint that they failed to render aid, by stating 
that Fernandez was absent, but Landaeta sent all his disposable Indians, who 
worked waist-deep in water for three days and nights. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
vi. 108-9. April 14th, the finding of a white man’s body in the surf at Pt 
Reyes is reported, and the mission majordomo had seen a vessel off the Fara- 
llones shortly before. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 116. Alberni at the same time 
wished to send natives to see if there were any vessels at Bodega; but they 
refused from fear of their enemies. Jd., xvii. 152. 

19May 27th, Rowan to Argiiello, will obey the governor’s orders to sail 
as soon as possible and not to enter any other port. Prov. St. Pap., xvii. 
206-8, 238; xvill. 26. June 3d, Borica to viceroy, Rowan left a draft for $24 
on Boston. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 125-6. . 


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- RANCHO DEL REY. 707 


ravages of wild beasts,” so that in 1791 they numbered 
over 1,200. At the end of March of this year the 
cattle were transferred to Monterey, except a few 
milch cows which the soldiers were allowed to keep. 
This change seems to have been made by order of the 
comandante general at the petition of the padres 
who represented that injury was done to the interests 
of the mission. Subsequently the garrison was obliged 
to obtain meat from Monterey.% In 1796, at the 
suggestion of Sal, Borica determined to reéstablish a 
branch of the rancho del rey, and this was accom- 
plished in September 1797, two, hundred and sixty-five 
cattle being purchased from the missions and placed 
at Buriburi between San Bruno and San Mateo.” 
When the news reached Mexico it brought out a 
protest of the guardian, in which he narrated the 
past history of the rancho, claimed that Borica had 
acted in opposition to the king’s wishes that the 
mission lands should not be encroached upon, and 
demanded an order to remove not only the rancho 
but the cattle owned by the soldiers. The pasturage 
it was claimed was all needed for the mission herds, 
which now must be driven far down the peninsula; 
and the natives were suffering great injury in their 


20 In the cattle account of 1782 appears an item of three arrobas of yerba 
de Puebla with which to poison wolves. Prov. Rec., MS., iil. 115. April and 
May 1790, commandant refers to ravages of bears and savages. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., ix. 213-14. Bears numerous in 1798. Jd., xvii. 103. 

21 Cattle of the rancho in 1790, 1,174 head. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., xiii. 6,7. Net proceeds of sales, $91. Zd. Sales in 1791, $81. Jd., xv. 
5. Number of cattle at transfer on March 31, 1791, 1,215 head. St. Pap., 
Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 68. The rancho was moved by order of Fages, 
Id., or by order of commandant general at request of padres. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvii. 14-16. Statistical reports show that the soldiers had from 96 to 
147 cattle down to 1797 and then the number increased to 500 or 600, not 
including the king’s cattle. In 1793 the number was 115, and the names of 


14 owners, 23 credited to Juan Bernal being the largest number, are given 


from an old inventory in //alley’s Centennial Year Book of Alameda County, 
27. There is quite a mass of information from the archives given in this 
work, but there are nearly as many blunders as words in the translation, 
copying, and printing. In 1794, 75 cattle for food were sent up from Monte- 
rey. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xii. 30. 
22 Borica to commandants April 30, 1796, Aug. 15, Sept. 1, 1797. Prov. 

Rec., MS., v. 85, 269; iv. 255-6. Argiiello to B. Sept. 29th. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xvi. 92. . 


708 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


natural and legal rights.* Borica, being called upon 
for an explanation, asked Argiiello for a report in 
which the governor’s eleven question were clearly 
answered. According to this report the mission was 
in no respect injured by the king’s cattle at Buriburi, 
feeding on the hills westward to the Caiiada de San 
Andrés and south-westward for two leagues, nor 
would it be injured even should its cattle greatly in- 
crease, for it still had several large sitios: San Pedro, 
five leagues southward on‘the coast, where horned 
cattle were kept; another two leagues to the south, 
where were the herds of mares; El Pilar,“ where 
there was abundant pasturage for the oxen; San 
Mateo, five leagues from the mission, stretching to 
Santa Clara on the south-east and to San Pedro on 
the west; besides the smaller and nearer tracts of La 
Visitacion, San Bruno, and Lake Merced. Argiiello 
also proved that the mission had been accustomed to 
sell to the presidio and the vessels cattle about one 
third smaller than those of Monterey at prices ex- 
ceeding those of the tariff, besides obliging the pur- 
chaser to go long distances after the animals.” His 
arcuments seemed conclusive to the viceroy, who in 
March 1799 ordered the rancho maintained, notwith- 
standing the opposition of the friars.” 

The natives, Christian and gentile, caused more 
trouble in the region of San Francisco than in any 
other part of California, the troublesome gentiles 
being chiefly those inhabiting what is now known as 


73 Feb. 5, 1798, guardian to viceroy, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 14-16. 
Horses were kept 10 leagues distant; sheep under a salaried man six leagues 
away; and the oxen not actually at work were also pastured at a long dis- 
tance. 

4 But according to Prov. Rec., MS., v. 103, Argiiello himself had received 
a provisional grant of El Pilar in 1797. 

*° June 14, 1798, Borica to Argiiello. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon, MS., i. 
68-70. Argiiello, Informe sobre el Rancho del Rey y su influencia y relacion con 
la Mision de San Francisco, 24 de Julio 1798, MS. Salazar speaks of S. Pedro 
or Punta de Almejas. Arch. Sta Barbara, ii. 75. 

26 March 13, 1799, Viceroy Azanza to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 
220. June 5th, to commandant. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 298. Dec. 3lst, num- 
ber of cattle in the rancho, 879. Net yield from sales, $179. Prov. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii, 5. 





INDIAN AFFAIRS. 709 


‘Alameda and Contra Costa counties, acting in con- 
junction with deserters from San Francisco mission, 
but threatening more seriously Mission San José. 
“All was quiet, however, until 1795." In March of 
that year Father Danti sent a party of fourteen neo- 
phytes to the rancherfas of the Chaclanes, or Sacal- 
anes, to bring in some fugitives, but they were attacked 
by gentiles and Christians combined, and at least seven 
of the number were killed. The affair was reported 
to Borica, who informed the viceroy, but ordered no 
retaliation as the Sacalanes were a brave people and 
would be troublesome as foes, and the friars were 
directed to send out no more such parties.* In Sep- 
tember of the same year over two hundred natives 
deserted from San Francisco, different parties in 
different directions, the number including many old 
neophytes who had always been faithful before. In 
the correspondence which followed, Borica indicated 
his belief that the disaster was due largely to cruelty 
on the part of the padres. He ordered a strict inves- 
tigation; instructed the soldiers to afford no aid in the 
infliction of punishments unless at the request of both 
padres, for it seems that Danti was much more severe 
than his associate, and finally protested to the presi- 
dent that rigorous steps must be taken to insure better 


*7 In February 1793 a new convert named Charquin ran away and waged 
war on all aborigines who favored christianity, holding 20 women and chil- 
dren captives in the mountains. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 24-5. In February 
1795 the governor reported the prospects for new converts excellent at San 
Francisco and Santa Clara, on account of a scarcity of seeds. Prov. Iec., MS., 
vi. 37. 

28 March 3, May 3, May 29, 1795, commandant to Borica. June 23d, B. to 

,viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 241-2, 275-6; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 50, 56; 
vi. 48-50. I suppose the Sacalanes lived in what is now Alameda County, 
somewhere between Oakland and Mission San José. The messengers are 
said to have travelled two nights and one day before reaching the rancherias. 
Borica says the Chimenes did the killing and lived 30 leagues from Bodega 
on the coast. Subsequent expeditions show, however, that the Sacalanes, 
the guilty parties, did not at any rate live north of the bay. The commandant 
charges Danti with having at first pronounced the story of the survivors a lie, 
and with attempting later to keep it from the knowledge of the officers. 
July 6th, Borica to friars, regrets that they continue sending Indians to the 
‘other side of the bay. It must be stopped. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 146. Sept. 
- 18th, V. R. approves B.’s policy of avoiding war. Prov. St. Pap. eg SS Fee a 
82. 


710 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


treatment and better food, to which Lasuen gave as- 
sent.” 

In June 1797 a new mishap occurred. A large 
part of the fugitives belonged to the Cuchillones 
across the bay. Notwithstanding the governor's 
orders the missionaries sent one Raimundo, a Califor- 
nian—a name still applied exclusively to the natives 
of Baja California—with thirty natives to bring back 
the runaways. ‘They crossed in balsas and fell into a 
difficulty with the Cuchillones which is not clearly 
described, though it appears that no life was lost and 
no fugitive recovered. This affair gave rise to a new 
correspondence and to earnest protests from the friars, 
who were inclined to think that the quarrel, if any 
occurred, had been greatly exaggerated. Now the 
Sacalanes assumed a threatening attitude toward 
Mission San Jose, and Sergeant Amador was sent to 
investigate. He found that the gentiles were threat- 
ening to kill the Christians if they continued to work, 
and the soldiers if they dared to interfere. He ac- 
cordingly recommended to Borica that an expedition 
_be sent to punish them, to collect fugitives, and to 
dispel the idea of the Sacalanes that the Spaniards 
were afraid of them. orica assented and ordered 
Amador to take twenty-two men and fall upon the 
rancheria at dawn, capturing the head men and desert- 
ers, but avoiding bloodshed if possible. They set out 
July 13th, and on the 15th the troops under Amador 
and Vallejo reached the hostile camp. The Sacalanes 
would listen to nothing; they had digged pits, so that 
the Spaniards were forced to dismount and attack with 


sword and lance. In the fight two soldiers were’ 


8 Correspondence on the subject during 1795-6. In Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xili. 147-8; xiv. 176; Id., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 8-10; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 69, 80, 
Dlg uve 172, 17 be ‘ 

30 Letters of Argiiello, Espi, Fernandez, and Landaeta in Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xv. 19-25. July 16th, Argiiello assembled the natives and made known 
to them the governor’s orders that they were not to go after fugitives even if 
told to do so by the padres. Then the padres received a lecture on the evils 
that might have resulted. Landaeta insisted that the natives had gone of 
their own accord and had not been sent. Argiiello to Borica, in Id., xv. 25-7. 


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AMADOR’S EXPEDITION. 711 


wounded and seven natives killed. The Cuchillones 
were subsequently attacked and retreated after one 
had been killed. On the 18th Amador returned to 
San José with eighty-three Christians and nine gen- 
tiles, including five Sacalanes implicated in the affair 
of 1795 and three Cuchillones in that of Raimundo.” 

The testimony and confessions of fourteen of the 
captives were taken the 9th of August, and nine of 
them having been proved guilty, were subsequently 
sentenced by Borica to receive from twenty-five to 
seventy-five lashes and to work in shackles at the 
presidio from two months to a year.” In this exam- 
ination and in another held the 12th of August with 
a view to learn why the neophytes had run away, 
nearly all the witnesses gave as their reasons exces- 
sive flogging, hunger, and the death of relatives.* 
Borica subsequently announced that in consequence 
of his efforts and especially of the kindness of Father 
Fernandez, the natives were treated better than be- 
fore; but Lasuen declared that the charges of cruelty 
were unfounded, as proved by the large number of 
conversions. The neophytes fled, not because they 
were flogged or overworked, but because of the rav- 


31 Amador, Expedicion contra los gentiles Sacalanes, con Correspondencia 
perteneciente al asunto, 1796, MS.; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 176-8; xvi. 
38-9, 70-1, 88, 90; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 206-7. The diary is dated San 
José, July 19th, and the papers include: July 6th, Argiiello to Borica; July 
8th, Amador to B.; July 10th, B. to A.; July 19th, A. to B.; July 21st, B. 
to A. Christians not to be punished, but gentiles kept at work on presidio; 
July 26th, receipt of Espi and Landaeta for 79 returned neophytes. Return- 
ing natives have never been punished. July 30th, Argiiello to B., has given 
up the neophytes and will try the gentiles. 

32 Argiello, Relacion de lo que declararon los Gentiles Sacalanes, 1797, MS.; 
Borica, Castigos que han de sufrir los Indios, 1797, MS. 

33 Argiiello, Relacion que formé de las declaraciones de los Indios Cristianos 
huidos de la Mision de San Francisco, 1797, MS. Tiburcio was flogged five 
times by Danti for crying at the death of his wife and child. Magin was put 
in the stocks when ill. Tarazon visited his country and felt inclined to stay. 
Claudio was beaten by the alcalde with a stick and forced to work when ill. 
José Manuel was struck with a bludgeon. Liberato ran away to escape dying 
of hunger as his-mother, two brothers, and three nephews had done. Otolon 
was flogged for not caring for his wife after she had sinned with the vaquero. 
Milan had to work with no food for his family and was flogged because he 
went after clams. Patabo had lost his family and had no one to take care of 
him. Orencio’s niece died of hunger. Toribio was always hungry. Magno 
received no ration because, occupied in tending his sick son, he could not 
work. 


712 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


ages of an epidemic.* No further troubles occurred 
at San Francisco, but the Sacalanes-and other gentiles 
continued their hostile influence at San José mission, 
several times requiring the presence of Amador, who 
in April 1800 made another raid, killing a chief, cap- 
turing twenty fugitives, and breaking all the bows 
and arrows of the foe.” 

Something remains to be said of San Francisco Mis- 
sion, where we left Cambon and Danti in charge as 
ministers at the end of 1790. Cambon, one of the 
few remaining pioneer missionaries, and a founder of 
San Francisco, retired to his college entirely broken 
down in health at the end of 1791, and was succeeded 
by Martin Landaeta, a new-comer, who however was 
absent from October 1798 to September 1800, Espf 
serving in 1797-9, and Merelo in 1799-1800. Diego 
Garcia remained until October 1791, and returned in 
1796-7. Danti retired in the summer of 1796; Padre 
Fernandez took his place in 1796-7 with Garcia as a 
supernumerary, and Rémon Abella came in July 1798. 
Padre Martiarena was also supernumerary from 
August 1800, and the names of several others appear 
on the mission-books as having officiated here at dif- 
ferent dates.™ 


34 July 1, 1798, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 97-8; Lasuen, 
Representacion, 1801, MS., in Arch. Sta Baérbara, ii. 202-5, 

35 Amador, Salida contra Indios Gentiles, 1800, MS. Alsoon slight previous 
troubles at San José. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 173-4; xvii. 97, 100-1, 106-7. 

36 Pedro Benito Cambon, a native of Santiago in Galicia, Spain, was ordered 
to California from the college in August 1770, setting out in Oct., sailing from 
San Blas in January 1771, and arriving at San Diego March 12, and Mon- 
terey May 21st. He was a founder of San Gabriel in September 1771, and 
served there until April 1772. He then spent several years at Velicata in 
Baja California for the benefit of his health, and to look after Franciscan 
property. He went to San Francisco in Oct. 1776, but was absent from Oct. 
1779 until May 1782, during which time he made a trip from San Blas to 
Manila as chaplain of the San Carlos, devoting his pay to the purchase of sup- 
plies for his neophytes, and also founded San Buenaventura in March 1782. 
He was a zealous and able man, but his health repeatedly broke down, and 
finally in November 1791, at the request of Lasuen, and on a certificate signed 
by three surgeons, he was permitted to depart without waiting for the vice- 
roy’s license. His last signature on the mission-books was on Sept. 10th. S. 
Francisco, Lib. Mision, MS., i, 61, 69; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 18, 19. 

37 José de la Cruz Espi, possibly Espi as written by himself, a native of 
Valencia, came to Mexico in 1786, and two years later went to Nootka’as 
chaplain with the expedition of Martinez, which touched on the California 








MISSION STATISTICS. 713 


During the decade 1,213 natives were baptized, 
1,031 were buried, 203 of them in 1795, and the neo- 
phyte population as registered grew from 438 to 644, 
from which it would appear that most of the fugitive 
cumarrones had been recovered before 1800. Large 
stock increased from 2,000 to 8,200, and sheep from 
1,700 to 6,200.% Crops in 1800 amounted to 4,100 
bushels, one half wheat, the largest yield having been 


coast. He came to California as a missionary in 1793, serving at San Antonio 
from September of that year until September 1794; at Soledad until Decem- 
ber 1795; at Santa Cruz until 1797; and at San Francisco from June 1797 
until August 1799) when he obtained leave to retire and sailed from San 
Diego Jan. 16, 1800. He had served 10 years and refused to remain longer. 
His signature appears on the San Francisco books until Aug. 19, 1799. S. 
Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 44; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 60, 220; 
Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 57. 

Of Antonio Danti we only know that he was minister at San Francisco 
from October 1790 until July 1796; that he had a fiery temperament—genio 
de pélvora, as Borica termed it—and was disposed to be unduly severe to his 
Indians; and that he was finally allowed to retire, suffering from some trouble 
with his legs and with inflammation of the eyes threatening blindness. San 
Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 41; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 227; xi. 
56-7; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 149, 157, 163. 

Diego Garcia came to California in 1787, serving at San Francisco from 
September of that year until October 1791; at Soledad until February 1792; 
at San Antonio until November 1792; again at Soledad until March 1796; and 
again at San Francisco until May 1797. He was generally a supernumerary 
and his services as minister were not in great deinand. One year on some 
frivolous pretext he neglected to sow any grain; he made himself obnoxious 
to each successive associate; and once when assigned to San José refused 
obedience. Naturally no objection was made to his retiring at the end of his 
term of 10 years, the coming of which probably saved him from dismissal by 
Lasuen. His license was dated July 8, 1797; his last signature at San Fran- 
cisco was on May 18th. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 40, 61; Soledad, 
Lib. de Mision, MS.; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 227-8; Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 
11d. 

José Maria Fernandez left his college in February and arrived at San 
Francisco in September 1796, serving until May 1797 as minister, receiving 
his license in July, and leaving California a little later. He was a.very kind- 
hearted man, and as we have seen Borica gave him great credit for having 
secured better treatment for the natives at San Francisco; but a blow on 
the head accidentally received affected his health and especially his mind to 
such an extent as to incapacitate him for missionary labor. San Francisco, Lib. 
de Mision, MS.; Arch. Sta Barbara, xi. 57-8; Prov. Rec., MS. vi. 98. 

38 May 28, 1791, Fages informed Romeu that the padres of San Francisco 
had formed a new establishment seven leagues away, where they kept most 
of their neophytes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 149; but we hear no more of the 
subject. The controversies between mission and presidio about pasturage, and 
the alleged inferiority of San Francisco cattlé, have been already noticed. In 
Prov. Kec., MS., vi. 79, it is stated that sheep-raising was introduced in 
1796, but no special increase appears in the statistics for that year. May 19, 
1797, Argiiello says the San Francisco sheep being of Merino stock may be a 
little better than elsewhere. He wanted to me 100, but Landaeta refused to 
sell. Prov. St. eae MS., xv. 8, 9. 


714 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


5,800 bushels in 1796; the smallest 1,200 in 1792,” 
ane the average 3.600 bushels. The mission bald 
ings were described by Vancouver as forming two 
sides of a square, without any apparent intention of 
completing the quadrangle, the architecture and ma- 
terial being as at the presidio, but the apartments 
larger, better constructed, and cleaner. At this time 


all roofs were of thatch, and the dwellings of the Ind- 


ians were huts of willow poles, basket-work of twigs, 
and thatch of grass and tules, about twelve feet high, 
six or seven feet in diameter, and ‘‘abominably in- 
fested with every kind of filth and nastiness.” In 
1793 nineteen adobe houses were built, which number 
was subsequently increased until in 1798 there were 
enough for most of the married neophytes. In 1794 
a new storehouse 150 feet long was built and roofed 
with tiles as were some of the old buildings, and half 
a league of ditch was dug round the potrero and fields. 
In 1795 another adobe “building 180 feet long was 
erected; and tile roofs were completed for all the 
structures, including the church, about which from the 
laying of the corner-stone in 1782 nothing more is 
recorded down to 1800. At the time of Vancouver’s 
visit one large room was occupied by manufacturers 
of a coarse sort of blanketing, made from wool pro- 
duced in the neighborhood. ‘The looms, though 
rudely wrought, were tolerably well contrived, and 
had been made by the Indians. The produce is 
wholly applied to the clothing of the converted Ind- 
ians. I saw some of the cloth, which was by no 


89 Where the cultivated fields were situated at this time does not appear. 
In 1795 supplies furnished to the presidio amounted to $2,831. Prov. Rec., 
MS., v. 26. In January 1795 cold weather prevented the padres from say- 
ing mass. Id., v. 40-1. From 1797 to 1800 regular weather reports were 
rendered at the end of each year. 1797 was cold, windy, and foggy. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., vi. 100. In 1798 the summer began with ‘terrible and continu- 
ous wind’ and fog, and the winter with frost, heavy rains, and roof-damaging 
winds. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 22-3. In 1799 little rain, 
heavy north winds, and much frost. Id., xxvii. 2. 1800, heavy rains, some 
frost, strong winds. /d., xxviii. 12-13. 

40 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 10-14; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i.. 124; ii. 15, 78; 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 59-60. Fages states that in 1787 there was but 
a suplemento de iglesia, a temporary affair. Lages, Informe Gen., MS., 146. 





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we 


= 


Se ge ee ge 


i ee a ee oe 


=e a er ray Ra ee ws 


eee) 


ANNALS OF SAN JOSE. 715 


means despicable; and, had it received the advantage 
of fulling, would have been a very decent sort of 
clothing.” In 1797 Borica ordered that mission 
blankets should be used at the presidio, and no more 
obtained from Mexico; but in 1799 he disapproved 
the friars’ scheme of building a fulling-mill. In 1796 
a manufacture of coarse pottery was established un- 
der Mariano Tapia.“ 


The new establishments of Branciforte, Santa Cruz, 
and Mission San José having been elsewhere noticed, 
there remain the annals of Santa Clara and the pueblo 
of San José, the former within this northern jurisdic- 
tion, and the latter most conveniently included in it, 
though it really belonged to the military jurisdiction 
of Monterey. At the pueblo population increased in 
general terms from eighty to one hundred and sev- 
enty, though the variation from year to year is so 


*! White apprentices were to come to San Francisco to learn to make pot- 
tery. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 53-4: v. 78, 206; vi. 230. Some cotton from San 
Blas was woven before 1797. St. Pap., Aiss., MS., ii. 100. In 1798 the mis- 
sion contracted to furnish tiles to the presidio at $20 per thousand. Prov. St. 
Pap., MS., xvii. 97; xvi. 25, 42. 

Such are the facts briefly stated in 23 pages that I have to present respect- 
ing San Francisco from 1791 to 1800. Most of the facts are in themselves not 
very startling or important, but they constitute the annals for ten years of 
what is now a great city; and they have been recorded not diffusely, I believe, 
but with due condensation. As I write, a History of the City of San Iran- 
cisco comes from the press. It was written in accordance with a resolution of 
congress calling for a historical sketch of each town from its foundation, as a 
centennial memorial; it was written by a pioneer, an editor, the author of 
several good works, the historian of the Society of California Pioneers; in 
fact by a man generally supposed, and with much reason, to be better qualified 


_than any other for the task, for which he was paid by the city. Being a his- 


tory of a town the work might naturally be expected to deal largely in local 
details whose absence in a history of California would be excusable. The 
work has received no unfavorable criticism, except for its rendering of modern 
events involving personal and political prejudices. For the Spanish period 
there is nothing but praise. The leading journals of the city credit the 
author with immense research among the records of the past, and with an 
exhaustive treatment of his subject. Naturally, therefore, it was with some 
trembling that I compared the results with those of my own labors; but I 
breathe more freely and am encouraged, when I see that respecting this dec- 
ade the work alluded to contains the following, and nothing more: ‘Cambon 
was soon superseded by Danti, and he by Avella, who served 20 years, com- 
mencing in 1797;’ the mission had in ‘1793, 704 Indians, 2,700 cattle, 2,300 


_ sheep, and 314 horses.’ For four decades, from 1780 to 1820, all that the work 


contains will barely fill one page of foolscap manuscript. Thisis but a sample 
of the record of early California events hitherto called history, and yet the 
work to which I refer is one of the best of its class. 


716 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCiSCO DISTRICT. 


ereat and inexplicable as to inspire doubts of entire 
accuracy.” fe) 

left in 1797, the latest complete report extant, and 
about fifty new names of settlers, pensioners, and sol- 
diers appear during the decade. Ignacio Vallejo held 
the office of comisionado until November 1792, and 
from May 1797 to November 1799; Macario Castro 
from 1792 to 1794, and from 1799 to 1807; and 
Gabriel Moraga from 1794 to 1797, the same men 
being corporals of the guard. Marcos Chabolla was 
alealde in 1796, José Maria Martinez in 1797, Jacobo 
Velarde in 1798, Ignacio Castro in 1799, and Fran- 
cisco Castro in 1800. 

Cattle and horses increased from less than 1,000 
head to 6,580, while sheep, notwithstanding Borica’s 
efforts, decreased to less than 400.% Agricultural 
products were 4,300 bushels in 1800, the largest crop 
having been 6,700 bushels in 1797, and the smallest 


* According to the statistics the population in 1791 was 82; in 1792, 122; 
in 1794, 80; in 1795, 187; in 1796, 208; in 1798, 152; and in 1800, 171, from 
10 to 20 natives being included in each number. Of the 26 names given in a 
former chapter (xvi.) for 1790, there disappeared before 1797, Antonio Romero 
and Francisco Avila (sent away in 1792) of the pobladores; Juan Antonio 
Amézquita, invalid; and Higuera, Cayuelas, and Joaquin Castro, agregados. 
The new names that appear during the decade, most of them on the list of 
1797, are as follows: Francisco Alvires, Javier Alviso, Francisco Alviso, José 
Aguila, Francisco Arias, Justo Altamirano, José Avila, Nicolas Berreyesa, 
Pedro Bojorques, José Maria Benavides, Antonio Buelna, Francisco Béjar, 
Marcos Chabolla, Francisco Castro, Macario Castro, Leocadio Cibrian, Pablo 
Cibrian, Ignacio Cantua, Nicol4s Camareno, Bernardo Flores, Bernardo Gon- 
zalez, Francisco Gonzalez, Nicolis Galindo, Bernardo Heredia, Salvador 
Higuera, Ramon Lasso de la Vega, José Larios, José Maria Martinez, Leo- 
cadio Martinez, Dolores Mesa, Joaquin Mesa, Gabriel Moraga, Juan Mejia, 
Miguel Osuna, Ignacio Pacheco, Miguel Pacheco, Luis Peralta, José Pliego, 
Pedro Romero, José Maria Ruiz, Juan Rosas, José Saez, Miguel Saez, Justo 
Saez, José Antonio Sanchez, Albino Tobar, Rafael Villavicencio, Jacobo 
Velarde, Antonio Soto. List of 1793, in Prov. Rec., MS., v. 410-14. Lists 
of 1797, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 130-1; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 6, 7. 

43'Three thousand three hundred and forty-seven cattle, horses, and mules, 
the number for 1799, would probably be a fairer estimate, for the statistics 
are very irregular. An increase from 945 cattle in 1799 to 3,311 in 1800 is 
inexplicable, the number given for 1801 being 1,841. Sheep-raising intro- 
duced in 1796, according to Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 79. May 18, 1796, Sal to 
comisionado, transcribing Borica’s orders. Many vecinos have not a single 
sheep. This is bad and contrary to the reglamento. Each settler must at 
once obtain aram and 10 sheep, and the government will at once advance the 
means to the poor. S. José, Arch., MS., i. 87. A settler must not keep more 
than 50 cattle, and should keep sheep in the proportion of three to one. Prov. 
Rec., MS., iv. 204; Dep. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 73-4. 


s 





Of the nine original settlers six were still ° 


Se a eS 


— 
—<—— = 


Se 


a a ee eS 





PRIVATE RANCHOS. "17 


1,800 in 1799. These figures include wheat, corn, 
and beans, but not hemp, the culture of which was. 
introduced into California in 1795, San José being 
selected as the place for the experiment, and Ignacio 
Vallejo as the man to superintend it. Small crops of 
this staple were raised nearly every year during the 
last half of the decade. Some rude machinery was 
constructed for its preparation, and several small lots 
of the prepared fibre were sent to Monterey for ship- 
ment to San Blas.* 

Outside of the pueblo limits, there is no evidence of 
any agricultural or stock-raising operations in this 
region or in the San Francisco jurisdiction, where no 
land-grants even of a provisional nature had been 
made, except perhaps EH] Pilar on the peninsula to José 
Argiiello in 1797, about which there is some uncer- 
tainty.“© The slight structures of the town had, as 


44 Jan. 15, 1795, Borica urges increased attention to agriculture and prom- 
ises preference in the purchase of supplies. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 
45-6. March 29, 1796, Borica is glad to know the reservoir is finished and 
he offers a premium of $25 to the man who shall raise the biggest crop. Prov. 
Rec., MS., iv. 186. Sept. 1796, Borica congratulates San José on her wheat 
crop. In May he had soundly rated the comisionado for not planting more 

. corn. /d., iv. 188-9, 196, 202. May 2, 1796, 10 sacks seed-corn sent from 
Monterey. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 87. Sept. 15, 1797, complaints of bad 
quality of San José flour. /d., v.32. May 30, 1798, Borica orders the settlers 
to enclose their fields. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 272, 298. Aug. 31, 1799, Vallejo 
to B., very poor wheat crops caused by chahuiste. Asks for time to pay 
loans and tithes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 229. 

4 Dec. 23, 1795, Borica to Moraga ordering him to afford Vallejo aid in the 
way of grain with which to pay native laborers. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 241. 
Dec. 4th, Argiiello to Moraga, transcribes B.’s note of Dec. Ist, with viceroy’s 
order of Aug. 26th, in reply to Borica’s of Feb. lst, with instructions on prep- 
aration of hemp, and promise of instruments. S. José, Arch., MS., iv. 28. 
Lands of Linares taken and others given him. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 177-80. 
July 3, 1796, B. regrets loss of first crop; but five fanegas of seed were saved. 
Id., iv. 192, 199. August 13th, B. to Vallejo, carpenter Béjar to make machin- 
ery. Grain to be sown for rations of native laborers. /d., iv. 197. About 30 
fanegas of seed harvested in 1796-7. Twenty-five arrobas (625 lbs.) sent to 

San blas in 1798. Jd., vi. 103; Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 70. Numerous minor 
communications on the subject during 1797, showing great interest on the 
part of Borica and even the V. R. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv." Seven bales , 
shipped in September 1800. Crop in 1800-1 not good. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 
15; S. José, Arch., MS.., iii. 59, 66, 70. 

46 Application and grant recorded in Prov. Rec., MS., v. 103; but in 1798 Ar- 
giiello himself names Kl Pilar as belonging to the mission. Argiiello, Informe 
sobre Rancho del Rey, MS. In his report of 1794 Arrillaga says that the settlers 
of San José formerly did not possess their lands in property, and the land annu- 
ally assigned them by the comisionado was not properly cultivated because liable 
next year to fall into the hands of another. ‘he comisionado was therefore or- 


718 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


we have seen, been removed before 1791 to a short 


distance from the original site, but there is nothing to 


show that the buildings on the new site were of a 
more substantial character; neither was there any- 
thing noticeable accomplished in the way of manutfac- 
tures.“ 

The settlers showed a spirit of insubordination early 
in 1792, owing to popular dissatisfaction with Vallejo 
as comisionado, but on his removal quiet was restored, 
not to be disturbed in the same way until 1800 under 
Castro’s administration. At this time a gang of idle 
vagabonds committed all kinds of depredations, and 
finally set the comisionado’s house on fire one night 
when a ‘‘peaceable and lawful ball’ was in progress. 
A detachment of soldiers was sent from San Fran- 
cisco to restore order, which it is to be presumed they 
accomplished, though we have no particulars.” Mean- 
while in 1794 there had been fears of an Indian out- 
break which gave rise to much correspondence and 
caused unusual precautions. Tather Fernandez of 
Santa Clara was accused of undue severity in connec- 
tion with this affair, a charge not fully sustained when 
Alférez Sal was sent to make investigations. No out- 


dered to-distribute four suertes to each on condition of paying a fee of reconoci- 
miento to the king, and of not selling without consent of the authorities. Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xii. 188-9. Dec. 29, 1798, governor to comisionado, each 
lot to be 200 yards square, for which half a fanega of maize must be paid. 
New settlers must pay same as old pobladores, and will get a title. Aftera 
year and a day they may hold office. He who abandons his land loses all 
improvements. Retired soldiers pay no reconocimiento, but their heirs must 
pay. Jd., xxi. 177-8. Feb. 7, 1800, some settlers disposed to abandon their 
lands or part of them. This must not be allowed. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 
63. » 

47 Sept. 25, 1797, reference to a bridge over the creek. Prov. Rec., MS., 
iv. 257. April 3, 1799, if the people want a chapel they may use the commu- 
nity grain to build it. Jd., iv. 292. 

#8 Jan. 1795, Borica urges the people to tan hides and make saddles, boots, 
and shoes, etc., which will be purchased at fair prices if of good quality. He 
will have no idleness. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 220. Leocadio Martinez, carpen- 
ter, was exiled-here in 1796. San José, Arch., MS., ii. 79. Oct. 28, 1798, 
Larios and Ballesteros allowed to build a water-mill, Prov. Rec., MS. Ae af 
283. July 1799, reference to Villavicencio’s weavery at San José. Jd., iv 
300. 

” Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos, MS., 188. Sept. 30, 1800, Castro to Sal, with 
certificate of alcalde and Ramon Lasso. Oct. 2d, Sal to Arrillaga transmit- 
ting the complaint. Dec. 13th, governor’s orders to Sal and Alberni, Prov, 
St. Pap., MS., xviii. 4-8, 16. 


ae 


I a i ae 


PUEBLO VS MISSION. 719 


break occurred.” After 1797 a large part of the 
military guard was withdrawn to provide for the new 
foundations. 

In 1797 there was a proposition to move the pueblo 
to the western bank of the river, with a view to 
escape the danger of inundation. It was favored by 
Moraga, Vallejo, Alcalde Chabolla, and in fact by all 
the settlers except four. Borica ordered Cérdoba to 
examine the proposed site and make a plan for the 
town, and the change seemed likely to be effected; 
but after September the whole subject was dropped,” 
probably in consequence of a controversy between the 

ueblo and mission about boundaries. This quarrel was 
the most notable local event of the decade. In April 
1797 Father Sanchez of Santa Clara complained that 
the townsmen were encroaching on the mission lands. 
Borica thereupon sent the engineer Cérdoba to make 
a survey and establish the boundaries, taking into 
account the views of both friars and vecinos and also 
the former survey of Moraga. Cérdoba reported in 
August that the bound, so far as it could be deter- 
mined from Moraga’s rather vague survey by meas- 
uring 1,950 varas down the river from where the old 
dam was said to have been, was within the mission 
potrero, and that the padres refused to accept it in a 
representation enclosed in the report. In this docu- 
ment, addressed by Catalé and Viader to Borica, 
great stress was placed on the rights of the natives, 
and to the fact that some time in the future the lands 
must be divided among the 5,000 native owners. It 


5° Correspondence between Moraga, Argiiello, and Sal in Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xii. 33, 49-53, 124-32, 189-91. May 16, 1797, guard to be withdrawn. 
Prov. Rec., MS. ., iv. 213. Aug. 2, 1794, troops ordered to be drawn up under 
arms, and all citizens to Saeanhie with officials to formally recognize Borica 
as governor. S. José, Arch:, MS., iii. 23. May 20, 1797, Moraga to Vallejo, 
statement of armament and ammunition. There was one mounted cannon. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 168-9; S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 48-9. 

5! Jan. 8, 1797, Moraga to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 4. Jan. 10th, 
Chabolla to B. Id., xvi. 24. May 11th, B. to Cordoba. Id., xxi. 257. Sept. 
7th, Vallejo to B. Id., xv. 145. Sept. 26th, Vallejo says the alcalde has 
directed the people to build across the river. Id., xvii. 241. No date, José 
Maria Martinez says the settlers did not desire the removal. Id, xvii. 241, 


720 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


was claimed that the mission had been in actual pos- 
session of the lands in dispute for twelve years, and 
instances were cited where controversies with individ- 
uals had been decided by Moraga and others in favor 
of the mission. Moreover, the natives, both Chris- 
tian and gentile, were beginning to complain that they 
were robbed of their lands. 

Nothing more is heard of the matter for a year.” 
In July 1798 the guardian of San Fernando college, 
who was no other than Padre Tomds de la Peiia, for- 
merly minister of Santa Clara, and to whom the mat- 
ter had naturally been referred by the missionaries, 
addressed a petition to the viceroy. In it he states 
that Moraga founded the pueblo nearer the mission 
than Neve had intended it to be. Neve had subse- 
quently admitted this and promised to move the town; 
but as during his administration no lands were as- 
signed, no landmarks fixed, and no pueblo cattle sent 
across the river, there had been no trouble.*? When 
Tages came he determined to grant lands and fix 
boundaries, and he did so notwithstanding the friars’ 
verbal and written protest and Junipero Serra’s en- 
treaties, to which he paid not the slightest respect. 
From that time troubles were frequent, and Fages, 
the archenemy of the friars, seemed to take pleasure 
in annoying them. In 1786, however, Palou on his 
return to Mexico laid the matter-before the viceroy 
and obtained a promise of relief or at least of investi- 


gation; the river to be the boundary until a definite — 


settlement should be made. Owing to the death of 
the viceroy followed by that of Palou, the promise 


52Tn the mean time, however, the padres of Mission San José complained of 
damage done by pueblo horses, and Vallejo gave orders to remedy the evil, 
though it was difficult to keep the horses off the lands where they had been 
born and raised. Oct. 9, 1798, P. Barcenilla to Vallejo. Oct. 18th, Vallejo 
to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 156-7. f 

°° Neve, Instruccion que dd & Fages, MS., 147, seems to have pronounced 
in favor of the half-way mark between pueblo and mission as the boundary. 
‘ Declaro que la guardiaraya 6 lindero que divide los dos términos de Oriente 
4 Poniente es la mediacion del terreno que intermedia entre las dos poblaci- 
ones, correspondiendo 4 la mision la parte del Norte, y al Pueblo la del Sur, 
donde pueden ponerse desde luego mojoneras.’ 


RE eit Sian as Te 


SAN JOSE VS SANTA CLARA. 721 


was not fulfilled; but during the time of Romeu and 
Arrillaga, the mission had never recognized the old 
landmarks, and without hinderance had built their 
fences and used the land beyond those old bounds. 
Now, however, the settlers were encroaching on the 
lands thus occupied, and insisting on the limits fixed 
by Fages. The petition calls for the river Guadalupe 
as a dividing line, which will leave to the pueblo land 
enough, and with which the mission will be content, 
though its lands be less in extent and of inferior quality. 

This petition was referred to Borica, who in Decem- 
ber 1798 reported in favor of the padres, but suggested 
that a part of the mountains toward the coast should 
be reserved to the pueblo for a source of wood-supply. 
On this basis the matter was settled, after some unim- 
portant correspondence between local authorities, by a 
viceregal decree of September 1, 1800, in favor of the 
Guadalupe as a boundary, with a reservation of moun- 
tain woodland to be avreed upon and clearly marked 
to prevent future disputes. Captain Argiiello was 
appointed commissioner for the pueblo, and- Padre 
Landaeta for the mission, and in July 1801 the boun- 
daries were surveyed and landmarks fixed. Thus the 
missionaries were victorious.” I append in a note a 
slight résumé of pueblo regulations at San José as 
expressed in the correspondence of this decade.” 

54San José, Question de Ltmites entre el Pueblo y la Mision de Santa Clara, 
1797-1801. Varios Papeles tocantes al Asunto., MS. These papers include 
April 30, 1797, complaint of P. Sanchez to Borica; May 11th, decree of B. 
with instructions to Cérdoba; July 29th, examination of witnesses at San 
José; Aug. 7th, Cérdoba’s report; Aug. 6th, 1epresentation of Catala and 
Viader to B.; July 27, 1798, Petia, Peticion del I’. Guardian sobre limites de San 
José y Santa Clara, 1798, MS.. Aug. 7th, Viceroy Azanza to B.; Dec. 3d, B. 
to V. R., approving padre’s claims, in Prov. Rec., MS. vi. 110; Jan. 3d, April 
1, 1800, Sal to comisionado of S. José. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 50, 56. Feb. 
9th, Gov. to Sal. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 184. Sept. Ist, V. R.’s decree of settle- 
ment. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 10,11. Aug. 1, 1801, Carrillo to Arrillaga, 
has received Argiiello’s report of July 31st. Sé. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., 
i. 44. Aug. 3lst, Gov. to Carrillo, is advised of the establishment of the line 
and of the settlers’ discontent. Governor to president to same effect. Prov. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxii. 3; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 15. Oct. 20, 1803, 


padre asks permission to mark the boundaries with trenches. S. José, Arch., 
MS., iv. 100. Seealso Hall’s Hist. S. José, 57-80. 
56 June 12, 1792, Argiiello to governor, only soldiers, justices, and travel- 
lers may carry arms; boys must not go into the country without a guardian; 
Hist. Cau., Vou. 1. 46 


722 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


At the mission of Santa Clara Pefia and Noboa 
served as ministers until August 1794, when both 
retired to their college, the former on account of ill- 
health, the latter at the expiration of his term of ten 
years. Padre Peiia during the later years of his 


ail single males over 12 years old must sleep in the guard-house, for the pro- 
tection of family peace; severe punishment for gaming. St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
i. lll. 1794, troops had to take care of their animals or pay for it, the sct- 
tlers objecting. Arrillaya, Papel de Puntos, MS., 189. Dec. 4, 1795, Borica 
approves that no grain be sown in community, but each settler contribute two 
fanegas of wheat and two of corn each year. Prov. fec., MS., iv. 239. April 
29, 1796, neither gentiles nor Christian Indians must be allowed to ride. S. 
José, Arch., MS., ii. 65, 86. Nov. 5, 1796, B.’s orders that no gambling, 
drinking, or illicit sexual relations are to be allowed, and Moraga must pre- 
vent them or be dismissed. Jd., ii. 72. Sept. 3, 1796, no neophyte to be 
allowed in the pueblo without a paper from the padre. Dept. St. Pap., S. 
José, MS.. i. 67. Jan. 3, 1798, three keys to community granary, one kept 
by comisionado, one by alcalde, and one by senior regidor. Prov. Rec., MS., 
iv. 263. April 30, 1798, comisionado not to meddle in administration of jus- 
tice. Id., iv., 269-70. Dec. 13th, each invalid and settler, according to reg- 
lamento, must keep two horses and equipments. J/d., iv. 286. Nov. 21, 1799, 
Borica’s instructions to Castro on relieving Vallejo as comisionado. Details 
on inventories, tithes, loan of seed, and moral supervision. San José, Arch., 
MS., vi. 40. August 22, 1800, Sol to comisionado. No one from Branciforte 
to sow grain at San José. Alcalde has been instructed about those who beat 
children. Comisionado to look after crops which are being neglected. Mules 
won’t sell at any price. If Larios will not pay tithes he must not sow. San 
José, Arch., MS., iii. 68. Oct. 4th, patrol after 11 Pp. m. to prevent disorders 
and fires and arrest any one abroad without cause. A scouting party to be 
organized for the country. Jd., ii. 65. Oct. 7th, if Heredia refuses to aid in 
repairs to the depdsito, give him 40 days to leave the jurisdiction with all his 
family and belongings. Ji., iii. 64. Only those duly registered as vecinos can 
sow without special license. Jd., iii. 58. Oct. 15th, petitions can be sent only 
through the comisionado. Jd., ili. 48. Oct. 25th, if Hernandez is found with 
a knife he is to get 50 lashes; neither must he get drunk nor create scandal. 
id, iv, 

56 Tomas de la Pefia y Saravia, a native of Spain, left Mexico in October 
1770, sailed from San Blas in February 1771, was driven to Manzanillo, came 
hack to Sinaloa by land, and finally reached Loreto November 24, 1771, being 
assigned to Comondu Mission. He came up to San Diego on September 1772, 
serving there fora year, and subsequently as a supernumerary for short periods 
at San Luis Obispo and San Carlos. From June to August 1774 he made a 
voyage with Perez to the north-west coast, keeping a diary of the expedition. 
After his return he remained as supernumerary at San Carlos and neighboring 
missions until January 1777, when he became a founder of Santa Clara, 
serving there until August 11, 1794, when he sailed for San Blas in the San- 
tiago. In 1795 he received some votes for guardian of the college, and was 
subsequently elected, since he held the position in 1798. He was also sindic 
of the college from 1800 to Feb. 9, 1806, the date of his death. P. Pefia was 
an able and successful missionary, but hot-tempered and occasionally harsh 
in his treatment of the neophytes. He was accused before 1790 of having 
caused the death of two boys by his blows; but after a full investigation the 
charge was proven false, the Indian witnesses confessing that they had testi- 
fied falsely, and some evidence being adduced to show that Commandant 
Gonzalez, whom the padre had reproved for his immorality, had used his 
influence in favor of the accusation. The formal decision was not reached 
until 1795, after the padre had retired to Mexico; but he interceded with 





ANNALS OF SANTA CLARA. 723 


stay in California was a prey to that peculiar hypo- 
chondria which affected so many of the early mission- 
aries, amounting at the last almost to insanity. It 
is possible that in his case this condition was aggra- 
vated by serious but unfounded charges of having 
killed two Indian boys by ill-treatment. The suc- 
cessors In the ministry were Magin Catala,” and 
Manuel Fernandez, but the latter served only a year, 
being accused of excessive severity toward the natives, 
and then came José Viader. For three decades I 
shall have no further changes in ministers to record 
at Santa Clara. 

In 1800 this mission had a larger neophyte popula- 
tion than any other in California, “showing a gain from 
927 to 1,247, baptisms having nunibened 2,288, and 
deaths 1,682, so that a margin of nearly 300 is left 
for runaways. The baptisms in 1794 had been 500, 
and 235 in 1796 had been the largest number of deaths. 
Live-stock, large and small, had increased to about 
5,000 each, Santa Clara being behind San Francisco 
in this respect, and barely equal in agricultural pro- 
ducts, which in 1800 amounted to 4,200 bushels. The 
best crop was 8,300 bushels in 1797, the worst 3,200 
in 1792, the average being 4,600 bushels. Wheat was 


the authorities in behalf of his Indian accusers, who were released after pub- 
licly apologizing to the ministers for their attempt to bring dishonor on the 
order. President Lasuen in May 1794 spoke of his condition as being pitia- 
ble, for he had became emaciated, talked to himself, appeared constantly 
afraid, and showed other symptoms which caused fears that he might lose 
his reason. Pefia had a patent as president in case of accident to Lasuen. 
See Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 150, 289; xi. 52, 220, 240; xii. 436; Sta 
Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Sta Cruz, Inb. de Mision, MS,, 10; Arch, Arzo- 
bispado, MS., i. 39; Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 33-5; iv. 234; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., xix. 6; and Pefia, Cargo de Homicidio contra el Padre Tomés de la 
Petia, 1786-95, MS. Of Diego de Noboa nothing is known save that he ar- 
rived at San Francisco from Mexico on June 2, 1783, remained unattached at 
San Francisco and Santa Clara until June 1784, when he became minister of 
the latter mission and continued to serve there until he sailed with his asso- 
ciate on Aug, 11, 1794. 

Sept 3, 1796, Borica says that it is reported that Catala has threatened 
the comandante of San José to destroy the houses if he admits Christian 
natives to the pueblo. He does not believe any such reports. Magin is a friar, 
not a Robespierre. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 169-70. Jan. 7, 1797, B. orders 
Moraga and Vallejo to give satisfaction to Catala for their rudeness, and asks 
the padre to bear a little with the manners of men who were not educated ‘en 
el colegio de nobles ni en el Romano.’ /d., vi. 179-80. 


724 . LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 


the leading product, and no barley was raised as a 
rule.” 

Vancouver describes the mission buildings as on 
' the same general plan as at San Francisco, forming 
an incomplete square of about 100 by 170 feet. The 
structures were somewhat superior to those of San 
Francisco, the church being long, lofty, and as well 
built as the rude materials would permit. The upper 
stories, or garrets, of the buildings and some of the 
lower rooms were used as granaries, and there were 
also two detached storehouses recently erected. Close 
to the padres’ house ran a fine stream of water, but 
in order to be near this stream the site had been 
selected in a low marshy spot only a few hundred 
yards from dry and comfortable eminences.” In fact 
this very year of 1792 the friars had ee confined 
for a long time to their house by a flood, and it had 
been resolved to move the mission buildings some five 
hundred yards to higher ground.® There is no further 
direct record of the removal, and it is not likely that 
the new church was ever moved, but a report of 1797 
that the ministers’ houses, guard-room, storehouse, 
and soldiers’ dwellings had been completed indicates 
a transfer of such buildings as were on the lowest 
ground." ‘The church had a roof of tiles and had 


58 Supplies furnished to Monterey in 1795, $1,439; to S. Francisco, $212; 
to Monterey in 1796, $2,147; in 1798, $800. In December 1797 had a draft 
from Argiiello for $1,648. Ordered a bill of goods of $4,000 from Mexico. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 208, 206; xvii. 62; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 76. Fur- 
nished supples to San Carlos in the hard year of 1795. Arch. Sta Barbara, 
MS., ii. 229-30. Bean crop failed in 1795, raising price froin $2.50 to $3.50. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 67-8. The following items are from Vanconver’s 
observations in 1792. Many thousand bushels of different grains in store. 
Hemp and flax succeed well. Wheat yields 25 and 30 fold. Barley and oats 
not raised because the superior grain could be produced with the same labor. 
In the garden were peaches, apricots, apples, pears, figs and vines, though 
the latter do not flourish. Immense herds of cattle; 24 oxen killed every 
Saturday for food. Vancouver's Voyage, ii., 19-24. 

59 Vancouver’s Voyage, ii., 18, 19. 

June 30, 1792, Sal to Arrillaga, in St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii., 23. May 28, 
1791, Fages to Romeu, the padres are forming a new establishment Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., x. 150. 

61 Aug. 17, 1796, Amador to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv., 170-1. 
‘The padres’ houses had 8 rooms of 5 yds. each; guard- -house, 8 x 5; store- 
-house, 5 yds. square; 5 soldiers’ houses, each 54 yds, There was also a corral 


SANTA CLARA. | 725 


been lengthened twenty-four feet in 1795. At the 
time of Vancouver's visit some of the natives were 
at work on adobe houses for themselves. Fourteen 
of these dwellings, thatched, were completed in 1798, 
nine more in 1794, and before 1798 nearly all the 
married neophytes were thus accommodated.” The 
cloth woven at. Santa Clara seemed to Vancouver of 
a better quality than at San Francisco. In 1792 two 
thousand hides were tanned, but very few of them 
could be sold. Miguel Sangrador was the master 
tanner and shoemaker; Cayetano Lopez the master 
carpenter and mill-maker. It does not appear that 
there was any water-power mill either at Santa Clara 
or San José before 1800.% 


36 yds. square with walls 6 feet high, built of stout timbers and adobes de 
cajon. 

62 Besides enlarging the church, a trench was dug in 1795, half a league 
long, nine feet wide, and five feet deep. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 78, 122. 
Adobe houses for neophytes. Jd., ii. 16, 123. In 1798 they seem to have had 
tile roofs. Argiiello’s report in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 59-60. Guard- 
house finished in 1796. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 92. Vancouver was shown by 
Pejia a ponderous black stone which was to be used for building and for mill 
stones as soon as any one could be found capable of working it. Voyage, ii. 35. 

63 Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 72-3; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 9,10; Prov. 
St. Pap., MS., xxi. 128-9. Aug. 1797, rastras made at San José for grinding 
wheat. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 253. April 18, 1796, Borica orders Vallejo to 
seek suitable stones for a mill; but on May 2d he was directed to suspend the 
work. JId., vi. 187-8. 


CHAPTER XXXIITI. 


CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. 
1800. 


END oF A DECADE AND CENTURY—Borica’s PoLticy AND CHARACTER—INDUS- 
TRIAL REVIVAL—FRUITLESS EFFORTS—GOVERNOR’S RELATIONS WITH 
Friars, SOLDIERS, NEOPHYTES, AND SETTLERS—EFFORTS FOR PROMO- 
TION—A KNIGHT OF SANTIAGO—FAMILY RELATIONS— LEAVE OF ABSENCE, 
DEPARTURE, AND DEATH—ARRILLAGA AND ALBERNI IN COMMAND—LIST 
oF SECONDARY AUTHORITIES ON EARLY CALIFORNIA HistoRY—LIsT OF 
INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA FROM 1769 To 1800. 


Tue rule of Diego de Borica from 1794 to 1800 
was a period rather of progress, or of effort toward 
progress, than of events. Going beyond the routine 
duties of his position, the governor devoted himself 
faithfully and intelligently to the general advancement 
of his province. No one of California’s few classes of 
inhabitants was slighted or specially favored. Mais- 
sionaries, neophytes, pagans, soldiers, and _ settlers, 
each received sympathy, encouragement, and aid from 
the government. No industry or institution was 
neglected. Missions and pueblos, conversion and 
colonization, agriculture and trade, civil and military 
and ecclesiastical government, all received close atten- 
tion. The neophytes were the weakest class and 
received the most sympathy; the padres were the 
strongest and required least protection; the settlers 
were the most difficult to manage and received atten- 
tion proportionate to the magnitude of interests in- 
volved in the future prosperity of the country. If 
the results of Borica’s efforts as presented in the pre- 


ceding chapters were slight and unsatisfactory in 
( 726 ) 








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si See “7 Se jars 





THE GOVERNOR’S CHARACTER. 727 


many respects as viewed from an Anglo-American 
standpoint, this fact was due to inherent difficulties in 
the problems presented for solution, to the spirit of 
the times, to the nature of the raw material both 
native and foreign, rather than to Borica’s shortcom- 
ings or to inadequate royal provisions. Don Diego 
was not a genius; he was a prudent, sensible man, 
honest and zealous in the discharge of his public 
duties. 

_.I have already noted Borica’s arrival with his fam- 
ily at Loreto, and in the autumn of 1794, at Monterey. 
Fortunately a quantity of his private letters or blot- 
ters of the same, were left in California and have been 
preserved in the archives giving us a brief glance at 
the man in his private capacity, as an agreeable com- 
panion, a bon vivant, jovial and witty. The letters 
also gave us Borica’s early impressions of California, 
enthusiastically eulogized as the best country in the 
world in which to live long and well.’ Unfortunately 
the governor took better care of private correspond- 
ence in later years, and from the beginning of 1795 
his individuality is well nigh sunk in the generalities 
of official communications, which nevertheless con- 
tinue to show the good-humor, kindness of heart, 
sympathy for all suffering, invariable courtesy, and 
business-like good sense which always characterized 
the man.? His relations with the friars were always 
friendly and mutually respectful. At the first he 
assured President Lasuen of his desire to avoid all 
controversy between the secular and the missionary 
authorities, a desire reciprocated by Lasuen,’ and sub- 
sequently kept in view by both parties. » Lasuen 


1 See chapter xxv. of this volume. 

2 Garcia, in Taylor’s Discov. and Found., No. 25, ii. 145, speaks of Borica 
as not liked by the people on account of his stiff and formal manners; but 
there is nothing in contemporary records to show that such was the feel- 
ing toward him. Romero, Memorias, MS., 18, speaks of him as noted for 
kindness and courtesy in his intercourse with subordinates, though never per- 
mitting neglect of duty to pass unrebuked. 

' 8 Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 36. Yet in 1791 the bishop of Durango ina 
letter to the viceroy had spoken very bitterly and sarcastically of Borica’s 
mission policy in the Provincias Internas. Pinart, Col. Doc., MS., 7. 


728 CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. 


often deemed Borica too much disposed to hear and 
credit the complaints of lying neophytes, but no 
noticeable coolness ensued. Still Borica’s success in 
maintaining harmony with the padres shovld not be 
compared with the failure of his predecessors to their. 
disadvantage; for to a certain extent that success 
resulted from the fact that Neve and Fages had fought 
the battle, and the missionaries had learned from ex- 


perience that it was not wise as yet to renew the 
conflict. 


I find no evidence that Borica ever left the capital 


during his rule of six years, though it is not unlikely 
that he may have visited San José and San Francisco. 
In July 1794, before coming north, he sent a petition 
to the king for promotion, and in October 1795 received 
his commission as colonel of cavalry. In these early 
years he also cherished the hope of still further pro- 
motion to a generalship, or at least to the governorship 
of Sonora, Durango, or Zacatecas. To this end he 
sent large sums of money to Spain to be used at court, 
but his agent Miranda seems to have spent the money 
to no purpose. He seems to have been a man of 
wealth, or at all events his wife, Dofia Maria Magda- 
lena de Urquides, had large estates in Nueva Vizcaya.® 
Being a knight of the order of Santiago he acted on 
May 5, 1796, as grand master at the initiation of the 
Spanish naval officer Don Ramon de Saavedra, at 
Monterey. President Lasuen served as prelate on 


4 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 71; vi. 26; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 1973-xiti. 5d; 
xiv. 29; xvii. 2. Previous to his appointment as governor he had been ad- 
jutant-inspector in Chihuahua, his pay in that position running to May 13, 
1794. Id., xii. 174. 

5 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 206, 215-16, 222-4, 227. 

6 Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 124. His wife and daughter, a beauty of 16, were 
very popular. Garcta, in Taylor’s Discov. and Found., No. 25, 11. José Maria 
Romero, Afemorias, MS., 18, says Borica had a son of the age of about 15, 
whom he knew, and whose name he thinks was Cosme. He may indeed have 
had a son, for he wrote to the president on July 23, 17 ‘95, that his wife was 
about to bear him ‘un Califérnico 6 una Califérnica,’ Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 
147, but he could not have been 15 years old in California. He had a sister, 
Bernarda de Borica, in Victoria, province of Alava, Spain, his native place; 
and he sent her, April 27, 1795, a bill of exchange for 105 pounds sterling. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxl, 210, 225. 


ee ee ee 


ee, eee 


PREPARATIONS FOR DEPARTURE, 729 


that occasion, and it was probably the only ceremony 
of the kind that ever occurred in California.” 

In April 1799 Governor Borica applied to the vice- 
roy for leave of absence to recuperate his health. He 
said he had served thirty-six years, twenty-five of 
which had been spent in active campaigns against 
Indian tribes and in tours of inspection of presidios, 
mining-camps, and other settlements in the Provincias 
Internas. Journeyings aggregating ten thousand 
four hundred and seventy-five leagues almost exclu- 
sively on horseback had given rise ‘to a malady which 
demanded medical treatment. Hither a leave of ab- 
sence or a permanent transfer to an easier position in 
New Spain would be satisfactory as he had no wish 
to return to Spain. The result was a grant of eight 
months’ leave signed by the viceroy in June and made 
known in California in September.* The document 
provided that Arrillaga, remaining at Loreto, should 
be governor ad wtervm, while Alberni, presumably by 
virtue of his seniority of military rank over Arrillaga, 
was to take the position of comandante de armas for 
Alta California. It was the governor’s intention to 
depart in October, but he was delayed by new orders 
from Mexico until the beginning of the next year. 
The viceroy instructed him, owing to the hostile atti- 
tude of British vessels in the Pacific, not to avail 
himself of his leave of absence “until the aspect of 
things should change.”® 

The 8d of January 1800 Borica announced his in- 
tention to depart on the 12th or 15th, and the com- 
mandants were notified to publish the accession of 


7 St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 84-5; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiii. 3. 

8 April 1, 1799, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 123-4. Sept. 
19th, B. to Arrillaga, Alberni, and the commandants. Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
xvii. 318; /d., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 12; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 174-5. Nov. 8th, 
Arrillaga’s reply. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 291. 

9 July 6, 1799, viceroy to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 344. Dec. 
3lst, the V. R. ordered him to use his own discretion as to the need of his 
presence in California. St. Pap., Sac., MS8., iv., 73; but this communication 
could not have been received before B.’s departure, and possibly the preceding 
one also failed to arrive. 


730 CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. 


Arrillaga and Alberni.” On the 16th of the same 
month he sailed on the Concepcion from San Diego 
with his family, Captain Grajera, and four retiring 
padres. Grajera, as we have seen, died two days out 
from port; of Colonel Borica after his departure we 
know only by a brief note in a subsequent communi- 
cation of the viceroy that he died at Durango July 
19, 1800.% January 16th, the date of Borica’s de- 
parture from California, may be regarded as the day 
when Arrillaga’s third term of rule ad interim began. 
There were no events connected with his rule for the 
rest of 1800 that require mention here. 


A. Spanish account of California published in 1799, 
though relating chiefly to the peninsula, contains a 
tolerably complete and accurate sketch of the north- 
ern establishments; and the instructions left by Vice- 
roy Azanza to his successor in 1800 contain frequent 
allusions to Californian affairs and have already been 
cited on special topics.” It will have been noticed 
that my foot-notes form an index of authorities on 
each succesive phase of the historic record—that is 
of original authorities in manuscript and print; but I 


have not deemed it best or worth the space required 


to extend this indexing process to the secondary 
authorities. Seven eighths of the events recorded in 


10 Jan. 3, 1800, Borica to commandants. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 114. March 
5th, Goycoechea to Arrillaga. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 23-4. March 8th, 
Arrillaga and Alberni ordered to be recognized by Sal. S. José, Arch., MS., 
ili. 51. 

11 Departure on the Concepcion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30; Prov. Rec., 
MS., xii. 1. He seems to have gone to San Diego by land after Jan. 3d, or 
at least such had been his plan in September, when Sal had sent an order to 
San José for pack-animals for the governor’s journey. S. José Arch., vi. 43. 
Notice of Borica’s death in V. R.’s communication of August 14th. St. Pap., 
Sac., MS., ix. 70; Véreyes, Instrucciones, 201. In a letter of Padre Cortés 
from Mexico dated April Ist, the V. R. is said to have advised the king to 
continue Borica in office in California for five years longer. Arch. Sta Bar- 
bara, MS., xii. 307. There is a vague reference to a settler who was severely 
punished for an attempt to take Borica’s life. Gov. to V. R., Dec. 5, 1800. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS.,. xxi. 50: 

ae California, in Viagero (Zl) Universal, 6 Noticia del Mundo Antiguo y 
Nuevo. Obra recopilada de los mejores viageros por D. P. HE. P. Madrid, 
1799, tom. xxvi. 1-189. See also an article on California in Cancelada, Telé- 
grafo Mex., 99-103. 


ee 


eS es 





SECONDARY AUTHORITIES. | 731 


this and the following volumes are here mentioned for 
the first time; but the other eighth have been often 
repeated on the authority of Palou, the old voyagers, 
and a few documents, by modern writers. The works 
of such writers I have fully studied and utilized, citing 
them whenever there has been any reason for so 
doing, but have not, as before stated, given a com- 
plete index in my notes. Omitting many books that 
contain a superficial account of early events or a mere 
reference to them, I append in a note a list of works 
that have some merit, many of them standard works 
of real and recognized value, as the reader will see at 
a glance. They are grouped here as_ secondary 
authorities only because on the earliest period of his- 
tory they add nothing to the original records in my 
collection.” 

Having thus reached the end of the decade and 
century, I close my first volume of California’s annals 
with a list containing the names of over 1,700 male 
inhabitants of the province down to the year 1800. 
The names have been collected with great care and. 
labor from mission registers of baptisms, marriages, 
and deaths; from company rosters, pueblo padrones, 
and from thousands of miscellaneous documents in 
the archives. That the list is absolutely complete 
and accurate I cannot pretend, for a few of the regis- 


; ie) 
ters have been lost, and some names, especially of 


1B Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS.; Bartlett’s Person. Nar.; Browne’s Lower 
Cal.; Bustamante, Suplemento; Cal.,. Past, Present, etc.; Capron’s Hist. Cal. ; 
Cronise’s Nat. Wealth; Diccionario Universal; Dwinelle’s Col. Hist. S. F.; 
Farnham’s Life in Cal.; Forbes’ Hist. Cal.; Frignet, La Californie; Hart- 
mann, Californien; Hayes’ Emigrant Notes; Hayes’ Mission Books; Hayes’ 
Scrap-books; [Hittell’s List. S. Francisco; Hughes’ Cal.; Humboldt, Essai Pol.; 
Gleeson’s Hist. Cath. Ch.; Greenhow’s Or, and Cal.; Lassépas, Baja Cal. ; 
Life of St. Francis; Lorenzana, in Cortés, [Hist.; Los Angeles, Hist. ; Mayer 
MSS.; Mofras, Exploration; Morse’s Lilust. Sketches; Payno, in Revista Cien- 
tifica; Randolph’s Oration; Ryan, in Golden Era; Shea’s Cath. Missions; 
Shuck’s Cal. Scrap-book; Soulé’s Annals of S. F.; ‘Sutil y Mexicana, Viage; 
Jaylor, in Farmer, and Bulletin; Taylor’s Discov. and Founders; Taylor’s 
Odds and Ends; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal.; Vallejo’s Hist. Cal., MS.; Vischer’s 
Missions of Cal. Also 40 or 50 county histories published within the past 
ten years; and numerous newspaper articles, especially in S. /. Bulletin, 
Call, and Alta, and Sacramento Union. 'There is hardly a paper in the state 
that has not published some valuable matter with much of no value. 


732 CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. 


children, in the later years, are therefore missing. 
Again some of the persons mentioned in connection 
with the earliest expedition, especially those to whom 
no special occupation is assigned, never came to Alta 
California at all, or only came as vaqueros or escorts 
to return immediately. Another source of error is 
the uniformity of Spanish given names and the fact 
that men were known at different times by different 
names or combination of names to avoid confusion; 
hence there is no doubt that my list contains a certain 
number of repetitions. Yet it may well be doubted 
if so complete a list of the earliest inhabitants can be 
formed for any other state of the United States or 
Mexico. My attempts at chronology are limited to 
the separation of the names into four classes, putting 
each person in the class in which his name first appears 
in the records. Number 1 includes the earliest pio- 
neers who came in 1769-73; number 2 those of 
1774-80; number 38 those of 1780-90; and number 4 
those of 1790-1800. 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Abella, Ramon, padre.‘ 
Acebedo, Francisco Ant., soldier.? 
Acebedo, José Antonio, soldier.? 
Acebedo, Julian, soldier.? 
Acedo, José, settler.* 
Aceves, Antonio, child.? 
Aceves, José Maria, child.? 
Aceves, Antonio Quiterio, soldier.” 
Aceves, Pablo, soldier.* 
Acosta, Antonio, soldier.’ 
Acosta, José, Cat. vol.‘ 
Aguiar, Francisco. 
Aguila, José, settler.* 

guila, Juan José, child.* 
Aguilar, Francisco Javier.} 
Aguilar, Luis Antonio.} 
Alanis, Antonio, child. 
Alanis, Eugenio Nicolas, child.® 
Alanis, Isidro.‘ 
Alanis, Maximo, soldier. 
Alari, José, Cat. vol.4 
Alberni, Pedro, lieutenant-colonel.* 
Alcantara, Pedro, mason.* 
Alegre, Antonio, soldier.? 
Alegria, Norberto, soldier.® 


Alipds, Juan N., soldier. 
Altamirano, J osé Antonio, soldier.® 
Altamirano, Liicas Domingo, child.? 
Altamirano, José Marcos, child.? 
Altamirano, Justo Roberto, soldier,’ 
Altamirano, Lucas, soldier. * 
Altamirano, Juan, soldier.* 
Alvarado, Juan B.} 
Alvarado, Bernardino. 
Alvarado, Ignacio, soldier.? 
Alvarado, Francisco J. avier, soldier. 
Alvarado, Juan B., child. 
Alvarado, Fran. Ma. D. C., child.‘ 
Alvarado, José Vicente, child.* 
Alvarado, Juan José, soldier. 
Alvarado, Juan N. D., child. 
Alvarez, Juan, soldier.? 
Alvarez, Joaquin, soldier.? 

lvarez, Luis, soldier.? 

lvarez, Pedro, soldier.? 
Alvarez, Felipe, convict.‘ 

lvarez, Doroteo.* 

lvarez, José, artilleryman.‘ 

lvarez, Juan. artilleryman.* 
Alvarez, José, child. 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 733 


Alvires, Claudio, servant. ? 
Alvires, Juan, soldier.’ 
Alvires, Estévan. 

Alviso, Francisco, settler.? 
Alviso, Domingo, soldier.? 


Alviso, Anastasio Gerdénimo, child.*: 


Alviso, Francisco Javier, soldier. * 
Alviso, Francisco Solano, child. * 
Alviso, Gerénimo Antonio, child.‘ 
Alviso, Ignacio, soldier.+ 

Alviso, Javier, settler.* 

Alviso, José Antonio, child. 
Alviso, José Gabriel L., child. 
Alvitre, Sebastian, soldier. 
Alvitre, Juan José Ma., child.4 
Amador, Pedro, soldier.! 

Amador, José Sinforoso, child. 
Amador, José Fructnoso.® 
Amador, Juan Pablo.® 

Amador, José Maria, child.4 
Amador, Marcos Antonio, child. 
Amarrillas, Juan Angel, soldier.? 
Amézquita, José Gabriei, child.? 
Amézquita, Juan Autonio, soldier.? 
Amézquita, Manuel Dom., settler.? 
Amézquita, Florentino, settler.* 
Amézquita, Gregorio, settler. * 
Amézquita, Francisco Ma., settler.* 
Amézquita, José, soldier.* 
Amézquita, José Miguel, settler.4 
Amézquita, José Reyes, settler.* 
Amézquita, Serafin, settler.* 
Amurrio, Gregorio, padre. 
Antonio, Manuel, servant.? 
Antonio, José Crispin, child.* 
Antonio, Macedonio, soldier.* 
Antufia, Manuel, soldier.? 

Arana, José, soldier. 

Aranguren, José, soldier.® 

Arce, José G.! 

Arce, Sebastian.! 

Arce, Joaquin, child.? 

Arceo, José, settler. 

Archuleta, José Ignacio, servant. ? 
Archuleta, José Norberto, child.? 
Archuleta, Miguel Gerénimo, child,? 
Archuleta, Gregorio, soldier. 
Arellanes, Teodoro.‘ 

Arellano, Man. J. R., soldier.? 
Arenaza, Pascual M., padre. 
Argiielles, Francisco, artilleryman.* 
Argiiello, Francisco Rafael, child.* 
Argiiello, José Dario, alférez.® 
Argiiello, José Gervacio, child.® 
Argiiello, Luis Antonio, child.’ 
Argiiello, José Ignacio M., child. 
Armenta, Cristdébal, settler.? 
Armenta, Joaquin, soldier.? 
Arriola, Alejandro, soldier.® 
Arias, Francisco, settler.* 


Armenta, José Ma., soldier.‘ 
Arriola, José Francisco, mechanic. ! 
Arriola, José Rafael B., child.+ 
Arriola, Rafael, convict. * 
Arriz, Ignacio.! 
Arroita, Francisco José, padre.® 
Arroyo, José Manuel, smith.? 
Arroyo, Juan Isidro, child.’ 
Arroyo, Vicente, soldier.® 
Arroyo, Félix, child. 
Arroyo, José, sailor.* 
Aruz, Domingo, soldier.? 
Aruz, Martin, settler.‘ 
Arvallo, Feliciano, settler.? 
Avalos, Nicolas.? 

valos, Joaquin, tanner.4 

vila, Francisco. 4 

vila, Adanto, child.4 
Avila, Anastasio. 
Avila, Antonio Ignacio.4 

vila, Cornelio, settler. 4 

vila, Ignacio.* 
Avila, José, convict.4 
Avila, José Antonio, settler.4 
Avila, José Maria. 4 
Avila, Miguel. 
Avila, Santa Ana, soldier.4 
Avis, Fructuoso, soldier.4 
Ayala, José, soldier.’ 
Ayala, José C. D., child.* 
Ayala, José Salvador, child.* 
Ayala, Juan José G., child. 
Ayala, Juan P. M., child.¢ 
Bacilio, Antonio, Cat. vol. 
Badiola, Manuel Antonio.! 
Balderrama, convict.‘ 
Ballesteros, Juan, soldier.’ 
Ballesteros, Juan Antonio, child.§ 
Ballesteros, Javier Antonio, child. 
Banderas, José F. de la Cruz.* 
Barajas, José, sailor. 
Barbosa, José, settler. 
Barcena, José, convict.4 
Barcenas, Marcos, settler. 
Barcenilla, Isidoro, padre.* 
Barona, José, Padre.* 
Barraza, Macedonio, soldier.® 
Barrera, Juan Antonio, soldier. 
Barrientos, José, Cat. vol. 
Basadre y Vega, Vicente, settler.° 
Belen, Miguel, servant.? 
Bello, Mateo, Cat. vol.4 
Beltran, Francisco Javier, soldier.” 
Beltran, Joaquin, soldier.” 
Beltran, Nicolas, soldier.? 
Benavides, José Ma., settler.4 
Beranzuela, Pedro, soldier.‘ 
Bermudez, José, soldier.* 
Bermudez, José 8., child.* 
Bermudez, Manuel Antonio, child.‘ 


734 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


PRernal, Francisco, servant.! 
Bernal, José Dionisio, soldier.? 
Bernal, Juan Francisco, soldier.? 
Pernal, Manuel Ramon, soldier.? 
Bernal, Apolinario, child.’ 
Bernal, Juan, child. 

Bernal, Ramon, settler. 

Bernal, Bruno, child. 

Bernal, Joaquin, soldier.‘ 
Bernal, José Agustin, child. 
Gernal, José Cipriano, child.+ 
Bernal, José C. Cipriano, child.‘ 
Bernardo, José, settler.* 
Berreyesa, Nicolas A., settler. ? 
Berreyesa, Juan José, child. 
Berreyesa, José Nazario, settler. 


Berreyesa, José delos Reyes, settler.* 


Blanco, Juan, smith. ¢ 

Blanco, Miguel. 

Bojorges, José Ramon, soldier.? 
Bojorges, Hermenegildo, child.? 
Bojorges, Pedro Antonio, soldier,? 
Bojorges, Francisco H., soldier.‘ 
Bonnel, Ramon, Cat. vol.! 
Borica, Diego de, governor.‘ 
Boronda, Manuel, soldier.* 
Boronda, Canuto José, child.* 
Bosch, Buenaventura, setiler.® 
Botello, Joaquin, tailor. 

Bravo, José Marcelino, soldier.! 
Briones, Ignacio Vicente, soldier.” 
Briones, José Antonio, soldier.! 
Briones, Ignacio Vicente, child.3 
Briones, José Joaquin, child. ? 
Briones, Felipe Santiago, child.§ 
Briones, Nicolas Maria, child.? 
Briones, Marcos, soldier.® 
Briones, Manuel, soldier. 

Brito, Mariano, artilleryman.‘ 
Brito, Miguel, artilleryman.* 
Bruno, Francisco, soldier.? 
Buelna, Eusebio José J., child.? 
Buelna, José Antonio, soldier.? 
Buelna, Ramon, soldier. ? 
Buelna, Eusebio J. J., child. 
Buelna, José Raim, child. 
Buelna, José Maria, child. 4 
Bulferig, Gerdénimo, Cat. vol.! 
Bumbau, Francisco, Cat. vol.! 
Bustamante, José, soldier.’ 
Bustamante, Manuel, soldier.’ 
Butron, Manuel, soldier.? 
Butron, Sebastian, settler. 
Caballero, José, Cat. vol.4 
Calixto, José, soldier. 

Calvo, Francisco, soldier.® 
Calzada, José Antonio, padre.® 
Calzada, José, convict. 4 
Calzada, José Dionisio, settler. 
Camacho, José Antonio, soldier,! 


Camacho, Tomas M., servant.! 
Camacho, Juan Miguel, soldier.? 
Camacho, Anastasio, soldier.? 
Camacho, Antonio, soldier.? 
Camarena, Nicolas, settler.* 
Cambon, Pedro Benito, padre.? 
Camero, Manuel, settler.® 
Campa, Pedro, sailor.? 

Campa y Coz, Miguel, padre. 
Campo, José, Cat. vol. 

Campos, Francisco, soldier.’ 
Cafiedo, Albino, soldier. ? 
Cafiedo, José Manuel, settler.? 
Cajiedo, Juan Ignacio, soldier.‘ 
Cafiizares, José, piloto.} 

Cano, José, artilleryman.* 
Cantua, Ignacio, soldier.? 
Capinto, José Ma., tailor. 
Capinto, Mariano, tailor. 
Carabanas, Joaquin, soldier.? 
Carabanas, Nicolas, soldier.? 
Caravantes, José Salvador, soldier.® 
Caravantes, Ventura, settler.* 
Carcamo, José, Cat. vol. 
Cardenas, Melchor, servant.? 
Cardenas, Cristébal, servant.! 
Cardenas y Rivera, Tadeo. 
Cariaga, Salvador, soldier.? 
Carlon, Hilario Ignacio, soldier.® 
Carnicer, Baltasar, padre.‘ 
Carranza, Domingo, padre.* 
Carrillo, Guillermo, soldier. 
Carrillo, Mariano, sergeant.} 
Carrillo, José Raimundo, soldier.! 
Carrillo, Anastasio José, child.’ 
Carrillo, Carlos Antonio, child.® 
Carrillo, Domingo Ant. Igna., child,‘ 
Carrillo, José Antonio E., child. 
Carrillo, Luis, sailor. 
Casasallas, Simon, Cat. vol.* 
Casillas, Juan Manuel.! 
Castaiieda, José.3 

Castafieda, José Ruiz, soldier.® 
Castelo, Agustin, soldier.! 
Castillo, José, phlebotomist.* 
Castillo, José, soldier. * 

Castre, Antonio, soldier.? 
Castro, Ignacio, soldier.? 

Castro, Joaquin, soldier.? 
Castro, José, servant.? 

Castro, Isidro.? 

Castro, José Macario, soldier.® 
Castro, José Simon J. N., child.® 
Castro, Mariano, soldier. 
Castro, Mariano de la Cruz, child.® 
Castro, Agapito, settler.* 
Castro, Francisco, settler. * 
Castro, José Joaquin, settler. 
Castro, José 8. T., child.* 
Castro, Simeon, settler. 


y 
‘ 


j 
— 
ss 
a 
oa 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Cavaller, José, padre.! 
Cayuelas, Francisco, Cat. vol.? 
Cayuelas, Francisco, soldier.’ 
Cayuelas, Pedro, soldier. 
Cervantes, Juan Pablo.! 
Cervantes, Guadalupe, soldier.‘ 


Cervantes, Pablo Victoriano, soldier.® 


Chabolla, Marcos, soldier.® 
Chabolla, Pedro R., child. 
Chabolla, José, child.4 
Chabolla, José Luis, child. 
Chabol!a, Salvador.* 

Chamorro, smith.? 

Chaves, José Mateo, settler.4 
Chaves, José, convict.4 
Chavira, José Antonio, settler. 
Chavira, Jose, convict. 
Cibrian, Pablo, soldier. * 
Cibrian, Leocadio, soldier. 
Cibrian, Pablo Antonio, smith. 
Ciprés, Marcelino, padre.* 
Cisneros, José, servant.? 

Clua, Domingo, Cat. vol.? 
Contreras, Luis, muleteer.? 
Contreras, José, soldier. 
Cordero, Joaquin Ignacio.? 
Cordero, Francisco.! 

Cordero, Mariano Antonio, soldier} 
Cordero, José E., child.? 
Cordero, Fermin, settler.* 
Cordero, Manuel, soldier.? 
Cordero, José Dom., child. 
Cordero, Miguel E., child.¢ 
Cordero, Pedro, settler.* 
Cérdoba, Alberto, engineer.‘ 
Cornejo, Casimiro, settler.* 
Cornejo, Casimiro, convict. 
Corona, Francisco, soldier. 
Coronel, Juan Antonio, muleteer.? 
Cortés, Juan Lope, padre. 
Cortés, José Antonio, soldier.® 
Cortés, Nicolas, soldier. 4 
Cortés, Nicolas Felipe, soldier.4 
Costansé, Miguel, engineer.} 
Cota, Antonio, soldier.! 

Cota, Pablo Antonio, soldier.! 
Cota, Manuel Antonio, child.? 
Cota, Roque, soldier.? 

Cota, Guillermo, sergeant.® 
Cota, Juan Ignacio, soldier.® 
Cota, Mariano, soldier.* 

Cota, Nabor Antonio, child.’ 
Cota, Bartolomé José, child.‘ 
Cota, Francisco Atanasio, child. 
Cota, José Manuel Ma., child.‘ 
Cota, José Valentin, child.* 
Cota, Juan Francisco, child. 
Cota, Manuel, soldier. 

Cota, Pedro Antonio, child.+* 
Crespi, Juan, padre.! 


Cruzado, Antonio, padre.! 

Cruz, Faustino José, soldier.® 
Cruz y Sotomayor, Juan, soldier.® 
Cuevas, Luis, settler.4 

Dandricu, Andrés, soldier. 
Danti, Antonio, padre.® 

Davila, José, surgeon.? 

Davila, Manuel, carpenter.’ 
Davila, J., soldier.’ 

Davila, José Antonio, smith.‘ 
Delgado, Alonzo, Cat. vol. 

Diaz, Joaquin, soldier.? 
Dominguez, Juan José, soldier.} 
Dominguez, José Dolores, soldier.? 
Dominguez, José Antonio, child.® 
Dominguez, José Ma. D., child.® 
Dominguez, Cristdbal, soldier. * 
Dominguez, José Antonio, child. 
Dominguez, José Asuncion, child.‘ 
Dominguez, José Francisco, child.‘ 
Dominguez, Remesio, setitler.* 
Duarte, Alejo Antonio, soldier.} 
Duarte, José Ma., soldier.! 
Duarte, Pascual.! 

Duarte, Francisco Javier, child. 
Duarte, Juan José, servant. 
Duarte, Leandro, soldier. * 

Ducil, Sebastian, Cat. vol. 
Dumetz, Francisco, padre.} 
Encarnacion, José, soldier.® 
Enriquez, Antonio, servant.’ 


Enriquez, Antonio Domingo, weaver.‘ 


Enriquez, Sebastian, child.* 
Escamiila, Antonio Santos, child.‘ 
Escamilla, José, soldier. * 
Escamilla, Tomas, convict. 
Escribano, Sebastian, Cat. vol. 
Fsparza, José Lorenzo, mechanic, 
Espi, José de la C., padre.* 
Espinosa, Antonio, soldier.? 
Espinosa, Joaquin, soldier. ? 
Espinosa, Juan, seryant.? 
Espinosa, Gabriel, soldier.’ 
Espinosa, José Miguel, soldier.® 
Espinosa, Salvador, soldier.’ 
Kspinosa, Tomas, soldier.® 
Espinosa, Cayetano, soldier. * 
Espinosa, José Gabriel 8.4 
Espinosa, José Ma. E., child.* 
Espinosa, José Pio, Cat. vol.* 
Espinosa, Juan Antonio J., child. 
Estévan, Pedrode S. José, padre.‘ 
Estévan, Antonio, sailor.! 
Estrada, José Bonifacio, soldier.? 
Estudillo, José Maria, soldier.‘ 
Fages, Pedro, lieutenant. 

Faura, José, padre.* 

Feliciano, Alcjo, settler.? 
Feliciano, Hilario, child. 

Félix, Claudio Victor.! 


735 


736 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Félix, Anast. Ma., soldier.? 

Félix, Doroteo, soldier.? 

Félix, José Vicente, soldier.? 
Félix, José Francisco, soldier. 
Felix, Juan José Ignacio, child.® 
Félix, Antonio Rafael, child. 

. Félix, Victorino, soldier.® 

Félix, Fernando de la T., child.4 
Félix, José, child. 

Félix, José Luciano, child. 

Félix, José Vicente Valentin, child. 
Félix, Juan.4 

Félix, Juan Jose de G., child.4 
T’élix, Leonardo Ma., child. 

Félix, Pedro Antonio, child. 
Fernandez, Gaspar Antonio, child.® 
Fernandez, José Rosalino, soldier. 
Fernandez, Pedro Ignacio, child. 


Fernandez, Rafael Ma. dela C., child. 


Fernandez, Victor, Cat. vol.4 
Fernandez, Gregorio, padre. * 
Fernandez, José Ma., padre.* 
Fernandez, Manuel, padre.‘ 
Feyjoo, José, soldier.* 

Ferrer, Pablo, Cat. vol.! 
Figuer, Juan, padre. 

Figueroa, Manuel, soldier.? 
Figueroa, Salvador Ignacio, child. 
Flores, Hermenegildo, soldier.? 
Flores, Victoriano, servant.? 
Flores, José Miguel, soldier.? 
Flores, José Maria, soldier.® 
Flores, José Teodosio, child.® 
Flores, Bernardo, settler. 
Flores, Diego.* 

Flores, Francisco, soldier. 
Flores, Isidro, soldier. 
Flores, José Ma. de la T., child.4 
Flores, Leandro José, child.4* 
Flores, Pedro, soldier. 

Font, José, lieutenant. 

Fontes, Luis Ma., soldier.® 
Fontes, Pedro, servant.? 
Fragoso, Luis Ma., soldier.® 
Fragoso, Rafael, Cat. vol.4 
Franco, Juan, servant.? 
Franco, José, convict.4 

Franco, Pablo, convict. 
Fuster, Vicente, padre.! 
Galindo, Nicolas, settler.? 
Galindo, Francisco A., child.? 
Galindo, José Rafael, child.? 
Galindo, Alejandro Fidel, child.® 
Galindo, José Leandro, child. 
Calindo, Juan Criséstomo, child.® 
Galindo, Claudio, Cat. vol. 
Galindo, José Carlos H., child. 
Galindo, Venancio, soldier. 
‘rallego, Cirlos, soldier.? 
(salvez, Diego, Cat. vol.4 


GAmez, Teodoro, soldier. * 
Garaicoechea, José, corporal. 
Garcia, Diego, padre.* 

Garcia, Felipe, smith.? 

Garcia, Francisco Bruno, soldier.? 
Garcia, Francisco Ma., child.? 
Garcia, Francisco P., soldier.? 
Garcia, José Reyes, child.? 
Garcia, Juan José, child.? 

Garcia, José Antonio, soldier.? 
Garcia, Pedro, settler. 

Garcia, Pedro Gonzalez, smith.‘ 
Garcia, Carlos Ma.* 

Garcia, José Antonio Inoc., child.‘ 
Garcia, José Hilario Ramon, child.4 
Garcia, José de las Llagas, child.* 
Garcia, José Ma. Cancio, child.‘ 
Garcia, José Ma. Desiderio, child. 
Garcia, Julian.* 

Garcia, Luz, soldier.+ 

Garcia, Nicolas, Cat. vol.4 
Garcia, Pedro Antonio, child. 
Garcia, Pedro Gonz., smith.* 
Garibay, Jose Joaquin, child.* 
Garibay, Vicente, soldier. * 
Garracino, Pedro, soldier.? 
Gerardo. (See Gonzalez G.) 
German, Cris. Ant., child.8 
German, Isidro, soldier.® 

German, Faustin J., child. 
German, Manuel Ignacio, child. 


‘German, Juan, soldier. 


German, Juan, child. 

Giol, José, servant.? 

Gili, Bartolomé, padre. 

Giribet, Miguel, padre.® 

Gloria, Jacinto, soldier.? 

Gloria, José Ma., soldier.? 
Gomez, Francisco, padre.! 
Gomez, Nicolas, settler.? 

Gomez, Francisco, soldier. 
Gomez, José Antonio, Cat. vol.4 
Gomez, Rafael, settler.* 

Gomez, Rafael, convict.4 

Gomez, Francisco, carpenter.$ 
Géngora, José Ma., soldier.} 
Géngora, José Antonio, child.? 
Gonopra, José Ma., soldier.* 
Gonzalez, Antonio Alejo., soldier.? 
Gonzalez, Inocencio, sailor.! 
Gonzalez, Cirilo, servant.? 
Gonzalez, José Antonio, soldier.? 
Gonzalez, José Romualdo, child.? 
Gonzalez, José Manuel, settler.? 
Gonzalez, Mateo Jacobo, child.? 
Gonzalez, Ramon.? 

Gonzalez, Nicolas, soldier.? 
Gonzalez, Alejandro, soldier. 
Gonzalez, Bernardo, soldier.” 
Gonzalez, Diego, lieutenant.’ 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 737 


Gonzalez, Felipe, soldier.® 
Gonzalez, José Eusebio, child.® 
Gonzalez, José Feliciano, soldier.® 
Gonzalez, Mateo Jacobo, child.® 
Gonzalez, Tomas, soldier. 
Gonzalez, Alejo., Cat. vol.4 
Gonzalez, Francisco, soldier. 
Gonzalez, Francisco, padre.4 
Gonzalez, José, Cat. vol.* 
Gonzalez, José Rafael M., child.4 
Gonzalez, Man. Ciriaco, child.4 
Gonzalez, Juan, soldier. 
Gonzalez, Pedro, mechanic. 4 
Gonzalez, Rafael, child.‘ . 
Gonzalez Gerardo, Rafael.! 
Gonzalez, José Leandro, child.4 
Goycoechea, Felipe, lieutenant.$ | 
Grajera, Antonio, lieutenant.* 
Grijalva, Juan Pablo, sergeant.? 
Guerrero, Juan José.! 

Guerrero, Joaquin, soldier.? 
Guerrero, José, servant.? 
Guerrero, José Antonio, soldier.? 
Guerrero, Julian, soldier.? 
Guerrero, Mateo, artilleryman.‘ 
Guevara, José, soldier.® 

Guevara, José Canuto, child.* 
Guevara, José Sebastian, child.4 
Guevara, Sebastian, Cat. vol.4 
Guevara, José Francisco, child.4 
Gutierrez, Ignacio Ma., soldier.? 
Gutierrez, Felipe, soldier.® 
Gutierrez, Manuel, servant. 
Gutierrez, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 
Guzman, Isidro, soldier.* 
Guzman, Juan Ma., child. 
Guzman, Toribio, soldier.® 
Guztinzar, Manuel, servant.‘ 
Haro, Felipe, Cat. vol.* 

Hechedo, José Francisco.* 
Henriquez, Antonio Dom., weaver. 
Heredia, Bernardino, soldier.? 
Heredia, José Bernardo, soldier:? 
Hernandez, José Rafael.} 
Hernandez, Vicente Antonio.? 
Hernandez, Justo, soldier.® 
Hernandez, Juan José Antonio, child.® 
Hernandez, Felipe, settler. 
Hernandez, Felipe, convict.‘ 
Hernandez, José Antonio, settler. 
Hernandez, José, convict.4 
Hernandez, J. José de la Luz, soldier. 
Hernandez, Antonio, saddler.* 
Hernandez, Juan Maria, saddler.4 
Hernandez, Juan, convict. 
Herrera, José, soldier. * 

Higuera, Joaquin, soldier.? 
Higuera, José Atanasio, soldier.? 
Higuera, José Loreto, child.? 
Higuera, José Manuel, soldier.” 


Hist. Cau., Vou, I. 47 


Higuera, Juan José, soldier.? 
Higuera, José Ignacio, soldier.? 
Higuera, Bernardo de la Luz, child.® 
Higuera, Juan José, child.® 
Higuera, Salvador, soldier. 
Higuera, Tiburcio, child.® 
Higuera, Tiburcio Javier, child. 
Higuera, Gregorio Ignacio Ma., child.‘ 
Higuera, Hilario. 

Higuera, José 1°, soldier. 
Higuera, José 2°, soldier.* 
Higuera, José Carlos Salv., child.* 
Higuera, José Gerdnimo, child.‘ 
Higuera, José Ma., child. 
Higuera, José Policarpo, child.* 
Higuera, José Antonio.‘ 

Higuera, José Joaquin.* 

Higuera, Manuel, soldier. 
Higuera, Nicolas Antonio. 
Higuera, Salvador, soldier. 
Horchaga, José Hilario, child.’ 
Horchaga, José Manuel, child.® 
Horchaga, Manuel, soldier.® 
Hores, José, settler.’ 

Horra, Antonio dela C., padre.* 
Hortel, Juan, Cat. vol.* 

Ibarra, Francisco, servant.? 
Ibarra, Andrés Dolores, child.® 
Ibarra, Gil Maria, child.? 

Ibarra, José Desiderio, child.’ 
Ibarra, Juan Antonio, soldier.’ 
Ibarra, -Ramon, soldier.® 

Ibarra, Albino, soldier.* 

Ibarra, Antonio, child. 

Ibarra, Calixto José Antonio, child. 
Igadera, José, con'vict.* 

Igareda, José Gordiano, setiler.* 
Iniquez, Juan, Cat. vol. 

Islas, Miguel, soldier. 

Isvan, José Albino, soldier.‘ 
Iturrate, Domingo 8., padre. 
Izquierdo, José, soldier.? 

Jaime, Antonio, padre.‘ 

Jaume, Luis, padre.? 

Jimenez, Francisco, Cat. vol. 
Jimenez, Hilario, soldier.4 
Jimenez, Pascual Antonio, child. 
Juarez, Francisco, soldier.® 
Juarez, José Joaquin, child.‘ 
Juncosa, Dom, padre.! 

Labra, Juan Antonio, soldier.! 
Ladron de Guevara, José I., soldier.* 
Landaeta, Martin, padre.* 
Lasuen, Fermin Francisco, padre.} 
Lara, José, settler.® 

Lara, José Sostenes, child.* 

Lara, Julian, soldier.‘ 

Lara, José Antonio Seferino, child. 
Larios, José Ma., soldier. 

Lasso de la Vega, Ramon, alférez.* 


738 


Leal, Isidro José, servant.? 
Leiva, Anastasio, soldier.? 
Leiva, Agustin, soldier.’ 

Leiva, José Andrés, child.’ 
Leiva, José Antonio Ma., soldier.? 
Leiva, Juan, soldier.® 

Leiva, Miguel, soldier.® 

Leiva, José Antonio.4 

Leiva, José Rafael, child.‘ 

. Leiva, Manuel Ramon, child. 
Leiva, Rufino, soldier. ¢ 

Leon, José Ma., soldier.? 

Leon, José Manuel, soldier.? 
Lima, José, soldier.’ 

Linares, Ignacio, soldier.? 
Linares, José de los 8., child. 
Linares, Mariano de Dolores, child.® 
Linares, Francisco, settler.* 
Linares, Ramon, soldier. 
Linares, Salvador, soldier.‘ 
Lineza, Miguel, Cat. vol.? 
Lisalde, Diego.* 

Lisalde, Félix, soldier,* 
Lisalde, Juan Crisos. Antonio, child. * 
Lizalda, Pedro Antonio, soldier.? 
Llamas, Antonio, Cat. vol. 
Lledo, Rafael, carpenter.‘ 
Llepis, José Mariano, servant.? 
Lobo, José, soldier.? 

Lobo, José Basilio, child.® 
Lobo, Cecilio. 

Lobo, Pedro.4 

Lopez, Baldomero, padre. 
Lopez, Jacinto, padre.* 

Lopez, Juan Francisco, soldier.? 
Lopez, Francisco, soldier.? 
Lopez, Ignacio Ma. de Jesus.? 
Lopez, Gaspar, soldier.? 

Lopez, Joaquin, soldier.? 

Lopez, José Ma., soldier.? 
Lopez, Luis, soldier.? 

Lopez, Pedro, servant.? 

Lopez, Sebastian A., soldier.? 
Lopez, José Antonio Gil, child.® 
Lopez, José Ma. Ramon, child.® 
Lopez, Juan José, child.® 
Lopez, Melchor, soldier.® 
Lopez, Juan, convict. 

Lopez, Cayetano, carpenter. 
Lopez, Claudio, soldier. * 

Lopez, Carnelio Ma., child.4 
Lopez, Ignacio, soldier. 

Lopez, Estévan Ignacio, child. 
Lopez, Juan José Trinidad, settler.* 
Lozano, Pedro, Cat. vol.4 

Lugo, Luis Gonzaga, soldier.? 
Lugo, Francisco, soldier, ? 
Lugo, Ignacio, soldier.? 

Lugo, José Ignacio, child.? 
Lugo, Seferino, soldier.? 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Lugo, José Antonio, soldier.® 
Lugo, Salvador, soldier.® 
Lugo, Ant. Ma., soldier. 
Linge, José, Cat. vol.# 

ugo, José Antonio, child.‘ 
Lugo, Juan Ma., child.¢ 
Lugo, Juan, servant. 
Lugo, Miguel, soldier. * 
Lugo, Pablo José, child.‘ 
Lugo, Ramon Lorenzo, child. 
Lujan, José, alférez.* 
Machado, José Antonio, child.’ 
Machado, José Manuel, soldier.® 
Machado, José Agustin Ant., child.‘ 
Machado, José Hilario. 
Machado, José Ignacio Ant., child.‘ 
Machuca, José, settler. 
Malaret, Domingo, Cat. vol.? 
Maldonado, Juan, Cat. vol. 
Mallen, Manuel, Cat. vol.* 
Manrique, Sebastian, soldier. 
Manriquez, Luis, soldier.? 
Manzana, Miguel A., Cat. vol. 
Marin, Antonio, Cat. vol. 
Mariné ySalvatierra, J., artilleryman.‘ 
Mariner, Juan, padre.® 
Mario, Tomas, soldier.? 
Marquez, Francisco Rafael, soldier.? 
Marquez, José, soldier.* 
Marron, Rafael, soldier.® 
Martiarena, José Manuel, padre.‘ 
Martin, Juan, padre.* 
Martinez, Luis Antonio, padre.‘ 
Martinez, Pedro Adriano, padre.‘ 
Martinez, Luis Maria, soldier.? 
Martinez, Toribio, soldier.? 
Martinez, Dionisio, servant.§ 
Martinez, José Ma., soldier.® 
Martinez, Juan Ignacio, soldier.® 
Martinez, Norberto, child.’ 
Martinez, Antonio, soldier.* 
Martinez, Bartolomé Mateo.‘ 
Martinez, Gregorio, artilleryman.‘ | 
Martinez, José, Cat. vol. 
Martinez, José Leocadio, settler. 
Martinez, José Ma., settler. 
Martinez, Manuel, Cat. vol. 
Martinez, Maximo.‘ 
Martinez, Maximo Ramon, child.‘ 
Martinez, Reyes.‘ 
Medina, José, artilleryman.‘ 
Mejia, Pedro. ? 
Mejia, Francisco Javier, soldier.® 
Mejia, Juan, soldier.® 
Melecio, José, soldier.® 
Mendoza, Manuel, soldier.? 
Mendoza, José de los Reyes, child.‘ 
Mendoza, Manuel, Cat. vol. 
Mendoza, Mariano, tilemaker.* 
Mendoza, Mariano, José, weaver.‘ 


~ 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Mendoza, Miguel, Cat. vol.4 
Mequias, Juan Alberto, soldier.® 
Mercado, Mariano, artilleryman.* 
Merelo, Lorenzo, padre.* 

Merino, Agustin, padre. 

Mesa, Nicolas Ma., child.? 

Mesa, Valerio, soldier. ? 

Mesa, Dolores, soldier.® 

Mesa, Ignacio, soldier.® 

Mesa, Juan Antonio, soldier.® 
Mesa, Luis Ma., child.’ 

Mesa, José Antonio, soldier. 4 
Mesa, José Julian Antonio, child.4 
Mesa, Juan José, servant. 
Miguel, José, padre.® 

Miranda, Juan Ma.., soldier, 
Miranda, Alejo, soldier.’ 
Miranda, Antonio, soldier.® 
Miranda, José Antonio, child.® 
Miranda, Apolinario, child.* 
Miranda, José Hilario, soldier.4 
Miranda, José Mariano, Cat. vol.4 
Miranda, José Santiago, child. 
Miranda, Juan Criséstomo, child. 4 
Miranda, Vicente Manuel, child.* 
Mojica, José Ma., settler.4 
Mojica, Vicente, settler.* 

Molas, José, Cat. vol.} 

Molina, Joaquin, settler.? 
Molina, Pedro, soldier. ? 

Monreal, José Antonio Nicolas, child. 4 
Monroy, José, soldier.* 
Montaloan, Laureano, soldier.’ 
Montaifia, Antonio, Cat. vol.} 
Montafio, Antonio, soldier.® 
Montero, Cesareo Antonio, child.§ 
Montero, Manuel, soldier.‘ 
Monteverde, Francisco, artilleryman.* 
Montial, Juan Andrés, soldier.® 
Moraga, José Joaquin, alférez.? 
Moraga, Gabriel, soldier.® 
Moraga, Vicente José, child.® 
Moreno, F. S., soldier. 

Moreno, Felipe Santiago, smith.‘ 
Moreno, Felipe, settler.® 

Moreno, José, settler.’ 

Moreno, Juan Francisco, child.4 
Moreno, Manuel, soldier. 
Morillo, José Julian, soldier.} 
Moumarus, Luis, Cat. vol.} 
Mutfioz, Manuel, mechanic.® 
Mugartegui, Pablo, padre.} 
Murguia, José Ant., padre.} 
Murillo, Loreto, soldier. ? 
Murillo, Francisco, carpenter.® 
Murillo, Juan, smith.’ 

Muruato, José, Cat. vol.4 
Navarro, José Antonio, settler.® 
Navarro, José Clemente, child.® 
Navarro, José Maria, child.’ 


739 


Nieto, José Manuel, soldier.! 
Nieto, Juan José Ma., child. 
Nieto, Manuel Perez, soldier.’ 
Nieto, José Antonio Ma., soldier.4 
Noriega, José Ramon, soldier.! 
Noriega, José Raimundo, soldier.? 
Noboa, Diego, padre.® 

Nocedal, José, padre.? 

Obaye, José Antonio, soldier.? 
Oceguera, Faustino, Cat. vol.4 
Ochoa, Francisco Javier.! 

Ochoa, Felipe, soldier.? 

Ojeda, Gabriel.! 

Olivares, José Miguel, soldier.? 
Olivares, José Francisco B., child.® 
Olivares, Pedro Alcantara, child.® 
Olivas, Juan Matias, soldier.® 
Olivas, Cosme.‘ 

Olivas, José Herculano, child. 
Olivas, José Lazaro Ma., child.* 
Olivas, José Nicolas, child.4 

Olivas, Pablo, settler. 

Olivera, José Ignacio, soldier. 
Olivera, Juan Marfa, soldier.! 
Olivera, Ignacio, servant.} 

Olivera, Antonio Lucas Ma., child.? 
Olivera, Diego Ant. de la Luz, child.§ 
Olivera, José Desiderio, child.® 
Olivera, José, soldier. 

Olivera, José Leonardo M., child. 
Olivera, José Ma. Matias, child.® 
Olivera, Maximo José, child.’ 
Olivera, Tomas Antonio, child.® 
Olivera, Higinio, soldier. 

Olivera, José Ant. Secundino, child. 
Olivera, Rosalina Ma., child.‘ 
Oliveros, Liicas. 4 

Olvera, Diego, servant.? 

Olvera, Francisco, servant.? 
Ontiveros, José Antonio, soldier.! 
Ontiveros, Francisco, soldier.’ 
Ontiveros, Juan de Dios, settler.* 
Ontiveros, Juan Ma.# 

Ontiveros, Pacifico Juan, child. 
Ontiveros, Patricio, soldier.* 
Ordmas, Cristébal, padre.® 

Oribe, Tomas C., soldier.® 

Orozco, José Manuel, servant.! 
Ortega, José Francisco, sergeant.? 
Ortega, Ignacio, soldier.? 

Ortega, José Francisco Ma., child.? 
Ortega, José Ma., soldier.? 

Ortega, Juan, soldier.? 

Ortega, Juan Cap. Ant. M. H., child.? 
Ortega, José Ma. Martin, child.® 
Ortega, Juan Cap , child.® 

Ortega, Miguel, servant.® 

Ortega, Francisco.‘ 

Ortega, José Miguel, child.4 
Ortega, José Quintin de los S., child.‘ 


740 


Ortega, José Vicente, soldier.4 
Ortega, Antonio, convict.* 

Ortega, Matias. 

Ortega, Miguel, Cat. vol. 

Ortel, Juan, Cat. vol.4 

Osequera, Faustino, soldier. 

Osio, José Ma., Cat. vol.4 

Osorio, José, artilleryman.* 
Osorno, Pedro, convict. 

Osuna, Juan Ismerio.! 

Osuna, Juan Luis, soldier.? 

Osuna, Miguel, tailor.’ 

Osuna, José J oaquin, soldier.® 
Osuna, José Ma. 

Osuna, Juan Nepomuceno, child. 
Otondo, Felipe, settler.? 

Pacheco, Juan Salvio, soldier.? 
Pacheco, Bartolomé Ignacio, settler.? 
Pacheco, Rafael, convict. 4 
Pacheco, Miguel, soldier.? 
Pacheco, Bartolo, soldier. 
Pacheco, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 
Pacheco, Ignacio, child.? 

Padilla, Juan, soldier.® 

Padilla, Jacinto, Cat. vol.4 
Pajarrales, settler.* 

Palafox, José, Cat. vol. 
Palomares, José Cristdébal, soldier. 
Palomares, José Ramirez, soldier.® 
Palou, Francisco, padre.} 

Panella, José, padre.* 

Parron, Fernando, padre.! 

Paterna, Antonio, padre.? 

Parrilla, Leon, lieutenant. 

Patron, Antonio José, soldier.? 
Parra, José, soldier.’ 

Parra, José, child.® 

Parra, José Antonio, settler.® 
Parra, José Miguel Sabino, child.’ 
Patifio, José Victoriano, soldier. 
Payeras, Mariano, padre.* 

Pedraza, José Antonio, settler.’ 
Pedro, José Antonio Ma.de8.T., child.? 
Pedro, José Francisco de S. T., child? 
Pedro y Gil, Rafael, storekeeper. * 
Pefia, Francisco Ma., soldier. 

Pefia, José Antonio, soldier.! 

Pefia, Gerardo, soldier.? 

Pefia, Luis, soldier. ? 

Pefia, Eustaquio, child.* 

Petia, José, artilleryman.* 

Pefia, Teodoro, Cat. vol.4 

Pefia y Saravia, Tomas, padre.} 
Pengues, Miguel Sobrevia, Cat. vol.? 
Peralta, Gabriel, soldier.? 

Peralta, Juan José, soldier.? 
Peralta, Luis Ma., soldier.? 
Peralta, Pedro Regalado, soldier.® 
Peralta, Hermenegildo Ignacio, child. 
Peralta, Juan.4 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Peralta, Pantaleon, child. 
Perez, Juan, captain of vessel.! 
Perez, Crispin, soldier.? 

Perez, José Ignacio, soldier.? 
Perez, Antonio Irimeo, child. 
Perez, Antonio Ma., child.4 
Perez, Estévan.* 

Perez, José Ma., soldier.* 
Perez, José Ma., convict. 
Perez, Juan Bautista, Cat. vol.4 
Perez, Luis, soldier.* 

Perez, Manuel, Cat. vol.4 
Perez Fernandez, José, alférez.* 
Perez de la Fuente, Pedro, settler. 
Pericas, Miguel, Cat. vol. 
Peyri, Antonio, padre.* 

Pico, Santiago de la Cruz, soldier.? 
Pico, Francisco Javier, soldier.’ 
Pico, José Dolores, soldier.’ 
Pico, José Ma., soldier.® 

Pico, Juan Patricio, child.8 
Pico, Joaquin, soldier.‘ 

Pico, José Antonio Bernardo, child. 
Pico, José Vicente, child. 
Pico, Mariano.* 

Pico, Miguel, soldier. 

Pico, Patricio, servant.‘ 
Pieras, Miguel, padre.} 

Pifia, Juan Maximo, soldier.® 
Pifia, Mariano, servant.® 

Pifia, Pedro Rafael, child.® 
Pinto, Juan Marfa, soldier.? 
Pinto, Pablo, soldier.? 

Pinto, Marcelo, soldier.’ 
Planes, Gerdénimo, Cat. vol.! 
Plenelo, Valentin, Cat. vol.? 
Pliego, José, settler. 

Palanco, José, soldier.® 
Pollorena, Pedro.? 

Pollorena, Juan, child.* 
Pollorena, Rafael Eugenio, child.* 
Portella, Francisco, Cat. vol.} 
Portol4, Gaspar de, governor. 
Preciado, Venancio, servant.® 
Prestamero, Juan, padre.} 
Puga, Joaquin, servant.” 
Puyol, Francisco, padre.‘ 

Prat, Pedro, surgeon.! 

Puig, Juan, sergt. Cat. vol.! 
Quesada, Manuel, soldier. * 
Quesada, Manuel, Cat. vol.4 
Quijada, Ignacio Ma., child.® 
Quijada, Vicente, soldier.® 
Quijada, José Nazario de la T., child. 
Quijada, José Lorenzo, child. 
Quijada, Simon, child. 
Quintero, Luis, settler.® 
Quintero, Clemente.* 

Quintero, Teodosio.* 

Quinto, Simon Tadeo.‘ 


* 


\ INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Ramirez, Francisco, soldier.? 
Ramirez, Bernardo, soldier.® 
Ramirez, José Antonio, carpenter.4 
Ramirez, José Guadalupe.4 

Ramos, José, smith.® 

Ramos, José, convict. 

Ramos, Pablo Antonio, child. 
Resa, Lorenzo, sailor. ? 

key, Cristébal, Cat. vol.4 

key, José, Cat. vol.4 

Rey, Juan del, soldier.* 

\ Reyes, Juan Francisco.! 

Reyes, Martin, soldier.? 

Reyes, Francisco, settler.® 

Reyes, José Jacinto, child.’ 

Reyes, José, convict. 

Reyes, José, saddler.* 

Reyes, Maximo Julian, child.4 

Rio, Francisco del.? 

Rioboo, Juan Antonio Garcia, padre. 
Rios, Feliciano, soldier. ? 

Rios, Julian, soldier.? 

Rios, Cayetano, child.® 

Rios, Silverio Antonio Juan, child. 
Rivera, Tadeo, soldier.? 

Rivera, Joaquin, stone-cutter.4 
Rivera, Salvador, stone-cutter.* | 
Rivera y Moncada, Fernando, captain.? 
Roberto, Justo, soldier.’ 

Roberto, Matias, child.’ 

Robles, Juan José, soldier.! 
Robles, Manuel Ma., soldier. ? 
Robles, José Antonio, settler.* 
Roca, Carlos Pedro José, child.4 
Roca, José, sergeant artilleryman.* 
Rocha, Juan Estévan, soldier.! 
Rocha, Cornelio, settler.* 

Rocha, Cornelio, convict. 

Rocha, José, Cat. vol.4 

Rocha, Juan José Lor., child.‘ 
Rochin, Ignacio, soldier.’ 
Rodriguez, Manuel, carpenter. 
Rodriguez, José, servant.? 
Rodriguez, Pablo, settler.? 
Rodriguez, Vicente, soldier.? 
Rodriguez, Alejo Maximo, child.® 
Rodriguez, Inocencio José, child.® 
Rodriguez, Joaquin, soldier.’ 
Rodriguez, José Antonio, soldier.® 
Rodriguez, José Fran. Ant. L., child.’ 
Rodriguez, José Ignacio, soldier.® 
Rodriguez, José de Jesus [., child.® 
Rodriguez, José Leon, child.® 
Rodriguez, José Ma., child.’ 
Rodriguez, Sebastian, child.® 
Rodriguez, Alejandro, child. 
Rodriguez, Felipe Antonio, child.* 
Rodriguez, José del Carmen S., child. 
Rodriguez, José Brigido, child.* 
Rodriguez, Juan, child. 


741 


Rodriguez, Juan Francisco, child.! 
Rodriguez, Juan de Dios, child.* 
Rodriguez, Manuel, cadet.* 
Rodriguez, Matias, servant.4 
Roman, José Joaquin, settler.* 
Romero, Antonio, servant.? 
Romero, Felipe, smith.? 

Romero, Anselmo José Ignacio, child.® 
Romero, José Domingo, child.* 
Romero, José Estévan, soldier.® 
Romero, José Ma. Basilio F., child.® 
Romero, Juan Maria, child.® 
Romero, Pedro, soldier.’ 

Romero, José Ant. Estévan, child. 
Romero, José Gregorio, child.4 
Romero, José Man. Secundino, child.‘ 
Romero, Juan Ma., soldier.® 
Romero, Luis, soldier.* 

Romero, Rafael, Cat. vol.4 

Rosales, Bernardo, muleteer.} 
Rosales, Cornelio, child.? 

Rosales, José Cornelio, soldier.4 
Rosalio, Eugenio, soldier.? 

Rosas, Juan Hstévan.? 

Rosas, Alejo, settler.® 

Rosas, Baltasar Juan José, child.® 
Rosas, Basilio, settler.? 

Rosas, Carlos, soldier. 

Rosas, José Alejandro, settler.’ 
Rosas, José Maximo, settler.’ 
Rosas, José Maximo, child. 

Rosas, Gil Antonio, child.* 

Rosas, José Dario, settler. 

Rosas, José, convict.‘ 

Rosas, José Antonio, child.4 

Rosas, José Antonio, soldier.4 
Rosas, José Antonio Doroteo, child.4 
Rosas, Leon Maria, child. 

Rosas, Luis Maria, child.*: 

Rubio, Ascensio Alvarez.} 

Rubio, Bernardo.! 

Rubio, José Carlos.} 

Rubio, Juan Antonio, soldier? 
Rubio, Carlos, soldier.’ 

Rubio, Fran. Ramon de la L., child.® 
Rubio, Mateo, soldier. 

Rubio, José Antonio, child. 

Rubio, Luis Ma., child.‘ 

Rubio, Rafael Felipe, child.‘ 
Rubiol, Francisco, Cat. vol.* 

Rubi, Mariano, padre.® 

Rueda, Pedro. . 

Ruelas, Fernando, soldier.} 

Ruelas, Francisco, soldier.® 

Ruelas, Venancio, Cat. vol.4 

Ruiz, Antonio Vicente.} 

Ruiz, Alejandro, soldier.? 

Ruiz, Juan Ma., soldier.? 

Ruiz, Diego Ma., soldier.? 

Ruiz, Francisco Ma., soldier.4 


742 


Ruiz, Efigenio, soldier.® 

Ruiz, Fructuoso Ma., soldier.® 

Ruiz, Juan Pedro Jacinto, child.§ 

Ruiz, Nervo Pedro. 

Ruiz, Pedro José.? 

Ruiz, Estévan, bricklayer.4 

Ruiz, Ignacio, soldier.* 

Ruiz, José Hilario, child. 

Ruiz, José Joaquin, child. 

Ruiz, Manuel, mechanic.* 

Ruiz, Santiago, mason.‘ 

Ruiz, Toribio, mason.‘ 

Saez, Nazario, settler.? 

Saez, Justo, soldier.’ 

Saez, Juan, settler.‘ 

Saez, Miguel.# 

Saenz, Ignacio, convict.‘ 

Sajo, José, soldier.’ 

Sal, Hermenegildo, soldier.? 

Sal, Ignacio Francisco, child.¢ 

Sal, Domingo, child.+ 

Sal, Meliton, child.* 

Salazar, Alonso Isidro, padre.‘ 

Salazar, Doroteo de la Luz, child.§ 

Salazar, Doroteo, soldier.® 

Salazar, José Loreto, soldier.® 

Salazar, Juan José, child.® 

Salazar, Miguel, soldier. 

Salas, Francisco, Cat. vol. 

Salazar, José Marcos, settler.‘ 

Salazar, José, convict.* 

Salazar, Miguel, soldier.‘ 

Samaniego, José Ma. Gil, soldier.® 

Samaniego, Pablo Ant. Nemesio, child 3 

Samaniego, Tiburcio Antonio, child.® 

Samaniego, José del Carmen, child.* 

Sanchez, Francisco Miguel, padre. 

Sanchez, Joaquin, servant.? 

Sanchez, José Antonio, soldier.? 

Sanchez, Juan, sailor.? 

Sanchez, Francisco, soldier.® 

Sanchez, José Tadeo, soldier.® 

Sanchez, José Segundo, soldier. 

Sanchez, José Antonio, child. 

Sanchez, Juan, soldier. 

Sanchez, Juan Ma., child. 

Sanchez, Vicente. * 

Sanchez, Vicente Anastasio, child. 4 

Sangrador, Miguel, tanner. 

Sandoval, Antonio, servant.? 

Sandoval, Gregorio Antonio, soldier.® 

Santa Ana, José Francisco, child. 

Santa Catarina y Noriega, M., padre.? 

Santa Maria, Vicente, padre.? 

Santiago, Juan José M., padre.§ 

Sarmiento, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 

Sarco, José Joaquin, artilleryman. 

Segundo, Angel, settler.* 

Segura, Gregorio, smith.’ 

Seiian, José Francisco de P., padre.§ 
y 


4 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Septlveda, Rafael, soldier.? 
Sepulveda, Juan José, soldier.? 
Septilveda, Francisco Javier, soldier.® 
Sepulveda, Enrique.* 

Sepulveda, Francisco Javier, child.‘ 
Septilveda, José Dolores, child.+ 
Sepulveda, José Enrique A., child.* 
Sepulveda, José de Jos Dolores, child.* 
Septilveda, Patricio.+ 

Sepulveda, Sebastian, soldier. 
Serra, Junipero, padre.? 

Serrano, Francisco, soldier.® 
Serrano, Leandro José, child.’ 
Serrano, José Maria, Cat. vol. 
Servin, José Isidro, Cat. vol.4 
Sierra, Benito, padre.? 

Silva, José, setiler.? 

Silva, Hilario Leon José, child.? - 
Silva, José Manuel, servant. ? 
Silva, José Miguel, soldier.? 

Silva, Juan de Dios J. S., child.® 
Silva, Rafael, child.’ 

Silva, Hilario Leon José, child.4 
Silva, José de los Santos, child. 
Silva, José Ma., child. 

Silva, José Manuel Victor, child.‘ 
Silva, Teodoro. * 

Sinova, José, soldier.? 

Sinova, José Francisco, servant.? 
Sitjar, Buenaventura, padre. 

Sola, Faustino, padre. 

Soberanes, José Ma., soldier.} 
Soberanes, Agustin, servant.? 
Soberanes, José Ma., soldier.? 
Soler, Juan, store-keeper.? 

Soler, Nicolas, captain.’ 

Soler, Pablo, surgeon.* 

Solis, Alejandro, soldier.? 
Solérzano, Francisco, soldier. 
Soldérzano, Juan, soldier.+ 
Solérzano, Juan Mateo, child.¢ 
Solérzano, Pio Antonio, child.‘ 
Somera, José Antonio F., padre.! 
Sorno, José Nolasco, settler. 
Sorde, José, Cat. vol.} 

Sotelo, Francisco Antonio, soldier.? 
Sotelo, José Antonio, soldier. ? 
Sotelo, José Gabriel, child. 

Sotelo, José Ma., child.’ 

Sotelo, José Antonio, child. 
Sotelo, José Ma. Tiburcio, child.¢ 
Sotelo, Ramon, soldier. 

Soto, Mateo Ignacio.} 

Soto, Alejandro, soldier.? 

Soto, Damaso, child.? 

Soto, Francisco José Dolores, child.® 
Soto, Francisco Ma., child.? 

Soto, Ignacio, soldier.? 

Soto, Isidro, child.? 

Soto, Francisco Rexis, soldier.® 


INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 


Soto, Guillermo, soldier.® 

Soto, Ignacio Javier. 

Soto, José Joaquin, child.’ 
Soto, Mariano, servant.® 

Soto, Antonio, settler. +4 

Soto, José Ma. Ant., child.4 
Soto, Juan. 

Soto, Miguel, soldier. 4 

Soto, Rafael. 

Soto, Tomas. 4 

Sotomayor, Alejandro, soldier,! 
Sotomayor, José Criségono., 
Sotomayor, José Doroteo. 
Suarez, Simon, lieutenant. 4 
Talamantes, soldier. 

Tapia, Felipe Santiago, soldier.? 
Tapia, Bartolomé, servant.? 
Tapia, Cristébal.® 

Tapia, José Bartolo, settler.’ 
Tapia, José Francisco, soldier. 
Tapia, Francisco, soldier. * 
Tapia, José Antonio, child. 
Tapia, Mariano, potter. * 
Tapinto, Mariano, tailor.‘ 
Tapis, Estévan, padre.® 

Tejo, Ignacio Antonio, Cat. vol.4 
Ticé, José Joaquin, sergeant Cat. vol.4 
Ticd, Fern. José Ma. Ign. M., child. 
Tobar, Albino, settler.4 

Toca, José Manuel, teacher. * 
Toral, José Perez, cadet.* 
Torres, Victoriano, settler.? 
Yorres, Narciso, Cat. vol.4 
Torres, Nicolas. 

Torrens, Hilario, padre.® 
Trasvifias, Antonio, soldier,! 
Trujillo, José, Cat. vol.4 

Ulloa, José Santos, smith. 
Uribes, Miguel, settler.* 
Ursetino, José, carpenter. ? 
Uria, José Antonio, padre.4 
Usson, Ramon, padre. 
Valderrama, José Cornelio, settler.* 
Valdés, Juan Bautista, soldier.? 
Valdés, Antonio Albino, child. 
Valdés, Antonio Ma. de Sta M., child.® 
Valdés, Eugenio, soldier.’ 
Valdés, José Basilio, child. 
Valdés, José Lorenzo, servant.® 
Valdés, José Melesio, soldier.’ 
Valdés, Juan Melesio, soldier.’ 
Valdés, Luciano José, child.® 
Valdés, Maximo Tomas, child. 
Valdés, Antonio.+ 

Valdés, Crecencio.4 

Valdés, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 
Valdés, Gregorio. * 

Valdés, José Rafael, child. 
Valencia, José Manuel, soldier.? 
Valencia, Francisco, soldier.® 


743 


Valencia, Ignacio.® ° 
Valencia, Juan Ignacio, soldier.® 
Valencia, Juan Vicente Cris., child.8 
Valencia, Manuel, settler.® 
Valencia, Miguel Antonio, child.§ 
Valencia, José Antonio, child.4 
Valencia, José Manuel, child.+ 
Valenzuela, Agustin, soldier.? 
Valenzuela, José Julian, child.? 
Valenzuela, Rafael, soldier. ? 
Valenzuela, Angel, soldier.® 
Valenzuela, Antonio Ma., child.’ 
Valenzuela, Gaspar José, child.® 
Valenzuela, José.’ 

Valenzuela, José Antonio Ma., child.$ 
Valenzuela, José Manuel, soldier.® 
Valenzuela, Antonio de Gr., child.‘ 
Valenzuela, Joaquin, child.* 
Valenzuela, José Antonio Ma., child.4 
Valenzuela, José Candelario, child.* 
Valenzuela, José Ignacio. + 
Valenzuela, José Rafael, child.* 
Valenzuela, Juan, soldier. * 
Valenzuela, Juan Angel, child. 
Valenzuela, Juan Ma., child. 
Valenzuela, Maximo.* 

Valenzuela, Pedro, soldier.* 
Valenzuela, Simeon Maximo, child.4 
Valenzuela, Vicente, soldier.* 
Valenzuela, Vicente Antonio, child. 
Valenzuela, José Ma., child.® 
Valenzuela, José Matias, child.$ 
Valenzuela, José Miguel, child.’ 
Valenzuela, José Pedro, soldier.® 
Valenzuela, José Ramon, child.’ 
Valenzuela, Segundo, soldier.’ 
Valero, Ignacio, soldier. * 

Vallejo, Ign. Vicente Ferrer, soldier,? 
Vallejo, Juan José, soldier.? 
Vallejo, José de Jesus, child. 
Vanegas, Cosme.* 

Varelas, Casimiro, settler.? 

Varelas, Juan, child.? 

Varelas, José Cayetano, child.§ 
Varelas, José Manuel, child. 
Varelas, Juan, soldier. # 

Vargas, Manuel, sergeant.® 
Vazquez, Gil Anastasio, soldier.? 
Vazquez, José Francisco, child.? 
Vazquez, Juan Atanasio, soldier.? 
Vazquez, Juan Silverio, child.? 
Vazquez, José Tiburcio, settler? 
Vazquez, Antonio, soldier. * 
Vazquez, José, convict.* 

Vazquez, Faustino.‘ 

Vazquez, Felipe. 

Vazquez, Félix.* 

Vazquez, Hermenegildo.* 

Vazquez, José Antonio Pablo, child.4 
Vazquez, José Timoteo, settler.‘ 


744 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 

Vazquez, Julio Ma., child.‘ Villa, José Antonio Doroteo, child. 
Vega, José Manuel, Cat. vol. Villa, José Francisco Antonio, child.‘ 
Vegas, Matias, soldier.? Villa, Pascual, soldier. * 

Véjar, Pablo, carpenter.‘ Villa, Rafael.* 

Véjar, Salv., carpenter. Villalba, Onofre, Cat. vol.4 
Velarde, José Jacobo, soldier.? Villagomez, Francisco, soldier.? 
Velarde, José Ma., soldier.® Villalobos, José, soldier.? 

Velarde, Agustin.‘ Villalobos, José Ma., child.* 
Velarde, José Luciano.* Villasefior, José, artilleryman.‘ 
Vegerano, José Ma., muleteer.? Villavicencio, Rafael, soldier. 
Velasco, Fernando, soldier. Villavicencio, José Antonio, child.? 
Velasco, José Ignacio Mateo, child. Villavicencio, Antonio, settler. 
Velazquez, José.+ Villavicencio, Félix, settler.’ 
Velazquez, José Ma., convict.‘ Villavicencio, Pascual, settler.* 
Velez, José Miguel, settler.? Villavicencio, José, soldier.* 

Velis, José, Cat. vol.4 Villarino, Félix Antonio, settler,‘ 
Verdugo, Joaquin. Villela, Juan Manuel, soldier.? 
Verdugo, José Ma., soldier.! Villela, Marcos, soldier. * 


* Verdugo, Francisco Ma. dela Cruz. Viiials, José, padre.* 
Verdugo, Mariano de la Luz, soldier.! Virjan, Manuel, muleteer.? 


Verdugo, Florencio, soldier.? Vizcaino, Juan, padre.} 

Verdugo, Ignacio Leonardo Ma,? Vizcarra, José, soldier. 

Verdugo, Juan Diego, soldier.? Yorba, Antonio, Cat. vol.! 
Verdugo, Juan Ma., soldier.® Yorba, Francisco Javier, soldier * 
Verdugo, Leonardo, soldier.® Yorba, José Antonio.* 

Verdugo, Manuel José, child.® Yorba, José Domingo, child.* 
Verdugo, Anselmo José, child. Yorba, Tomas. * 

Verdugo, Joaquin. Zambrano, Nicolas, soldier.? 
Verdugo, José Francisco, child.* Zayas, José Salvador, soldier.® 


Verdugo, Juan Andrés Dolores, child.* Zuiiga, Pedro B., child.? 
Verdugo, Julio Antonio José, child.4 Zufiiga, Pio Quinto, soldier.? 


Verdugo, Meliton José. Zufiga, José, lieutenant.® 
Verduzco, Anastasio Javier.} Zufiiga, José Antonio, child.® 
Viader, José, padre.* Zuiiga, José Valentin Q., child.® 
Victoriano, soldier. ‘ Zufiiga, Serapio Ma., child.® 
Vila, Vicente, captain of vessel.} Zufiga, Guillermo A., child.4 
Villa, José, settler. Zuiiga, José Manuel, child.* 
Villa, Vicente Ferrer, child.® Zuiiga, Ventura. * 


Villa, Eleuterio.* 





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